Structural conflict and consensus in Socialization

Explain the relevance of socialization from both the structural conflict and the structural consensus perspectives. Discuss the efficiency and the pitfalls of each approach in relation to youth work.

Both structural conflict and structural consensus theories approach the study of social life from a macro perspective, that is, both are concerned with the study of large-scale social structures, such as ideas and belief systems, and institutions, such as the family and education, in their attempts to examine and explain social life (Bilton et al. 1994: p. 10). From this perspective, a better understanding of a given society, and the relationships within it, can be gained through examining the function of social institutions and organizations in terms of the part they play in maintaining social structures within society. An example of this is the study of institutions which are agencies of socialization – for example the family and the media – to explore the part they play in the production and reproduction of social roles and values (Bilton et al. 1994: p. 12).

Socialization, then, is the process through which individuals ‘learn the ways of thought and behaviour considered appropriate in [their] society’ (Bilton et al. 1994: p. 12), and agencies of socialization function in both formal and informal ways to pass on to the next generation such norms of thought and behaviour. Much early socialization within the family is informal; children learn through observation and interactive experiences with siblings and adults around them the behaviour expected of themselves and others (Ibid). While there is also a degree of formal education within the family, it is within institutions such as schools that children gain much of their formal instruction of the roles and types of behaviour expected of young people in society.

The concept of socialization is a useful one and relevant to those working in a range of professional fields, and in particular to those working with young people. This will become more apparent as we now look in more detail at the differences between the structural consensus and the structural conflict approaches.

The key difference between structural consensus and structural conflict theories is that, broadly speaking, for consensus theories the values and norms of society that people learn through the process of socialization are ‘shared’ by all members of society; that is, there is an agreement, or a consensus about, and commitment to, the ideas and beliefs prevalent in society among individuals (Fulcher and Scott 1999: p. 49). Conflict theories, however, argue that, rather than there being a consensus about ideas and beliefs in society, social life is fraught with conflict among different members and groups in society as they struggle with one another to attain or maintain power and control (Ibid: p. 61).

This is obviously a simplistic outline of the core tenets of both approaches; however, it may begin to be apparent from this that both perspectives’ theories of socialization have potential relevance to individuals working with young people. A comparative analysis of both perspectives even at this stage reveals some of the issues encountered by formal and informal educators in this area. In relation to youth work, for example, a key issue for workers, it could be argued, is that of purpose. Is the proper purpose of youth work, as Mark Smith (1988: p. 106) has questioned, to ‘promote the welfare of individuals, serve to secure the reproduction of the means of production and existing power relations, promote community or what?’ Conflict theorists would argue that socialization of young people in areas such as youth work serves to secure existing power relations; consensus theorists would argue that it serves to promote the welfare of individuals and society as a whole.

Smith later concludes that ‘informal educators should be committed [in their work practice] to that which is right rather than that which is ‘correct”. However, without a good understanding of conflict and consensus theories, it would be difficult to make judgements regarding the difference in practice between that which is ‘right’ or ‘correct’. It will be argued later that there are, of course, limitations to the extent to which such knowledge is useful in practice, however, this essay will argue that a good understanding of the theories of socialization from the consensus and conflict perspectives can not only give us insight into issues faced by workers in this area, but also help our understanding of our own and our clients’ feelings and motivations, as well as the agendas and motivations of official institutions and agencies.

The questions of purpose and motivation are, it can be argued, very important ones, and are questions into which a study of socialization from consensus and conflict perspectives can give us good insight. In the area of youth work, knowledge and understanding of the above perspectives can lead to healthy questioning of government purpose and motivation when, for example, reviewing official documents such as the DfEE 2001 consultative paper on English youth work. This paper details the government’s key priority to help ‘keep young people in good shape’ (DfEE: 2001: p. 13). Much of what is written in terms of this priority appears to make good sense; for example ensuring young people have access to ‘a rich variety of personal growth experiences’ and helping them to make ‘informed choices [and] expand their potential’ (Ibid: pp. 13-14). However, as we shall see, closer analysis of elements of this, and indeed other, official documents and government policies reveal, when studied with knowledge of conflict and consensus theories, underlying official issues and agendas.

According to consensus theories, socialization into the cultural values and social norms of society is essential to the stability and cohesion of social structures (Fulcher and Scott 1999: p. 48). From this perspective, all individuals in society share a commitment to society’s values, ideas and beliefs. In general we all want the same things and agree that they are the right things to want, for example to secure good employment, achieve our potential, and to contribute to the community. While we may be socialized into such norms and values through formal and informal means, we nevertheless agree that they are right and just. The priorities set out in the DfEE consultative document fit closely with such ‘generally agreed’ aspirations. The document’s authors assert the need to develop ‘preventative strategies and actions which enable [young people] to make informed choices about a range of issues’ which include ‘avoiding crime, protection from drug or alcohol related dangers, preventing teenage pregnancies’ and others (DfEE 2001: p. 14). In order to make informed choices about such issues, young people will be able to discuss them with youth workers who have a key role in ‘keeping young people in good shape’ (Ibid) From a consensus perspective, the socialization of young people regarding these issues is unproblematic; society as a whole can only function effectively if all individuals are properly socialized into the agreed norms and values of society. From a conflict perspective, however, such strategies are not as unproblematic as they may at first appear.

While consensus theory sees society as being ‘held together informally by norms, values and a common morality’ (Ritzer 1996: p. 266) conflict theories argue that order in society stems from ‘the coercion of some members by those at the top’ (Ibid). As stated earlier, analysis of perspectives such as conflict theories can lead us to question the motivations behind official agenda setting, as well as those behind our own actions and those of others, and here, examining documents such as the DfEE paper, we may begin to question the motivation behind such apparently worthy intervention strategies. The question we may begin to ask, when viewing the world from a conflict perspective, is, in whose interests are the implementation of such policies and strategies? Youth workers and others working with young people do of course want to help young people to live happy and fulfilling lives, and help them to stay safe and well, however, questions can be raised as to whose primary interests some intervention strategies serve.

While the majority may well agree that a state of disorder in society is in no one’s particular interest, it is clear that it is certainly in the interests of those in positions of power and advantage to maintain order through effective socialization of individuals into the values and norms of society, in particular the values and norms of society that best suit their own interests. It is, to take what may be considered a more extreme view from the conflict perspective, far better to have good, hard-working, honest citizens paying taxes and refraining from crime, in particular property crime from persons with abundant wealth, than to have gangs of disaffected young people stealing money for drugs and falling pregnant in order to secure valuable government housing.

It may now be apparent, then, that comparative analyses of theories of socialization from the conflict and consensus perspective help give us insight and understanding when approaching issues affecting work with young people. The examples above hopefully show the efficiency of this analysis in relation to official agenda setting and policy, however, as mentioned earlier, knowledge and understanding of theories of socialization can also help workers in this area better understand issues facing themselves and their clients. An awareness of whose interests are being served in relation to practice performed by workers with their clients can only work to ensure continued practice evaluation. An understanding of the conflicts in values and norms which many young people may encounter can help workers when making judgements within their own practice with regards to what is ‘right’ as opposed to ‘correct’.

One example of the above could be the possible conflict experienced by young people between the values and goals seen by individuals around them, and perhaps by the young people themselves, as fair and just, and the means available to them to embrace such values or achieve such goals. Sociologist R. K. Merton’s (1938) theory of anomie addresses this experience of conflict, and suggests that if a society places great emphasis on achieving goals, and less on the appropriate means to obtain them, then an individual’s ‘commitment to approved means – and thereforeconformity to social norms – may be eroded’ (Fulcher and Scott 1999: p.49). Merton argues that the rift between culturally approved ends, and the means of attaining them, which he refers to as a situation of anomie, can result in individuals resorting to inappropriate means to achieve goals which they, along with the rest of society, agree are worthy. Here individuals have been effectively socialised into the norms and values of appropriate goal attainment, but not so successfully into the appropriate means by which to obtain them. From a conflict perspective, however, it could be argued that the social values placed on goal attainment, and passed on through socialization, do not necessarily serve the best interests of all members of society in the first place. The goal, for example, of buying a large house in an expensive neighbourhood will simply put more revenue the government’s way in terms of council tax than will a smaller property, as well as more revenue to mortgage companies, power suppliers and so on.

This essay has hopefully shown the relevance, and in the areas discussed, the efficiency of structural conflict and structural consensus perspectives in relation to youth work, however, as stated earlier there are obvious limitations to the extent to which such theories are of use in practice, not least because theories, while helpful, are more usefully conceptualised as tools to stimulate thought and discussion relating to policy and good practice. Finally, all theory is limited because the number of variables present in any given situation means that no theory can simply be taken as a model and then applied.

Bibliography

Bilton, T. et al., 1994. Introductory Sociology. 2nd edn. London: Macmillan.

DfEE, 2001. Transforming Youth Work. London: Department for Education and Employment/Connexions. Also available from: Smith, M. K. (2001) Good Purpose [online] Introduction. Available from: http://www.infed.org/archives/developing_youth_work/dyw6.htm

Social Issues In Sport

Sociology is the study of how society is structured and how people experience life through its processes, directly or indirectly. A basic understanding of social issues helps us to learn how these processes affect us in everyday life. Discussing social issues in sport can help us understand different sociological concepts and perspectives of sport in society. These sociological perspectives can help explain the underlying reality of sports organisations, participation barriers, influence on sport performance, and how to develop strategies to deal with social complexities. Such concepts include that of; functionalism, figuration, class and Bourdieu, conflict and Marxism. Functionalism is a perspective that examines society through a functional framework which stresses that everyone and everything, no matter how seemingly harmful or out of place, serves a purpose. Society is looked at on a macro scale so it generalises ideas toward the whole of society. For example they look at what education does for society as a whole not just certain people in society. Functionalists also believe that society is based on consensus or agreement that we are all brought up to agree on how to behave and what values are right and wrong. Functionalism could be described as the most generalized of the sociological perspectives. It does not distinguish between cultures and it cannot effectively explain change. It also assumes that all social groups benefit equally from sports. The functionalist viewpoint is a distinct contrast to that of figuration.

Figuration is a sociological concept that believes everyone is linked in groups of interdependence, such as schools, families and in the workplace. Sports games are seen as microcosms of social life. For example, a basketball match is in a constant state of flow, with ongoing tests of physical and mental balance between opponents. It suggests power exists only through interconnected relationships and that a stronger competitor still needs weaker opposition to be successful. Due to a more increasingly complex society, there is a greater need for social interdependency, therefore continuing the civilizing process. Unlike the Bourdieu theory, where there are distinct divisions between social classes.

The Bourdieu theory of class and classification evaluates the social world and expresses the division between classes, age groups and the sexes. It believes there is a highly complex system of social positions, structured and fighting for the ultimate goal of control over capital. The field is a competitive system of social relations in an area or place where there is a struggle for power between the dominant and subordinate classes. Capital may be categorized as social, cultural or economic. This sociological concept also explains the use of habitus, a conscious or unconscious train of thought stemming from social origins. It influences the way we act by our common preconceptions. Were it not for the influence of Pierre Bourdieu, the notion of class would be given surprisingly little individual attention in the sociology of sport. In contrast to this perspective, there is the theory of Conflict which resembles some of the conceptions of figuration.

Conflict theory and Marxism is a structural sociological hypothesis, structural meaning that our actions are determined by social forces and structures. Conflict theory explains society as a fight for authority, linking groups that are struggling for limited capital. Karl Marx was the socialist thinker behind conflict theory. He believed that capitalism would in due course be overtaken by communism. This Marxist based theory suggests that the social classes within society are in a constant fight to gain capital, and that the more powerful groups, usually higher class, use that power to exploit those with less power, usually the lower working class, in a bid to stay in control. This will now be discussed further, as a more detailed explanation into Marxism and Conflict theory will be given.

Karl Marx is best known as a philosopher, a revolutionary communist and a social scientist (Burke, 2000), whose works inspired the foundation of many communist regimes in the twentieth century. He believed that capitalism would ultimately be replaced with communism, a classless, stateless society. He thought that society consisted of two interconnecting parts; infrastructure and superstructure, each playing there part in the process. Infrastructure includes and signifies all the power of production. This includes method of production, labour force, the logical and physical abilities of workers and the organization of social classes. Infrastructure interlocks with superstructure, which is the foundation, and which refers to the different forms of societal consciousness, such as; ideology, religion, philosophy and the political structure. As Coakley (2002) reiterates, Marxist theory focuses on economic activities and relations, the infrastructure, and their impact on social institutions, such as politics and culture, the superstructure. Marxist theorists assume that social development is initiated through economic processes, in particular, any change in the system of production. The economic conditions of capitalism involuntarily generate social economic conflict between the owners of production and the workers; this is known as the class struggle for power. Marx believed that this exploitation would become conscious to the working class and unite the people, resulting in the elimination of the class struggle. Marx saw the upward rise of the working class as the driving force of its own freedom. It would be this working class, created and organized into an industrial workforce that would overcome its domination and lead in a society liberated from exploitation and oppression. What the bourgeoisie consequently would produce would be its own downfall (Burke, 2000). In his disapproval of the wage structure and the acceptance of the working class to live with it, Marx explained the need for false consciousness, used by the Bourgeois class and how social life influences consciousness. What Marx meant by this is that the ruling capitalistic class within society reap the benefits because it is very one sided.

Antonio Gramsci was one of the first Marxist theorists to work on the problems of major change in twentieth century western society and to recognize the importance of the battle against bourgeois values, such as an ideological cultural struggle (Burke, 1999, 2005). Marx claimed that one way to help release the stranglehold of the bourgeois on the proletariat was to remove control over education. He assumed that education had been used to reinforce class consciousness and the capitalists system of production and with power wrested from the bourgeoisie, the proletariat’s position would then be reinforced by the promotion of proletarian ideology through education (Carr, 1972). Marx felt that education, as a social institution that imparts values, and by the introduction of free education, this would guarantee a distribution of cultural opportunity. Therefore, no longer would education support class distinctions and capitalist ideology, although in today’s society it does still happen, with private schooling available to those with greater economic capital.

One of the main topics within the study of Marxism is the thought that all social changes result from conflict between existing classes in society. Marxists believe that the main ideology of each society is the ideology of the ruling class. Marx believed that this concept could be applied throughout all of history and would continue to exist, ultimately resulting in a proletariat revolution and the abolishment of all classes. Burke (2000) suggests that what Marx brought was to recognize that the existence of classes was made due to the production or economic structure and that the proletariat, a new working class that capitalism had shaped, had a historical capability in helping toward the collapse of all classes and to the construction of a classless social order, resulting in the creation of communism. Berger (1982) also shows that “history is based on unending class conflict” just as Marx stated. In contrast to this view, Boyne (2002) suggests that class appears to be less noticeably determinant of social action now than was the case just a quarter of a century ago, and that it has even been overtaken in the ranks of social structural influences by ethnicity, economic geography and gender. Marx’s view was complete economic sight. The two classes have interests in common; therefore they are in conflict with those of a whole other class. This is turn leads to conflict between individual members of different classes (Berger, 1982). In addition, Marx did not recognise other systems of classification. The Marx’s perspective only views the classes between employer and employee as a substantial system of classification, and others like; religion, race, and nation, are not included. The reasons behind this being that, Marx believed these social influences were not natural or useful to humans.

It is in the relationship between work and sport that socialist sport theorists draw a strong association. A basic physical relationship is seen between work and sport, in so much that fundamental forms of work activity are repeated in the motor movements of sport. Although the technical development of society is now at a stage where elite sport as a preparation for productive work is no longer necessary in the manner that Marx envisaged it, the approach supporting the relationship between production and sport still exists even though a certain degree of independence is now granted to sporting activity. Through these similarities, sport was used as a capitalist control tool. As shown by Delany T and Madigan T (2009), Karl Marx said that “religion is the opiate of the masses”, this is means that Marx saw religion as a way of dulling the pain of reality by encouraging a feeling that no matter how oppressed of unfulfilled the working class may be, there will be a joyous afterlife for those who endure such inequalities on earth. Since then, a Marxist perspective from Hoch (1972) said that, “Five generations ago, Karl Marx called religion the opiate of the masses. Today that role has been taken over by sports”. He suggested that people were more concerned by baseball and football scores than the Vietnam War at the time. Both views relate, as both are social institutions within society, and the realisation that sports is in the age of the spectator and consumer, giving an escape from reality that some people crave during everyday life.

The bourgeois as a social class, is defined by Marx as those with ownership of capital and power. Therefore, they do not agree with the Marxism concept, simply because a communist society would not be beneficial to them in anyway, showing that those with power and influence do not wish to share or lose it.

Sport, just like society, is an ever changing institution that has grew and moved on with the times. Sport is not the same kind of activity in the advanced capitalist societies of the late twentieth century as it was in the pre-capitalist societies of the seventeenth century. As Jones (1988) states, in the early stages of industrialisation sports was a diversion, but more than that, it was linked to rules and hierarchies of an established social order, as well as often a release from them. The society reinforcing sport was very different to today’s democratic interests and commercialised lifestyle. By the twentieth century football has become structured and pacified, despite the hooligan element. It has become a spectator sport, controlled on a national basis and is a fundamental aspect of today’s consumer culture. It is a necessary distraction in their lives. For millions of people, participation in sport offers an escape from the hard work of everyday life, and something that they benefit from. For many others, watching sport live or more so these days, on television, gives both a release from workday stresses and allows a straightforward and easy identification with sports athletes or sports clubs which offer them satisfaction in their lives.

Football related disorder, or what it is more commonly known as, football hooliganism, is a kind of behaviour ranging from verbal abuse and aggressive posturing through to rioting and even murder. Such things have been a regular topic of many books, DVD’s, web sites, digital games, features films and documentaries in the UK over the last two decades. Although this subject has been portrayed in many ways in recent history, it is a very real concept, and can be explained by many theorists relating to sociological issues. As shown by (Dunning, E. Murphy, P. Williams, J. 1986) the early works of Ian Taylor, from a Marxist point of view, states that the rise of the football hooligan stems from the boursification and internationalisation of the game, and that clubs used to be the working man’s voice or resistance movement against the middle class groups seeking to gain control and to implement their middle class values on society. It was believed that spectacularisation of the game through pre match shows, better seating and increased commercialisation alienated the working class fans. A largely similar approach was developed by Clarke (1978), he argued that hooliganism originated in the way in which the traditional forms of football watching encounter the professionalization and spectacularization of the game, saying it was a consequence of the changing relationship of its audience and the game. He also believed that due to some sub cultural differences, young working class males needed to resolve essential conflict in their lives, so in turn choose hooliganism.

Over recent years, professionalism has been increasingly associated with sporting organisations. Clubs and sporting organisations must perform well financially, or at the very least remain viable, if they want to survive in the highly competitive world of commercialised sport. Elite sport has developed into a business that demands nothing less than specific, professional preparation. As Shilbury and Deane (2001) suggests, institutions must now conform to commercial process of professionalism, which give emphasis to minimalist inputs, business decision making and a keen awareness of the financial interests of the shareholders.

Wilson. B (2007) argues that sport has become increasing globalised and transnationalised to a point where it is possible to analyse a team or individual athlete from any country in the world and be constantly updated of their activities, even from the side of the planet. He also points out the effects that it has on the sport related cultures around the world, not to mention the increasingly realized potential and means of promotion of a capitalist agenda. This shows the capability of the media and the internet to internationalise or globalise almost any brand, allowing a capitalist ideology to be explored globally.

In sport today there is an unhealthy and unequal distribution of resources, this can easily be seen when comparing economic growth between sports in Britain. For instance, football in Britain far exceeds any other sport in economic growth and in media coverage. You only have to look at the sports section in almost any newspaper in the UK, to see that is dominated by football. This is especially true when you consider the number of games broadcasted across television and the increasing need for internet streaming, all of which results in a huge financial difference between football and other sports in the UK.

Burke (1999, 2005) suggests that Gramsci identified two rather distinct forms of political control, domination and hegemony. The domination refers to direct physical force by authorities, and hegemony, which referred to both ideological control and more importantly, consent. He assumed that no rule, regardless of how authoritarian it might be, could sustain itself continuously through state power and force. In the long run, it had to have popular support and legality in order to maintain stability. Even in real life today, the capitalist governing body are desperately seeking a revival to the current economic crisis, and are looking to economic business for recovery. As Woods (2009) proposed, the governing class are concerned about the social and political effects of the economic situation. That’s why they invest huge sums of money into the economy, which creates exceptionally large levels of debt. As people know, sooner or later these debts must be repaid, and that in itself is a recipe for an enormous crisis in the future.

The theory of class conflict explains the human social history between two classes, the exploiting and the exploited. As Marx explained, in the interests of the bourgeois, ownership of the means of production enables them to employ a system of exploitation to a large mass of wage workers, the proletariat, and usually out of necessity the workers go along with this system as they have no means of livelihood other than to sell their labour to the property owners. Marxists argue that new wealth is created through work, therefore if someone gains wealth that they did not work for, and then someone else has to work for it and they do not receive the full wealth created by their work. In other words, that someone else is exploited. This is how the capitalist bourgeois might turn a large profit by exploiting workers. An example of this is shown in work by Hickman (2010) where it is suggested that many of today’s top brands such as; Nike, Puma and Adidas, were found to be exploiting low wage labour workers from developing countries to a means of economic production. This can also be shown in sport through the form of child labour, which gained a lot of attention recently when extensive media coverage reported that sporting goods manufacturers were using underage child labour in a range of developing countries, the children were paid much less than the minimum wage and were used to manufacture footballs and football merchandise. The news was extremely damaging to the sporting goods industry, especially because the children would never have the chance to use any of the equipment manufactured in the factories. This evidence shows that children are being openly exploited in the sports industry and that large divisions of the industry remain unregulated. As shown by Keys (2010), child exploitation has been ongoing since the late eighteenth century, just to sustain the capitalist class and produce their economic surplus value.

The theory of Marxism does contain strengths and weaknesses in relation to today’s society. As is derived from Marxist principles, the increase in production in all areas of socialist life is extremely important to the success of socialism. Physical education contributes effectively towards increasing the total work output of the socialist community. The progressive development of socialism depends upon the socialist consciousness of each individual. Sport provides a good means for the development of political assurance because of the possibilities it provides for social training. Marxism can be also be viewed in a good light simply because some people, like to know there place in society as it gives them a sense of the order of things, it also gives good opportunity for personal growth. Although, the Marxist concept does show a number of weaknesses, especially as some of their views may be outdated in today’s society. The industrial proletariat described by Marx is undeniably a threatened species, particularly in western societies, in which heavy manual labour is increasingly a thing of the past. To the extent that most adults can be described as workers in terms of their relationship to the means of production, Marx’s original understanding of the idea of a working class becomes less tenable. Students relate how their parents have worked all their lives. That they also earn large amounts of money and acquire considerable social status from their occupations, so this does not necessarily invalidate the claim that they are, workers. The Marxist perspective also ignores the possibility that spectatorship or participation in sport can empower individuals within capitalist societies. Furthermore Marxism only gives an exclusive focus on economic factors and underplays the significance of non economic types of conflict, for example; gender, race, age, sexual orientation and ethnicity.

Socialisation Is A Fundamental Sociological Concept Sociology Essay

Socialisation is a fundamental sociological concept as it is the way we learn to be a functioning part of the society we are in, how to become a member of the group. Socialisation starts from the moment we are born and there are many arguments that help to show how such socialisation is a continuous process. It continues throughout our lives to help us fit into and be accepted into the many groups within society that we encounter during our lifetime or to just adjust to the changes in our existing community. Although an Important social topic that affects all members of society at one time, widespread mainstream literature concerning gender socialisation is difficult to come by.

As mentioned, socialisation starts from the day we are born, the very start, so to help understand socialisation as a whole, developing an understanding of some of its parts is helpful. For this piece of work I shall be focusing on gender socialisation and the impact it has on an individual’s socialisation into society. The concept of gender socialisation helps us to understand how the notion of gender, what is expected of individuals as males and females in society and how much it matters. Throughout examining literature for this topic I hope to gain a better understanding of what academic sociologist have to say on this topic. The aim is to try to Identify important factors that impact gender socialisation and what literature is current on a similar topic. Has there been a change in attitude to such gendered socialisation and the idea or construction of gender? What are these and how are these developing; I.e. gendered parenting/modern schooling? I also would like to explore nature vs. nurture/boy vs. girl/male vs. female. What are these titles and how are they explained in a sociological way. I hope to gain a greater concept of gender theories and what is already known about my chosen topic.

To help to develop my understanding of sociological explanations for gender socialisation I have approached several academic texts to help guide and aid my understanding. The first book that I revised is The Paradoxes of Gender (1999) by Judith Lorber. Written by Feminist and sociologist Lorber I found that this book challenges the basic idea we may hold of gender and its construction. Lorber argues that gender is a social fact constructed wholly by socialisation. Lorber also notes that gender is also a social institution, comparable to religion, the economy and the family as with it follows consequences and social significance. As a feminist Lorber’s work focuses on the need for gender and how it is an inevitable fact that is important not only for the identity of an individual but also for society’s construction. While I initially focused on Lorber’s Text for a main point of reference I also followed up with works such as Women, Men and Society (1999) Renzetti and Curran, The Gender Trap (2012) Emily W Kane. These texts form the primary reading for this lit review. I supplemented these with more classical theory books such as Marx, Weber, Durkheim and Classical Sociological theory (2006)

What is gender socialisation?

There are many different theories of how gender socialisation happens and how/when it occurs. To help understand gender socialisation, an attempt at a definition is helpful. In its simplest form gender socialisation is how an individual learns and accepts the expected gender norms and values of the culture and society they are born into. Through this education they begin to develop a sense of identity and their ideas of gender become internalised and guide their behaviour. The Paradoxes of Gender (1994) attempts to explore all areas of Gender and the influences they have on gender identity and wider gender influences.

To help with gender socialisation there are ideas within the wider concept that help to make up a person’s gender socialisation. Lorber sees Gender norms as a set of ‘rules’ appropriate for males and females; they are a set of expectations these expectations help to dictate how men and women are labelled, and therefore how they should behave. The ‘rules’ and expectations follow on to become internalised and help to forma gender identity, which leads us to the second point highlighted to help gain an understanding of gender socialisation; Gender identity. Sociologists make a clear distinction between gender and sex. A persons ‘sex’ is biological determined and gender is culturally learnt. Gender identity goes beyond just recognising the physical biological gender characteristics belonging to male and female and identifying them from each other. Gender identity is in fact an internal personal conception of how an individual view themselves as male or female. ‘Gender cannot be equated with biological and physiological differences between human males and females. The building blocks of gender are socially constructed’. (Lorber 1994:17)

How gender socialisation impacts Individuals life choices.

Gender socialisation impacts all areas of social life and therefore does in fact make it an important topic of study. The way an individual is socialised in terms of their gender has an overall impact on daily life including that of social self, self-concept and the way we conduct personal relationships with others and the perceptions we make. Family, friends, social peers and outside uncontrollable sources are all agents through which socialisation occurs. Religion, mass media education and pop culture are becoming ever increasingly influential over socialisation and how an individual views themselves in respect to their gender. Boys and girls are treated different right from birth, this treatment is often primarily from members of their own environment, such as their parents, siblings and extended families, and the way they are treated helps them to learn the distinction between being male or female. ‘Most parents create a gendered world for their new-born by naming, birth announcements and dress. Children’s relationships with same-gendered and different-gendered caretakers structure their self-identifications and personalities’ (Lorber 1994:25).Similar to The Paradoxes of Gender (2004), Men, Women and Society (2002) also addresses the many aspects of what we see as gender. One of the most interesting research topics explored in this book is the concept of how outside choices influence a child’s gender socialisation. This is quite often transmitted through simple gestures such as the selection of gender based toys or giving a child a gender based task ‘Research does show that children express gender based toy preferences as early as one year of age, but their toy ‘choices’ may have been inspired even earlier by parental encouragement’ (Renzetti and Curran1999;74). These seemingly insignificant acts do in fact play a large part in the socialisation of children, and as a result how they develop their gender identity, and therefore their ender socialisation. A common theme throughout all the literature based around gender, explore varying influences on what is gender and how it constructed.

Nature vs Nurture vs gender identity.

An influential and on-going debate amongst sociologists is the argument of the importance of nature vs. nurture in terms of gender socialisation. This ever evolving debate attempts to discover how a biological identity differs over individuals social surroundings to develop a gender identity. A biological and genetic gender identity fuels the ‘nature’ area of debate whereas society and external influences help to form the idea of ‘nurture’. Many argue that to efficiently form an active gender identity, there must be a significant influence from either nature or nurture, but the question continues as to which is more influential, if either. In the Journal article The Nature of Gender Udry attempts to distinguish between what is sex; and what is gender. ‘Gender is the relationship between biological sex and behaviour; a theory of gender explains the relationship. A gendered behaviour is the one that defines sex’ (Udry 1994;561). This idea and the theme of this article help to highlight my initial argument about discussing how gender is a social construction. Sex is a given but a person’s gender can be perceived differently dependant on how they behaviour. My project will attempt to further this idea by looking into how this behaviour is shaped and learnt.

Children start to come into contact with such norms that define what it is to be masculine or feminine. What is acceptable or unacceptable behaviour is placed upon them in both conscious and unconscious ways. Young boys are taught not to show high emotion, to be strong and powerful whereas girls are showed how to be forgiving, docile and ‘ladylike’. If a child shows to be going against such expected ‘norms’ then there is the chance that they can expected to be ostracised from their community or culture, or treated badly. In exceptional circumstances some cultures limit access to basic human rights such as nutrition health care. The treatment of genders in some cultures can also help to reinforce a separate gender identity, for examples in many third world cultures, girls have both different legal and ethical access to education so therefore go on to expect to be treated differently from boys, all based on their gender identity. Toy selection and clothing although seemingly innocent can in fact play a crucial part in gender socialisation. ‘Clothing plays a significant part in gender socialisation. As children become mobile, certain types of clothing encourage certain or discourage particular behaviours or activities’ (Renzetti and Curran 2002; 70) by this Renzetti and Curran refer to the idea that the way a child is dressed can influence their expected gender identity. For example a female child dressed in a soft, flowing or lace detailed dress would be expected to behave more soft and gentle compared to a male child in Denim jeans who would be accepted for rough and tumble behaviour.

The Psychological and Biological explanations for gender.

To develop a greater understanding of sociological explanations for gender socialisation it is also important to compare and contrast the arguments raised to those of another discipline. As Urdy notes it is important to consider new schools of thinking as social science stems from such thoughts. It is also impossible to study ‘gender’ without noting the biological differences of human beings. ‘Gender has biological foundations’ (Udry 1994 ; 571)

One of the most prominent theories about gender acknowledgement comes from the school of psychology. Sigmund Freud’s work focused on the importance of childhood and the experience that children experience that children gain throughout it, especially in relation to their gender. Freud noted that gender development is an unconscious experience that occurs through forming a bond with a parental figure. Although this project will focus on primarily the sociological explanations for gender socialisation many texts touch upon further academic disciplines who discuss the construction of gender. It is therefore important to include such references into my project, due to the reference through the literature I have reviewed.

Society’s expectations.

Society’s expectations of male and female positions within society have also changed over time. Throughout this project I hope to investigate the suggestion that societies tolerant of the changing gender of identity of females has become more positive. A rise in females in the workplace, taking on stereotypical male occupations (fire fighter, police force, and, engineer) and asserting dominance in regards to their position throughout society. Family socialisation can be seen to encourage female children to display characteristically ‘male’ but male children are often scorned from displaying any stereotypical female behaviour. Girls are accepted even if they prefer to play with male orientated toys, if they were trousers or show an interest in ‘rough and tumble’ but if a male child played with baby dolls or wore a dress may experience more negative reaction from society. ‘Parents, through primary socialisation, can be seen to be more likely to encourage their daughters to these masculine qualities then allow their sons to display feminine qualities’ (Van Volkon 2003) Here Van Volkon gives weight to the importance primary socialisation, through their family can have on a child. The role of women is seen to be changing in contemporary society, but does this mean that the main social gender identity is getting left behind?

Conclusion.

Looking at gender sociologically helps to reveal societal and cultural proportions of something that is generally thought of as biologically fixed. It helps us to understand how individuals are in a new viewpoint and to help raise and in the end answer new issues and debates surrounding gender. Throughout this project I hope to uncover answers to sociologically questions such as is gender culturally learnt? I am also interested in uncovering how important, or how much influence the family have on gender socialisation, especially in relation to children and childhood. To help with this the work of Emily Kane in The Gender Trap (2012) has proved useful. By conducting Interviews and observations of families, parents and children this literature helps to give empirical backing to the texts I have read throughout this review.

Gender socialisation and how it is understood is an ongoing sociological question. Above is a brief overview of what literature I have found useful to attempt to study the subject of gender socialisation. As society can be seen as every changing I am interested in what such change, if any has on the construction and notion of gender. As understood throughout the literature reviewed modern institutions, such as education and the family, have great influence on society and how its individuals are taught how to ‘fit in’. Ideas and the construction of gender are constant with more radical forms of socialisation occurring i.e. gender neutral parenting and its societal impact. Not all the literature I have come across has proved useful to my project research, but this has allowed me to learn mistakes that previous research uncovered and helped to give my research direction and fresh thinking for future research. Throughout wider reading, I have concluded that using more contemporary sources and academic texts helped to give my research weight and productive reference.

Introduction.

The aim of this paper is to examine the influence that family has on gender development and the socialisation process. It will focus on how family influence can affect the construction of gender identity in children from birth through to the first year in primary schooling, around 5-6 years of age and also how the process of socialisation impacts parents. I shall attempt to examine both primary and secondary influences that can shape the gender identity of a family.

The first part of this paper shall look at how becoming a parent can force an individual to have an influence on the gender identity of another and how this process may change their existing gender identity. Secondly this paper shall attempt to examine how the primary socialisation process impacts female children compared with male children.

Society and its actors view the world through a series of lenses: those lenses can include class, race, age and gender. Society is full of stereotypes and the expectations that come with them. Social actors have little choice but to be subjected to learning these expectations and to submit to the influence they have on their personal identity. From childhood to adulthood our identity is constantly being reinforced as to what our culture and society wants and sees as acceptable. These stereotypes are expected of everyone but in fact may not be fair to all members of society. As they move through childhood, children are influenced by those that they interact with and are taught right from birth what it is to be a ‘successful’ member of society.

To understand the sociological concept concerned with the construction of gender, it is important to comprehend first of all the factors that influence one’s gender construction. The continuing aim of this paper is to show that it is possible to identify different areas of gender socialization, which vary in their impact on children and those around them, which are essential to build up a gender identity. The best way to understand the concept of gender is to gain a basic knowledge of the concept it. From a structural perspective, gender is seen as the division of individuals within a society into contrasting and complementary social categories; ‘boys’ and ‘girls’ into ‘men’ and ‘women’. In this conceptualisation, gendering in the process and a gendered social order can be seen to be the product of some kind of social construction (Lorber, 1994).

Gender based norms can be defined as what we expect from males and females within society whereas gender stereotypes can be seen as how a society generalizes these expectations. Gender based stereotypes are generally first thought of being taught in the home, which are later reinforced by peer interactions, education and schooling, as well as widespread media contact. It can be seen that the family unit does in fact have the largest influence on a child’s gender development. Their family members, parents in particular, overtly and covertly teach their child gender roles and reinforce the ideas of gender that they hold about themselves. Both socialisation, primary and secondary, cultural expectations and given biological attributes are all seen to influence an individual’s gender identity and as a result has a significant effect on their personal identity.

Vuorinen & Tuunala, (1997) noted that ‘Socialisation is the process, through which the child becomes an individual respecting his or hers environment’s laws, norms and customs.’ (pg45) From this, socialisation can be seen as a fundamental sociological concept and therefore is an important area of analysis. It is the way that individuals learn to be a functioning part of society and how to become an accepted member of the social group in which they are living amongst. Socialisation starts from the moment we are born and it is seen as a continuous process. It carries on throughout our lives, to help us fit and be accepted into the many groups within society that we encounter during our lifetime or to simply adjust to the changes in our existing community. The ‘educational’ function that Murdock refers to, can also be termed ‘socialisation’. The family has the responsibility of transmitting a society’s way of life, norms and values to the younger members. This function is an important one as, without culture, the society could not survive, and too much deviation from the norm would disrupt the stability of the society.

Classical sociology has also be long concerned with the process known as socialisation. Talcott Parsons (1959) has written about the functions of the family and identified two functions that he perceives as being ‘basic and irreducible’. For Parsons, the family provided primary socialisation of children and as a result, produced the stabilisation of the personalities within adults amongst wider society. [Haralambos & Holborn, 2000, p.509]

How children become socialised into different characters can be based on their sex. Through this more focused form of socialisation, boys and girls are repeatedly taught what it means to be male or female and what gender roles will be expected of them is termed gender socialisation (Giddens, 1993). Although it is an important social topic that affects all members of society at one time, widespread mainstream literature concerning gender socialisation is difficult to come by.

There are many different theories of how gender socialisation happens and how or when it occurs. The two main theories I shall touch upon within this paper are social learning theory and as a follow on to this, social identification theory. These two theories are concerned with the development of gender identity and attempt to explain how the environment around an individual can influence their personal and social gender identity. Social learning theory proposes, established by Bandura (1971) that both gender identity and gender role are learned through a process including observation, imitation, punishment and reinforcement. On the other hand, social identification theory developed by Tajfel and Turner (1979) as a response to Bandura is based upon the notion that an individual portrays certain behaviours or an identity that reflects the social group to which they belong, to help them adapt and adopt the ways of the group.

In its simplest form, gender socialisation is how individuals learn and accept the expected gender norms and values of the culture and society they are born into. Through this education they begin to develop a sense of identity and their ideas of gender become internalised and guide their behaviour. The mass media, wide spread social norms, environmental factors such as living conditions and even language distribute the stereotypes which influence social behaviour and therefore what is expected from gender in society. These external factors contribute to categorizing members of society and placing social label upon them. Examples of labels can include race, class and most importantly for this paper, gender. A shared stereotype is when an expected behaviour or conformity is mutual and accepted by all members of the social group, the way that individuals interpret this label determines how well they are accepted into their social group.

Such gender stereotypes can be seen as a set of ‘rules’ appropriate for males and females. These rules help to guide how males and females are labelled by their social group and indicate how they should behave, expectations become internalised and form an individual’s gender identity. Separate stereotypes are linked to male and female members of society, with no two overlapping. Men are seen to be strong and emotionless whilst women are expected to show their emotions and are seen as submissive and gentle. For example, if a woman is seen to cry at an emotional moment in a movie, in a public cinema for instance, no individual around her would glance or question it, but if a male viewer was seen to cry openly and express such intense emotion, he may be exposed to ridicule or judgement. How fair this situation may be is often debated. For this paper the question of how such judgements occur will attempt to be answered. Why have social actors been encouraged to accept such stereotypes as a given? Why do individuals therefore find themselves accepting these roles for themselves?

To understand gender identity it is important to make a distinction between ‘sex’ and ‘gender’. ‘Sex’ involves the biological and physical differences between men and women, whilst gender is culturally and socially learnt. Terminology such as ‘male’ and ‘female’ are sex based categories; however ‘masculine’ and ‘feminine’ are gendered categories. An individual’s sex is a biological fact that is the same in any culture or society, nonetheless sex categorisation means, in terms of gender role as ‘man’ or ‘woman’, can be viewed extremely differently across cultures ( WHO 2013). These gender roles can have a lasting impact in an individual’s public and private identity. Although often used interchangeably, sex and gender are clearly different characteristics. Gender involves social customs, attributes and behaviours whereas sex can be seen as a more personal demonstration of such characteristics. In its simplest form sex is biological and gender is sociological.

‘Gender role’ is seen sociologically as the characteristics and behaviours that society can attribute to the sexes. What it means to be a ‘real man’, in any society requires a male to be both recognised biologically as a man plus what the culture of that society defines as masculine characteristics and behaviours, likewise a ‘real woman’ needs biological female attributes and feminine characteristics. Such stereotypical features are clearly defined for each sex, with those who break such ‘guidelines’ being seen as deviant, outcasts in their given society. This paper will look further into what are expected gender behaviours and the sociological explanations for these expected personas.

Gendered differences can depend on the given society and the cultural values, economic system, history and family structures that it holds, and are thoroughly maintained through these mediums. As a result of this a continuous ‘loop-back effect’ between so called gendered institutions and the social construction of gender within individuals can be seen to exist (West and Zimmerman 1987)

Gender identity goes beyond just recognising the physical biological gender characteristics belonging to male and female and identifying them from each other. Gender identity is in fact an internal and personal conception of how individuals view themselves as male or female and therefore how they conduct their actions within society. ‘Gender cannot be equated with biological and physiological differences between human males and females. The building blocks of gender are socially constructed’ (Lorber 1994:17).

As a social group, communities are embedded with gender, all members experience gender constructed experiences throughout their childhood, adolescence and eventually adulthood. These experiences are reproduced in and through those that they interact with. To what extent individuals accept the expected gender roles they are shown is debateable although no matter how much or how little they see themselves as masculine or feminine, gender can still influence their day to day existence.

British sociology saw the only significant form of stratification within any given society was that of class. The term gender wasn’t mentioned in early sociological thought, with any reference to difference between men and women categorised and referred to as ‘sex’. Sex being considered as an important and influential sociological concept only came into consideration with the emerging and developing feminist perspectives of the 1970’s. Feminists had to fight through traditional theories to change existing thought on the concept of differences and inequalities brought about by an individual’s gender and sex identity.

Socialisation is a fundamental sociological concept and can be applied to many areas of society that are seen as important to sociological study. As highlighted earlier, socialisation is defined as the way in which an individual learns to become part of a group, including wider civilization, as well as their small immediate environment and community. Socialisation begins the moment an individual is born, and they encounter different degrees of the process throughout all their life stages in order to help them adapt to each and every social group they encounter. Socialisation also helps to equip a social actor with the tools they need to cope and bend with any changes that may occur within their existing social group. Given the importance of socialisation within the discipline of sociology as a whole, concentrating on a focused area of socialisation can help with building a general knowledge that can be applied to further study of sociology and its topics. Gender is something that is experienced and encountered by all members of any given society and there are many different theories about what exactly affects an individual’s gender socialisation, but this paper shall focus on early socialisation and the influence family life can have in the socialisation process.

Parental influence on gender identity

A child’s initial experiences come from their parents; therefore as a result their first experience with gender identity also comes from their close family environment. With the advancement in technology, expectant parents can learn the sex of their unborn child as early as 14-16 weeks into a pregnancy (nhs.co.uk). From that moment the words ‘it’s a boy/girl!’ leave the technicians mouth, gender expectations begin. The most innocent of tasks such as buying a baby’s first blanket is gendered. A pretty pink flowered one for your baby girl is associated with the expectation that she will be soft and delicate, whereas purchasing a vivid blue truck covered blanket for the soon to be baby boy, can be seen to set him up to be strong and tough. Associating such gender traits in a simple act may seem extreme but it is just the start of teaching a child what is expected from their gender.

The process of gender socialization can be seen to begin in the context of the family (McHale et al., 2003). The family unit is the environment that a child is introduced to the world in and what their developing gender demands. Although many factors are seen to have an influence on the socialisation of a child and teaching them what is expected from their gender, parents are seen to act as the principle source of socialisation, the primary socialising agents of a child’s gender roles. (Block, 1983; Witt, 1997).

Studies have shown that gendered treatment of children is evident in the first 24 hours after birth. Children internalize what they see from their parent’s behaviour and by the age of two, they have a compressive awareness of the difference in sex roles. Ruble and martin (1998) studied preschool children whose socialisation had only occurred at home (primary) and saw that children showed awareness of stereotyped gender traits. They could recognise males as having a higher power them females, but also associated negative connotations with a male figure, such as anger or unfriendliness, whereas they saw women as having less significant social standing but associated with positive traits such as kindness and approachableness.

Children also demonstrated to discover gender identity through their own gendered perception. For instance, when asked to assign a sex or gender to a neutral doll, a girl would use female associations similar to them, whereas a boy child would make the doll into a male and demonstrate traits that are associated to society’s masculine gendered attributes. Parents are seen to encourage such gendered behaviour by adhering to sex-based toys and games for their children, which have a heavy influence in the construction of gender identity and stereotypes. While both mothers and fathers contribute to the gender stereotyping of their children, fathers have been found to reinforce gender stereotypes more often than mothers do (Ruble, 1988). Lytton and Romney (1991) conducted a meta-analysis of 172 parents and their treatment of the boy versus girl children they were raising. Within this study, Lytton and Romney discovered that out of multiple identified socialisation areas; the only area that showed mothers and fathers treating children differently was giving them activities based on their separate genders. Giving boys and girls activities initially based on their sex, resulted in an enforcement of gender roles and becoming gender orientated. Encouraging their daughters to play house or with dolls and prams, or by allowing their sons to play with trucks or building blocks, parents may both knowingly and unknowingly be encouraging their child’s future gendered persona.

Perhaps due to an influence of western culture norms, Lytton and Romney saw that parents scold and punish boys more severely in the advent of misbehaving or going out of their gendered expectations, then that they do with female children. This idea shall be further explored in a later section of this paper.

A further study, this time by Cowan and Hoffman (1986), saw that a child’s first words are also seen as gendered. For instance, being taught to assign a different name to each of their parents, mother for female carer and father for male carer, demonstrates how parental influence takes place. Hoffman also noted that the

Role of Social Interactions in Identity Formation

Critically examine how sociology discusses social interactions (or social relations) and the role these interactions play in shaping the notion of self and/or identity.

Social interaction involves people communicating face-to-face, acting and reacting in relation to each other using verbal as well as non-verbal cues. Every social interaction is characterised and dependent on people’s distinct positions in terms of their statuses, their standards of conduct – or ‘norms’ – and their sets of expected behaviour – or ‘roles’ (Furze et al., 2008: 115). Furze et al. identify three major modes of social interaction, each of which is not without its limitations. This essay will suggest that perhaps there is a need for a refinement or refashioning of existing approaches to the study of social interaction due to such limitations. In addition, the inexplicable link between notions of the self, individual identity and the social realm will be established, namely through the work of Richard Jenkins.

Exchange theory involves social interactions which trade in attention and other valued resources. As an important social force that cements social interactions, it is a competitive exchange of resources. People communicate to varying degrees to extract some sort of benefit from interactions, one that is often of an economic nature. For example, a brief everyday interaction between a supermarket shopper and the cashier could be subject to this theory.

Rational choice theory describes how interacting people will always try to maximise benefits and minimise costs to themselves. That is, everyone wants to gain the most from their interactions – socially, emotionally, and economically – while paying the least.

Dramaturgical analysis describes the way in which social interaction involves a constant role-playing, an approach that was first developed by sociologist Erving Goffman (1959). He likens the presentation of the self in everyday life to that of actors in a theatre. We are constantly engaged in role-playing which is most evident when we are ‘front stage’ in public settings (Furze et al., 2008: 127). We learn, socialise and adopt roles so that we know what is considered acceptable behaviour in the public domain. We take these on through the various institutions of socialisation, such as the family, the school and the media, for example.

Furthermore, Goffman’s analysis problematises Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of power, practice and conflict theories of social interaction. Conflict theory emphasises that when people interact, their statuses are arranged in a hierarchy and the degree of inequality strongly affects the character of social interaction between the interacting parties (Bourdieu, 1977). On the other hand Goffman implies that such cues can be manipulated and misinterpreted. For example, a luxury car may signify wealth but if it were in fact stolen property then its public impression contradicts the actual status held by its owner.

These theoretical frameworks for social interaction, then, are important to sociology because they have been developed in an attempt to explain how we live with each other in various forms of social relations. The idea of face-to-face relations is a much broader idea now than, say, around 20 years ago where avenues for social interaction such as the Internet and mobile phones were. It is mostly structured around norms and status we carry, for example. The ever-increasing popularity over the past five years of Internet Social Networking Sites such as Facebook and Twitter, for example, complicate Goffman’s notion of the front stage-backstage binary.

The notion of the self in an early historical sociological view was that there was a separation between society and the self. C. Wright Mills (1959) as well as Emile Durkheim in the example of suicide maintain that, certainly, the public world (socio-cultural world) and the private self are always interconnected (Geary, 2009). We are shaped by a specific set of forces which locate the self in and of particular sets of circumstances and this is what is what is referred to as the process of socialisation. We develop a sense of self by how we perceive the other.

Identifying ourselves or others is a matter of meaning, and meaning always involves interaction: agreement and disagreement, convention and innovation, communication and negotiation (Jenkins, 2004: 4). Identity formation, then, is almost always already part of social and cultural relations or interactions. To identify the self and the so-called other person, according to Jenkins, relates to the way meaning-making impacts on us, as well as the way we alter such meanings. The individual and the collective are routinely entangled with each other and the three approaches – exchange theory, rational choice theory and dramaturgical analysis – outlined by Furze et al. are some examples. These must accommodate the fluidity of identity and notions of the self.

Social Inequality In Usa Sociology Essay

Why do you think the U.S. is characterized by more inequality and fewer public efforts to reduce inequality than any other developed nation?

Capitalism cannot provide a decent standard of living for all, but as long as it can provide a tolerable standard of living for substantial layers of the population, it can maintain social stability. Recent studies have shown that the “middle America” begins to feel insecure, which points at the inevitable social problems.

The average salary is the salary, which includes both the income of the richest and the poorest. This amount is far from real wages of most Americans. According to the latest statistical review, in the period after 1998, when the U.S. economy grew by 25%, the average salary of one fifth of U.S. residents fell by 3.8%, while the salary of the rest remained at 1973 level (Hurst 132-34).

While the economy was rapidly growing, this prosperity has not affected the middle class, not to mention industrial workers and the poor. Along with the freezing of income of the middle class, social inequality was growing. Since 1973 the annual revenue growth of 1% of the richest was 3.4%, and for 0.1% of the richest it was 5.2%. But for the remaining 90% this figure was 0.3% per year since 1973. Leaders of large companies were earning 26 times more than their employees. Now they are earning 300 times more (Crompton 98-102).

According to experts, children from families with low income have a 1%chance to get rich, while children of the rich have 22% opportunity. For the middle class the figure is 1.8%, not much more than for the poor. The middle class of America is more and more afraid to become poor. Families face a decrease in their incomes. The number of families, whose income fell to $ 20,000, has increased from 13% in 1990 to 17% in 2007 (Hurst 206).

Unemployment in the U.S. has reached the highest level over the past 20 years. Average duration of unemployment is 18 weeks. And, most often the unemployed have to accept a new job with less pay.

House owners (about 70% of Americans), after paying taxes, have to give 11% of their income for mortgages. Today, these people are insolvent. Today the average American family with two working spouses has to work for 32 weeks to pay taxes, medical insurance, credit for housing, and education. In 1979, they needed 28 weeks. After all these payments, such a family has less means for basic needs than in 1980. In the current economic situation, an average American feels much worse than 25 years ago (Hurst 57-60).

An average American works longer and harder than before just to make ends meet. And one increasingly has to take loans, family debt reached 120% of family income. Private pension funds are extremely small. Moreover, now pensions begin to be paid only after the worker invests a certain amount.

In this world richest country 45% of Americans have no pension program. Only 20% have a guaranteed pension. The same situation is in health care. The number of uninsured people reached 16%, i.e. about 45 million Americans will not get treatment if they get sick.

Despite all the efforts, most of the U.S. social problems do not disappear. Obviously, these are the negative effects of economic growth that exist in almost every post-industrial society.

Moreover, the distribution of wealth including personal property and shares has not changed in the U.S. for 200 years. Tiree and Smith managed to obtain data on the taxable property of persons who had permanent jobs in Philadelphia in 1789. Comparing these data with the distribution of income in 1949, 1959 and 1969, they found a completely equal distribution of wealth in these two periods. Both, at that time and today, dealers and persons of intellectual labor were richer than the workers and clerks (Hurst 89-93).

Since 1982, profits of American capitalists have grown considerably. This was achieved by reduction of salaries of workers, and increased exploitation. Thus, the rate of added value grew up while investments into new equipment have been reduced to minimum. Therefore the returns were growing.

Inequality of income distribution remains in American society despite various changes in the economy and many programs helping the poor. The privileges are established for those who have the power in any societies. People with high status often have a very visible political influence, which they can use to their advantage.

In the 1960s, the President Lyndon Johnson declared the war against poverty. The weapons of this war were tax cuts, retraining programs, educational programs and increased benefits. These actions were important, since it was estimated that between 1965 and 1975 the number of families below the poverty line was less than 5% of all families. However, since then many of these programs were reduced or abolished in order to stabilize the government budget. More positive results of programs have been undermined by rising unemployment and an increase in the number of poor families with single mothers. Therefore, in the U.S. there are still many poor families (Hurst 248-49).

How is social stratification a creation of society rather than simply an expression of individual differences.

The question of why there is social inequality is central in the study of society. It has two strikingly different answers. The first one was given by the conservatives, who argued that the unequal distribution of social benefits is a tool for solving the major tasks of society. Supporters of a radical approach, by contrast, sharply criticize the existing social order and believe that social inequality is a mechanism of exploitation of individuals and is associated with the struggle for scarce products and services.

According to the functionalist theory of social inequality, stratification exists because it is useful to society. Davis and Moore argue that social stratification is not only universal but also necessary; therefore, no society can exist without stratification and classes. The system of stratification is required in order to fill all the statuses that form the social structure, and to give the individuals the motivations to perform duties associated with their position. In this regard the society must motivate people on two levels (Crompton 57-59):

1. It should encourage individuals to take various positions, since not all the duties associated with different statuses, are equally useful for the human body, equally important for social survival, and require equal abilities. If the social life was different, the position would make no difference, and the problem of social status would be considerably smaller;

2. When these positions are occupied, the company should awaken in people a desire to play the relevant role, because the duties associated with many posts are considered as painful and in the absence of motivation many would not manage to do their roles.

These social realities have led to the view that society should have certain benefits that can be used as incentives for their members, and the mode of distribution of these benefits among different statuses. Inequality is the emotional stimulus that society has created in order to solve the problem of filling in all statuses and make their owners to do their best to fit the role. Since these benefits are built into the social system, social stratification may be considered a structural feature of all societies.

On the basis of the economic model of supply and demand, Davis and Moore concluded that the highest paid positions are those occupied by the most talented or skilled workers, as well as functionally most important ones. Thus, separate individuals who hold high-paying jobs, should receive remuneration, otherwise the post will remain unclaimed, and society will disintegrate (Crompton 115-122).

On the other hand, a person is born in a privileged or unprivileged position. For example, almost two-thirds of managers in 243 large U.S. companies have grown up in families of upper middle class or upper stratum of society. Basing on similar data, advocates of conflict theory claim that society is organized so that individualsaa‚¬a„? rank is determined by birth and does not dependent on their abilities and characteristics of the society (Hurst 206-219).

Advocates of the conflict theory believe that the stratification of society exists because it is profitable to individuals and groups with authority over others. While functionalists identify common interests of members of society, conflictologists focus on the differences of interests. From their point of view, the society is an arena where people are fighting for the privileges, prestige and power.

The theory of conflict is based largely on the ideas of Karl Marx. He argued that to comprehend the mechanism of a particular economic system one must know what preceded this system, as well as the processes that contributed to its development. According to Marx, the level of technique and method of organization of production determines the evolution of society in general. At each stage of history, these factors determine the group, which will rule in society, and groups that it will obey. Possession of means of production is only one source of power. Another source is the possession of means of control over people. The role of bureaucracy in society (exclusive control of national income and national wealth) gives it a special privileged status (Crompton 87-94).

Even in modern developed countries, individuals can flourish without property. Much of the power is provided by the position in large transnational corporations, rather than property. Employees do not merely possess a relatively small property, but their influence lasts only as long as they occupy a certain position. A very similar pattern is observed in the government. In this case, no class exists in isolation and independently of the other classes.

Sociologists are divided on the sources of social stratification, but they are united in the fact that social inequality is a structural aspect of the modern life of the whole society. Speaking about the structuring of social inequality, social scientists mean not only the fact that individuals and social groups differ in the privileges they have, prestige they receive, and power they possess. Structuring means that inequality in the society is institutionalized as a system. Inequality is not formed at random, but in accordance with the repetitive, relatively consistent and stable models: it is usually passed down from generation to generation, for which the individuals and groups with the benefits usually find appropriate ways (Crompton 54-58).

How do caste and class system differ? How are they the same? Why does industrialization introduce a measure of meritocracy into social stratification?

Inequality exists in human societies of all types. Stratification can be defined as structured differences between groups of people; the society consists of layers located in a hierarchical order, where the privileged layers are closer to the top and the underprivileged ones are at the bottom. However, class and caste systems are different in their essence (Crompton 41-43).

Caste system is primarily associated with the cultures of the Indian subcontinent, and is presented by four main classes (varnas), differing in the degree of social prestige. Below these four groups are the “untouchables”. There are also jatis in the caste system: local marginalized groups within which the division into castes takes place.

The caste system is very complex, and its structure varies from region to region, but it shares some common principles. Brahmins, forming the highest Varna, represent the highest degree of purity, while the untouchables represent the lowest one. Brahmins should avoid certain contacts with the untouchables, while only the untouchables are allowed to have physical contact with objects or animals, which are considered unclean. The caste system is closely linked with the Hindu concept of reincarnation, under which people who neglect the rights and duties of their caste should be born in their next incarnation in a caste, which occupies a lower position. In the Indian caste system, an individual is not allowed to move from one caste to another during his life (Crompton 65-72).

The concept of caste is sometimes used outside the context of Indian culture, e.g. in cases, when two or more ethnic groups are separated from each other, primarily for reasons of racial purity. In such circumstances, there are strict taboos (and sometimes legal prohibitions) on intergroup marriages. After the abolition of slavery in the southern states of the U.S., the level of disengagement of black and white population was so strong that the term “caste” is sometimes used for this system of stratification. There are also reasons to speak about the existence of caste system in South Africa, where rigid segregation remains between whites and blacks and where interracial marriages were until recently forbidden by law.

The class system differs from the caste system in many aspects. Let us consider the four of these main features (Crompton 105-113).

1. Unlike other types of strata, classes do not depend on legal or religious orientation. The class membership is not associated with the congenital status, whatever it was determined by – by law or custom. The class system is much more mobile than other stratification systems; the boundaries between classes are never clear-cut. Formal restrictions on marriages between people from different classes do not exist.

2. The class membership is achieved by the individual, at least partly, and is not simply “given” at birth, as in caste systems. Social mobility is distributed more widely, while in the caste system, an individual move from one caste to another is generally impossible.

3. Classes are related to differences in economic status groups, with inequality in the ownership of physical resources and control, whereas in caste systems, the leading role is played by non-economic factors (such as religion).

4. In caste stratification system, inequality manifests itself primarily in the personal relationships of people, in the difference between rights and responsibilities (Brahmin-Harijan). In contrast, class system is manifested mainly in the large-scale relations of impersonal nature. For example, the essential foundations for the class division are the differences in working conditions and payment, which relate to people of any category and, in turn, depend on the situation of the economy as a whole.

Thus, classes can be defined as large-scale groups of people with similar material resources, which in turn determine the lifestyle they lead. Class differences primarily depend on the welfare of people and kind of occupation. In modern Western society, the following main classes exist: the upper class (rich people, businessmen, industrialists, and the upper stratum of managers who own or directly control the means of production), the middle class (which includes the majority of white collar workers and professionals) and the working class (aa‚¬A“blue collaraa‚¬? workers, or people involved in physical labor) (Hurst 327-333).

According to Weber, the division into classes is determined not only by the presence or absence of control over the means of production, but also by economic differences, not related directly to the property. These determining factors primarily include skills and expertise that affect the ability of the person to perform a job. People belonging to the categories of professionals and managers are also working for hire, but they earn more and have better working conditions than the workers. Qualification certificates, degrees, titles, diplomas and trainings place them in a more advantageous position in the labor market compared with those who do not have the relevant qualifications (Crompton 93-98).

Thus, the concept of status in the meritocracy society is associated with varying degrees of social prestige of social groups. The distinctive features of the exact status can be changed independently of the class division. While the class affiliation is an objective feature, the status, in contrast, depends on subjective evaluations of social distinctions by individuals.

Social Inequalities Rather Than Individual Behaviour Choices Sociology Essay

In this essay I will discuss the relationship between underlying social structures and health outcomes: the debates about the casual pathways between socio-economic status and health inequalities and what has been done in order to combat the inequalities in health.

The term health inequalities refer to the difference in health opportunities and outcomes between individuals or group of people within society. This is “the term that indicates the universal phenomenon of variation of health by socio-economic status, i.e. poorer people have poorer health” (Health forum 2003)

From many studies and from literature review there is information which suggests that there are inequalities in health, and that the inequality between rich and poor, termed the ‘health gap’, is continuing to grow (Smith et al., cited in Davidson, Hunt & Kitzinger 2003). The wider gap between the rich and the poor is totally and morally wrong.

The National Health Service began after World War II and was built on the ideological principles that health care should be freely and available to all citizens. The National Health Service (NHS) was established as a result of the 1944 White Paper, The National Health Service was based on recommendations in the 1942 Beveridge Report which called for a state welfare system. According to William Beveridge, a national welfare state is the only way for Britain to beat five giants Want, Ignorance, Disease, squalor and Idleness.

The National Health Service was set up in 1948 to provide healthcare for all citizens, based on need, rather than ability to pay; providing a compressive service funded only by taxation.

Initially, and mistakenly, it was predicted that demand and the cost of service would decline as illnesses were cured. In fact, the opposite happened: expensive new technology and an ageing population created some new financial pressure

Despite NHS improvement and the expansion of biomedicine, facts and statistic showed that that health of nation had improved generally but the improvement had not been equal across all social classes . Still exist a link between social class (as measured by the old Registrar General’s scale) and infant mortality rates, life expectancy and inequalities in the use of medical services (Davidson and Townsend, 1992).

The black report of 1980 was without a doubt one of the best known study of health inequalities and social class, in Britain, based on the Registrar General’s categorization according to occupation. In 1971 the death rate for adult men in social class V was nearly twice that of adult men in social class I. The purpose of The Black Report (1980) was to gather information about the problem of health inequalities among the social classes in the UK and the causes that possibly contribute to these inequalities .(Whitehead, 1988).The report analysed the lifestyles and health records of people from all social classes.The findings were produced as Inequalities in Health: Report of a Research working Group (DHSS, 1980). It suggested that the causes of health inequalities were so deep rooted that only major public expenditure would be capable of altering the pattern (Jenkin 1980). This report showed that the gap in equalities of health between higher social classes and lower not only exist but was widening. The problem had to be investigated outside NHS. (Townsend, 1988). The key causes of inequalities in health were linked with economic and social factors such as , unemployment, low poor environment, poor education and sub standard housing.

“The Black Report shows there persistence of social class and geographical inequalities in health provision and people’s health as measured by rates of accidents, morbidity (illness) and mortality”(Adams 2002 p153).The Black Report noted a number of consideration in order to analyse and explain why health inequalities exists?

The artefact explanation which suggests health inequalities do not really exist in reality, but only appear to because of the way class is constructed. The Black report found evidence to support the view that a person in higher social class is more likely to have good health than a person that is lower class.

The report used cause of death ,life expectancy ,infant mortality rates and mental illness of people in different social classes.

But critics such as Illsley (1986) argue that the statistical connection between social class and illness exaggerates the situation.

Social selection explanations suggest that it is health that determines social class rather than class determining health, as those who are healthy will ‘experience upwards social mobility’ (p36) which raises the death rates and levels of illnesses and disability within the lower classes as the unhealthy are pushed down the social scale (Naidoo and Wills, 1994). On the basis of data from a National of Health and Development, ‘Wadsworth (1986) examined and supported social selection view by using the information from a national sample of males and found a close relationship between illness in childhood and adult social status. For example, 36% of these from non manual backgrounds who experience ill-health in childhood, suffered downward social mobility, compared to 23% to those who had good health.’ (Haralambos and Holborn, 2000, p.313) Wadswroth (1986) found that seriously ill boys were more likely to suffer a fall in social class than others Social selection did not explain the disadvantages that occur at all stages of individual’s lifecycle, also it did not account for the social class differences in health found in childhood, when there is not much social mobility but differences in mortality. (Marsh and Keating, 2006) Shaw et al (1999) argues that those from poorer backgrounds are faced with different economic, social and employment factor which can cause ill health. This shows that class position shapes health, not vice versa. (Giddens, 2006)

The behavioural / cultural approach, explains inequality in health by showing the different ways in which people choose to live their life.it suggests that poorer health in classes IV and V is a consequence of less healthy behaviour associated with the lower classes, for example smoking and excessive drinking. The cultural / behavioural explanations stresses that differences in health are best understood as being the result of cultural choices made by individuals or groups in the population. Macintyre (1986) report explain that health damaging behaviour are essentially individual choices. We live in a free world and everyone can choose voluntary ,what is good and bad for himself. In other words , inequalities are product of the individual choices and behaviour. individuals suffering from poor health have different attitudes, values and beliefs which mean that they do not look after themselves. inequalities in health exist because lower social groups have adopted more dangerous and health damaging behaviour than higher social groups, and may have less interest in protecting their health in the future (Whitehead 1987 in Akers & Abbott 1996).

The structural/material approach is that the material situation of the lower class is the most important factor in determining their poorer health. It claims that poor health is the result of ‘hazards to which some people have no choice but to be exposed given the present distribution of income and opportunity’ (Shaw et al, 1999). Poverty is the key factor that links a range of health risks. It is a known fact that poorer people have worse diets and worse housing condition and are more likely to be unemployed and generally have a more stressed life which may lead to increase smoking and drinking habits, potentially dangerous for long term health. This approach put emphasis in the circumstances which people make their choices are strongly affected by the extent of inequality existing in our society. Poverty limit choices, satisfying immediate gratification; it is about being denied the expectation of decent health, education, shelter, a social life and a sense of self esteem Marsh (2000). Poverty and health are definitely linked and not only are the ‘poor more likely to suffer from ill health and premature death, but poor health and disability are themselves recognised as causes of poverty’ (Blackburn 1991, p7. For example, statistics shows that between 1999 to 2003, the North West and East has the highest deprivation and death rates in England. (National statistics, 2003)

Marmot and Wilkinson try to explain that social hierarchy and income/wealth inequalities causes stress and ill health, operating trough mind/emotional pathways affecting people’s wellbeing (lecture notes ) .Health improvements have been made synonymous with income equality, as Wilkinson argues is ‘to improve social cohesion and reduce the social divisions’ Richard Wilkinson (1997) argues that mortality, which is influenced by health, is affected more by the relative living standards of that country. He argues that ‘mortality is related more closely to relative income within countries than in differences in absolute income between them. Statistics show that mortality rates have a trend of being lower in countries, which have less income inequality. He thinks that long-term economic growth rates seem to have no relation to any long-term rise in life expectancy

Acheson Report (1998) was another important study into health inequality which was commissioned by the New Labour government in 1997. The main purpose of Acheson report was to update the findings of the Black Report and particularly to advice on priorities for policy development (Ham, 2004). It was a comprehensive survey of the disadvantaged. The report stated that priority should be given to the health of families with children, improvements in the standards of poor households and that there should be steps taken to reduce income inequalities. (Www.archive.officialdocuments.co.uk, 2004) The findings supported those of the Black Report that the root cause of inequalities was poverty. It was clear that during time death rates have fallen in uk among women and men across all social classes but another serious preoccupation was that the death rates between social class was still evident. and these difference between top and bottom of social class was expanded . Acheson report revealed that inequalities in some areas have risen rather than declined. It shows one more time that exit a strong link between social class and poor health. Poorer people have poor health because they live in poor houses which are health damaging (Alcock 2003).

Health inequality are evident from the start of life through life-course. There is a large evidence that support the idea ,that risk for many chronic illness and conditions is set during foetal life or immediately after birth. Smoking ,drinking have direct effects on foetal growth and development. Smoking is associated with low birth weight, intrauterine growth restriction, placental abruption, premature rupture of the membranes and pre-term delivery. The development of ovaries and testes also appear to be affected by smoking: a woman whose mother smoked has a greater chance of starting her periods early and of having a miscarriage, while boys are more likely to have undescended testes. Thus, smoking has an impact on more than one generation (Selwyn, 2000, p 27).

Household income was used to measure children’s socioeconomic status. During childhood, socio economic gradients have effects in growth and height in language and cognition as well as in social and emotional adjustment.(Kuh et al 2003)

Blane et al (1998) support Townsend explanation of material deprivation :They link health inequality direct to poverty and class. It stresses that poverty, deprivation, the external environment and living conditions are the main causes of illness and mortality. These factors are out of the control of the individuals who live within them.

‘Among child pedestrians the risk of death from being hit by a motor vehicle is multiplied by five to seven times in passing from class I to class IV; for accidental death caused by fires, falls and drowning , the gap between the classes is even greater’ (Townsend/Davisdson 1988).

Davies (2001) explains that:

‘The Labour government came into power in 1997 with a commitment to tackle health inequalities, and offered a ‘third way’ with regard to policies on health’ (p183)

The major health strategy published after the Acheson Report was the White Paper ‘Saving Lives: Our healthier Nation’ (DoH 1999a) in July 1999. It endorsed the Acheson Report by emphasising the need to reduce inequalities in health. At the same time as the White Paper, ‘Reducing Health Inequalities: an action report’ was published. It referred to policies for a fairer society, building healthy communities, education, employment, housing, transport, crime and healthcare (DoH 1999b).

Later that year “Opportunity for all- Tackling poverty and social exclusion” launched by Tony Blair was published with the aim to eradicate child poverty in twenty years’ time. These report was not only focus on welfare ,which is mainly the cause of inequalities but on other factor that have influence affect .

“Saving Lives: Our healthier Nation” is another public health strategy for the U.K, which aimed to improve health and to reduce the health gap. The strategy established a “three way deal for health”, meaning that individuals, communities and government all have a key part to play, It shows how we can all make a difference. Working together, individuals, communities and the Government can save lives by preventing needless and untimely deaths. By tackling poor health, we can all live longer and live healthier. (www.dh.gov.uk)

In November 1999, the ‘Sure Start’ programme began ‘to promote the physical, intellectual, social and emotional development of young children and their families’ (Sure Start 1999). more than 500 Sure Start programmes were in action, by may 2003, reaching about one third of all children aged under four who were living in poverty. Not only do these programmes promote health and family support services but early education also. Another government initiative aimed at improving the education of disadvantaged children is the ‘Education Action Zones’. And to encourage children from low-income families to remain on at school an ‘Education Maintenance Allowance’ was introduced (Graham 2001: 108).

The government’s main target for poverty was ‘to reduce the number of children in low income households by at least a quarter by 2004, as a contribution towards the broader target of halving child poverty by 2010 and eradicating it by 2020’; but by 2001/2002, midway through the period set by the target, the government were only two fifths of the way to meeting this (Palmer et al 2003). Tax and benefit reforms were also introduced by the government, targeted at low income families with children.

As paid employment is seen as the best way to avoid poverty, the government developed and reformed many policies to overcome barriers to employment. The government’s biggest investment was ?5.2 billion in New Deal initiatives, aimed at promoting employment for different groups but especially young people who have been unemployed for six months and people over twenty five who have been unemployed for two years or more (Graham 2001). The aim of the initiative was to increase long-term employability by offering short-term employment opportunities. In April of 1999, the government introduced the first ever ‘National minimal wage’ to the UK, this policy was aimed at reducing ‘in-work poverty’ and decreasing the number of individuals dependent on social security.

Conclusion

Numerous government reports such as The Black Report, (1980) The Health Divide (1987) and The Acheson Report (1998) as well as official statistics have all related socio economic factor and ill health. They have revealed massive class inequalities in health, by stating that nearly every kind of illness and disease is linked to class.

Both the Black Report and Acheson Report identified policies to improve the circumstances of children as an essential condition for the reduction of health inequalities. Children are considered to be our investment for our future and need to be well cared and to be free from health inequalities.

Individuals in the lower socio-economic class may find themselves tight in a lifestyle cycle where problems that contribute to health inequalities remain unchanged. People lifestyles and condition in which they work and live affect their health .putting in other words :Poor social economic status affects health throughout life. Evidence suggests that people down social ladder run usually twice the risk of being ill as those near the top. Unemployment ,low payment, poor social housing, lack of qualification, are the important key that need tackling by government .It is not appropriate to educate people on healthier lifestyle choices ,when most of the time these choices are not available to them .

Taylor and Field conclude:

There is now a general acceptance in research and policy circles that health inequalities are socially caused, and the major detriment is socio-economic inequality within society (2003:61).

Health inequalities are evident from the start of life through life course. In this this essay I have try to outline the inequalities in health and what is being done at present and what are the ideas and plans for the future.

With government involvement, local authorities support, there is a hope that inequalities can be reduced. Till that time comes ,we all are destinated to live in a society where dramatic health inequalities remain a dominant part of our lives.

As human being except material condition, which are important in our life, we need to feel loved and valued, we need to be part of our society ,we need to have free choices .Without these we become unhappy and be more slave of depression, anxiety which all rebound physical health.

I want to finish my essay with Wilkinson and Marmot quote:

“We hope that by tacking some of the material and social injustices, policy will not only improve health and well being,but may also reduce a range of other social problems that flourish alongside ill health and are rooted in some of the same socioeconomic processes.” (Wilkinson and Marmot 2003.pg 9)

Social Inequalities Of Indigenous People

It would be hard to deny that for one of the smaller representing populations in Australia Indigenous Australians are the most disadvantaged in many areas ranging from employment, housing, justice and education among many more. There have been various attempts at overcoming the disadvantages Aboriginal people face. For the purposes of this literature review different literature will be discussed around addressing the social inequality and disadvantage of indigenous people in relation to improving on the gap in life expectancy and what fundamental elements need to be considered for the process to work effectively. Views of what has brought about the low life expectancy will be discussed to highlight the importance of were actions should be targeted. This will then be followed by a review of what actions are in place at the moment.

There are competing ideas in the literature as to what is the cause for the life expectancy gap between Indigenous and non-indigenous Australians, which also give different arguments as to how to address the problem, with one side taking a view of longevity and the other a holistic approach.

It is argued that Indigenous Australians health disparities could be narrowed with the improvement of the disparities in health service access, provision and use. As The inabilities to gain sufficient health care due to, distance, cultural and availability barriers has lead to indigenous health problems being constant and prolonged (Healey 2002).

However Eades of the of the Indigenous health research unit (2000,p.468) argues ‘ that a comprehensive approach to improving the health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders involves understanding the close relationships between their social and economic status and their health’. This holistic view of the social and economical status of Aboriginal people being improved upon to overcome health problems can be further reinforced through explanations of how psychological and social influences affect physical health and longevity (Wilkinson and Marmount 2003) in which it is stated ‘life expectancy is shorter and most diseases are more common further down the social ladder in each society. Health policy must tackle the social and economical determinants of health’ (p.10). McMurray and Param (2008) readdress the primary health care aspect and bring in the notion that cultural specific guidelines with-in health structures is the key in improving Aboriginal health. This however ignores the historical issues between Indigenous and non indigenous relations that affect the life expectancy gap as ‘the situation for indigenous Australians is further exacerbated by racism and prejudice, which have marginalised them from various aspects of social and community life, with additional detrimental effects on health’ (Eades 2000, p.469) and in effect the fear among Aboriginal people of institutional racism (Sweet 2003).

Experiences of loss of traditional roles, a history of conflict and dispossession, failed assimilation and passive welfare are not isolated to indigenous Australians but have been experienced by indigenous peoples of other countries who have been colonised (Banks 2007). The statistics show however that indigenous Australians life expectancy compared to that of non- indigenous Australians to be considerably lower with men 11.5yrs difference women 9.7 yrs (Australian Bureau of statistics, 2010) were as ‘the longevity gap between MA?ori and non-MA?ori has closed slightly. The difference in life expectancy at birth of 8.2 years in 2005-07 compares with 8.5 years in 2000-02 and 9.1 years in 1995-97’ (statistics New Zealand 2008). Centres for Disease Control and Preventions (2010) also show the life expectancy gap in the U.S for Black or African American People to be somewhat lower than Australia’s and has been also closing slightly as at 1995 the gap was 7 years for both sexes and at 2005 has been reduced to 5.1 years.

As it has been established that health can be a reflection social determinants, it would be fare to say that the social status and relations of international indigenous people are further along than Australia. Canada, New Zealand and The United States all have specifically designed treaties of political, legal and cultural significance which were designed in consultation with the Indigenous peoples that have established indigenous and non-indigenous relations with ‘governments using treaties and treaty-making as part of a wider approach to developing a better relationship with and addressing the socio-economic problems of indigenous peoples’ (Brennan et al. 2005, p.99).

In Australia there are no such treaties and often the commonwealth and state governments have a different belief in how the gap in life expectancy can be overcome to that of many indigenous Australians. This can be seen through the use of policies relating to indigenous affairs. A health impact assessment of the current governments Northern territory Emergency Response (NTER) points out that the Aboriginal understanding of health as having five dimensions ‘cultural, spiritual, social, emotional and physical-within which are a number of layers that reflect historical, traditional and contemporary influences on health’ (O’Mara 2010,p.547). It is needed that Indigenous people have greater control over these dimension of their daily lives in order for the indigenous disadvantage to be improved (Maddison 2009). However the summary of findings from the assessment conclude that because of the lack of consultation with the Aboriginal communities and ignoring of cultural elements, the NTER is unlikely to be effective in its aim of ‘improving physical health and improving the social and environmental determinants of health’ as ‘The HIA predicts that improvements in physical health may be outweighed by negative impacts on the psychological health, spirituality, and cultural integrity of a high proportion of the Aboriginal population in prescribed communities’ (Australian Indigenous Doctors’ Association and Centre for Health Equity Training 2010, p.65).

There is an evidence base around the relationship between social detriments and psychological and physical health, with implications on health, through the addressing of those social detriments. Within indigenous communities outside Australia, social factors of cultural significance have and continue to be address through consultations with Governments. It is in these countries that statistics show improvements in life expectancy of the Indigenous population. Were as in Australia were this type of consultation and cultural consideration is absent in Governments initiatives and policies the gap in life expectancy in Australia continues to be a constant burden of Australian indigenous peoples. With the NTER which like past policies also excludes indigenous peoples involvment, being the Governments latest attempt at overcoming the status of appalling health among Australian Aborigines, the gap can be expected to continue.

‘Asked about the government’s priorities, indigenous affairs minister Jenny Macklin said that there will be little progress made by spending money on indigenous health without first addressing the chronic social problems that have been eating away at Aboriginal society’ (Dart 2008, p.247).

References

Australian Bureau of statistics 2010, The Health and Welfare of Australia’s Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples, Canberra, Viewed 19 October 2010, http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/[email protected]/lookup/437BB6CD9D0BCDB8CA2577300017FB8F?opendocument

Australian Indigenous Doctors’ Association and Centre for Health Equity Training, Research and Evaluation 2010, Health Impact Assessment of the Northern Territory Emergency Response , Canberra, viewed 19 October 2010 http://www.aida.org.au/viewpublications.aspx?id=3.

Banks, G 2007, Overcoming Indigenous Disadvantage in Australia, Australian Government Productivity commission, Canberra, viewed 19 October 2010, http://www.pc.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0009/64584/cs20070629.pdf

Brennan, S, Behrendt, L, Strelein, L & Williams, G 2005, Treaty, The Federation Press, Sydney, NSW.

Centres for Disease Control and Prevention 2010, Table 26. Life expectancy at birth, at 65 years of age, and at 75 years of age, by race and sex: United States, selected years 1900-2005, U.S, Viewed 19 October, http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/hus/hus08.pdf#026

Dart, J 2008, ‘Australia’s disturbing health disparities set Aboriginals apart’, Bulletin of the World Health Organization,vol.86, no.4, pp.245-247, viewed 5 October 2010, retrieved from Academic Search Premier database.

Eades, S 2000, ‘Reconciliation, Social Equity and Indigenous Health’, The Medical Journal of Australia, vol.172, viewed 8 October 2010, pp.468-469.

Healey, J (ed.) 2002, Aboriginal Disadvantage, The Spinney Press, NSW.

Maddison, S 2009, ‘Australia: Indigenous Autonomy Matters’, Development, vol.52, no. 4, pp.483-489, viewed 19 October 2010, retrieved from Academic Search Premier database.

McMurray, A & Param, R 2008, ‘Culture Specific Care for Indigenous People: A Primary Health Care Perspective’, Contemporary Nurse: A Journal for the Australian Nursing Profession, vol. 28, pp.165-172, viewed 22 October 2010, retrieved from Academic Search Premier database.

O’Mara, P 2010, ‘Health Impacts of the Northern Territory Intervention: After the Intervention Editorial’, The Medical Journal of Australia, vol .192, no.10, viewed 8 October 2010, pp.546-548, http://www.mja.com.au/public/issues/192_10_170510/oma10307_fm.pdf.

Statistics New Zealand Tatauranga Aotearoa 2008, New Zealand Life Tables: 2005-2007, New Zealand, Viewed 19 October 2010, http://www.stats.govt.nz/browse_for_stats/health/life_expectancy/NZLifeTables_HOTP05-07.aspx

Sweet, M 2003, ‘Carrying a Heavy Burden’, BMJ: British Medical Journal, Vol.327, no.7412, pp.414-414, viewed 5 October 2010, retrieved from Academic Search Premier database.

Wilkinson, R & Marmot, M (eds.) 2003, Social Determinants of Health The solid Facts, 2nd edn, WHO, Copenhagen, Viewed 23 October 2010, retrieved from http://www.euro.who.int/en/what-we-publish/abstracts/social-determinants-of-health.-the-solid-facts.

Social Identity Theory And Self Categorisation Theory Sociology Essay

Social Identity Theory was established by Tajfel and Turner with the aim of trying to understand the psychological basis of intergroup discrimination. Tajfel and Turner (1979) tried to identify conditions which would lead members of a specific social group to behave in a biased matter towards an out-group, in favour of the in-group which they were a member of. It is seen as a discursive approach. The main principle of Social Identity Theory is that people often categorise and define themselves and others into a number of different social groups and strive to have their group valued more highly than other groups (Tajfel & Turner, 1985). Consistent with Tajfel and Turner’s (1985) claim, it is believed, by other psychologists, that social identities are formed to boost self-esteem and encourage a sense of certainty (McGregor, Reeshama and So-Jin, 2008). To explain the phenomenon of how individuals evaluate themselves and others as part of an in-group or an out-group, Social Identity Theory identifies three mental concepts: social categorisation, social identification and social comparison (TaAYdemir, 2011). Social categorisation relates to individuals assigning people to social categories in order to understand and identify them (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). This results in the world being divided into ‘them’ and ‘us’, or an in-group and an out-group. In the second concept, social identification, people adopt the identity of the social group they have categorised themselves into. This also involves developing an emotional attachment to one’s identification with the group and self-esteem will be closely linked to group membership (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). The final concept, social comparison, relates to an individual comparing the group they identify with with other groups. To retain one’s self-esteem, their group must be viewed in a more positive light than other groups (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Several psychological studies have supported the fact that individuals create social categories in order to boost self-esteem. An example of this being when individuals learn that their social group is unacceptable to society, they tend to perceive the out-group as unacceptable as well (Ford & Tonander, 1998). Haslam (2001) has identified two types of strategies individuals use to boost their group’s status: social conflict and social creativity. Social conflict refers to the in-group undermining the social status of the out-group. This can be done in a violent manner or by way of protests. Social creativity relates to the in-group emphasising group features which they flourish on, by way of advertising these strengths. Haslam (2001) argues that when the in-group does not feel at risk and feel their status is largely secure they will engage in social creativity rather than social conflict. However, when members of the in-group feel threatened they will readily engage in social conflict. A core principle of Social Identity Theory is that one’s social identity is not fixed and cannot predict one’s behaviour. Instead, the context and the in-group’s salience in the context decides which aspect of an individual’s identity is influential in a situation. According to Social Identity Theory, individuals are more inclined to identify with a certain social group if they feel uncertain. Support for this claim comes from McGregor, Reeshma and So-Jin (2008). In their study, participants were required to describe personal conflicts which were caused by unresolved personal problems (uncertainty task). In an attempt to assess out-group derogation, Canadian participants read statements which were critical of Canada, written by a foreign person. The extent to which the Canadian participants disliked and disagreed with the foreigner’s statement was measured, providing an index of out-group derogation. Additionally, each participant completed a measure of structure requirement. McGregor, Reeshma and So-Jin (2008) found that individuals who sought structure and clarity were more likely to show out-group derogation after completing the uncertainty task. However, this research used participants from a Western country – the same results may not have been generated if Eastern participants took part in the study. The assumptions from these results cannot be generalised to people from different cultures. It can be argued that Social Identity Theory is effective in its claim that people have a biased perception of their own social group compared to other groups, that is, explaining in-group bias. Evidence of this can be seen in the results of Mullen, Brown and Smith’s (1992) study into the in-group bias hypothesis. Further support of the claim that identity processes underlie the in-group bias is a report illustrating that members of a social group have higher self-esteem after engaging in discriminatory behaviour (Rubin & Hewstone, 1998). Rubin and Hewstone (1998) demonstrate that people show an intergroup distinction to feel good about themselves and the social group which they identify with (Brown, 2000). Brown, Maras, Masser, Vivian and Hewstone (2001) observed that English passengers on a ferry had been refused travel by the actions of French fishermen – the out-group – and so displayed generally less favourable attitudes towards French people. This supports Social Identity Theory’s social comparison concept, in that the English passengers identified so strongly with their national group that they viewed the French in a negative light which in turn, resulted in them retaining their self-esteem.

However, Social Identity Theory does have a number of issues which have proved problematic when trying to account for group influence. The theory assumes that a positive social identity is based on positive intergroup comparisons (Brown, 2000). It does make sense to assume that there should be a positive correlation between the strength of group identification and the level of in-group bias. This hypothesis has been tested over the years and still remains of interest to psychologists worldwide (Brown, 2000). Subsequent psychological studies investigating this correlation have shown little support for Social Identity Theory. According to Brown (2000), 14 studies were analysed and the overall correlation between group identification and in-group bias was +0.08, and while 64% of correlations were positive, the mean correlation was not very strong (+0.24). It can be argued, however, that this correlation hypothesis was not actually stated by Tajfel and Turner (1979) when they were developing the Social Identity Theory. It is clear from Social Identity Theory that people are motivated to have an in-group bias by the need to see themselves, and the group they identify, within a positive light. Thus, it can be assumed there is a causal link between intergroup distinction and self-esteem. Abrams and Hogg (1988) summarised this concept – positive in-group differentiation leads to increased self-esteem and people with low self-esteem show more differentiation in order to boost levels of self-esteem. Social Identity Theory is essentially a theory relating to group differentiation, that is, how members of a specific in-group make this group distinctive from, and better than, an out-group. Therefore, groups which see themselves as similar should be keen to show intergroup differentiation (Brown, 1984). This hypothesis has been tested vigorously over the years with different results. Some studies have generated results which contradict Social Identity Theory’s hypothesis – Jetten, Spears and Manstead (1996) found that groups that viewed themselves to hold similar attitudes and equivalent status showed more intergroup attraction and less bias then dissimilar groups (Brown, 2000). However, some studies support Social Identity Theory as they have found that intergroup similarity does lead to intergroup differentiation especially if both groups are extremely similar (White & Langer, 1999). The concept of social identity as described by Social Identity Theory could be altered by way of having a greater greater acknowledgement of the diversity of social groups that can represent one’s social identity.

Self-Categorisation Theory also focuses on the concept of intergroup differentiation as a function of identity (TaAYdemir, 2011). Self-Categorisation Theory is seen as a cognitive theory of behaviour within intergroup contexts and offers explanations about the cognitive processes underlying an individual’s self-categorisation and intergroup differentiation processes (Turner, 1999). The theory is seen to be a more elaborate, extended version of the original Social Identity Theory (TaAYdemir, 2011). Turner et al. (1987) argue that Self-Categorisation Theory deals with the social-cognitive basis of intergroup behaviour. Self-Categorisation Theory explains how people form a self-identity in terms of the social categories which they belong to. This also leads to people discriminating between their own category members and people in other categories. The meta-contrast principle explains this process. The meta-contrast principle explains that any number of individuals in a certain situation are likely to categorise themselves as a social group when they view differences amongst each other less than the differences between themselves and others in the same situation (Turner, 1985). For that reason, when inter-group differences are more stark than intra-group differences (high meta-contrast ratio), it is believed that people define themselves based on their membership of social groups and they differentiate between the in-group and out-group (Turner, Oakes, Haslam & McGarty, 1994). Self-Categorisation Theory states that when individuals identify with a social group, they experience depersonalisation. That is, they perceive every member of their group as interchangeable on a certain level (Turner et al., 1957). Self-categorisation cognitively assimilates the individual to the in-group prototype and so depersonalises self-conception (Hogg and Terry, 2001). Therefore, it is assumed that each group member, including the individual themselves, share the same values and morals and so they tend to adhere to group norms (Hogg and Reid, 2006). According to Hogg and Terry (2001), this transformation of self-identity is the process which underlies group phenomena as it brings self-identification in line with the relevant in-group prototype in a certain context. Many psychologists, such as Simon (2004) and Deaux (1993) have challenged this assumption of depersonalisation. A study was conducted by Swann, Gomez, Seyle, Morales and Huici (200) who found a contradiction to the assumption of depersonalisation. In their study, individuals who felt their personal and social identities were linked did not adhere to the norms of the in-group. Instead, they engaged in rebellious behaviour to protect their group even when their identity was threatened. Self-Categorisation Theory promotes the idea that when people self-categorise themselves, they tend to think of themselves more as a member of a social group, rather than as individuals. This includes them believing that they share the same characteristics associated with their group and they behave in ways that they feel members of their group should act. This process is called self-stereotyping (Mackie, Smith and Ray, 2008). As result of this, self-categorisation increases similarity in the in-group. This is because every member of the social group takes on attributes which are seen as characteristic of the group and so every member develops identical qualities. One could argue, therefore, that Self-Categorisation Theory provides an insight into the fact that the group has become part of one’s self. Support of this comes from a study by Smith and Henry (1996) who found that group members perceive themselves as like their social group.

Although both theories, Self Identity Theory and Self-Categorisation Theory, are different, one could ague that they are similar to an extent. This is because both theories explore how identities are internalised and are used by individuals to define themselves. However, there are several differences between Social Identity Theory and Self-Categorisation Theory and the way in which they account for group influence. Self-Categorisation Theory focuses more on the cognitive processes of categorisation in a social context whereas Social Identity Theory offers a more discursive approach. Discursive psychologists have been critical of Social Identity Theory over the years. They criticise the theory’s assumption that group conflict and differentiation is caused by a worldwide psychological process. Additionally, they feel that the theory is limited as it does not have ecological validity since much of the research into the theory is conducted in Western cultures. There has been an intercultural study conducted by Wetherell (1996) who found that children who come from other cultural backgrounds do not discriminate between groups, unlike North American children. Self-Categorisation Theory does not place as much emphasis on the role of self-esteem, unlike Social Identity Theory. Social Identity Theory emphasises the process of self-categorisation into a group and Self-Categorisation Theory emphasises the process of self-stereotyping and identifying oneself based on a social group. According to Taylor and Moghaddam (1994), Self-Categorisation Theory ignores socio-structural factors and is devoid of the passion involved in real-life conflicts. The theory describes humans in the image of thinking machines. Therefore, one contrast between Social Identity Theory and Self-Categorisation Theory is that the latter can be criticised for not paying enough attention to motivational and affective issues. One flaw of Self-Categorisation Theory is that it concentrates on identity formation in adults but no attention has been given to the development of identity in infants. There has however been research into this, using the main principles of Self-Categorisation Theory and applying it to children (Barrett, Wilson and Lyons, 1999). One could therefore argue that Self-Categorisation Theory is not efficient when it comes to explaining group influence on children. A success of Social Identity Theory is that other psychologists have used its principles in an attempt to explain extremist social movements. Reicher, Haslam and Rath (2008) explained how the ideas promoted by Social Identity Theory were able to explain Nazism.

In conclusion, it is clear that both theories share similarities, but there are also a number of differences between the two. Self-Categorisation Theory has a more cognitive approach to group influence whereas Social Identity Theory has a more discursive approach. Further research into Social Identity Theory could involve people from Eastern countries to give the theory more ecological validity as currently, the majority of studies have used Western participants. Self-categorisation theory focuses too much on the formation of identity and group influence in adults and so more research could be done on children to see if the same assumptions apply.

Social Identity In The Workplace Sociology Essay

Organisational research has used ‘social identity’ to explain organisational commitment, motivation, satisfaction, employee interaction and so on (Ashforth & Mael, 1996). Identity influences individual behaviour at work (Ashforth & Mael, 1989). The process whereby an individual attaches to a team involves cognitive, emotional and behavioural alignment (Tajfel, 1987). Social Group(s) and team(s), values and norms or attitudes may shaped an employee’s social identity. Therefore, an analysis of social identification could provide an insights into employees’ collective attitudes, thus intergroup relations.

Teamwork has become more prevalent in the workplace because of its contribution to organisational success (Cohen, 1997). Marolt (2002) notes that teamwork leads to higher quality of products, higher productivity, more frequent business processes and improves interpersonal relationships. Earlier research focused on physical factors that emphasies on productivity however a shift from productivity to human resources has occurred.

Management has intensified its enquiries more into the ‘how’ and ‘why’ of human behaviour. Indeed, since the work of Elton Mayo, T.N. Whitehead and W.J. Dickson in the 1930s, the significance of both the psychological and sociological factors which influence the members’ motivation and behaviour in groups was identified (Miklavcic Sumanski et al., 2007).

The focus has shifted from the traditional approaches to managing people based around bureaucratic power structures, money-based incentives and Taylorist-style work organisation to human relations. The role of individual, motivated workers and fostering the involvement of the employees to the organisations are of significant importance. Recently, there has been growing interest in organisational identity which centers on how employees derive their sense of self from organisations and how this self-definition generates behaviour that increases group effectiveness (Reade, 2001; Hogg & Terry, 2000; Benkhoff, 1997).

In response to the challenge of globalisation and the increased need for rapid response to meet customer expectations, organisations are modifying their conventional structures in teams in preference to those described as ‘virtual’ (Herzog 2001). Employees as distributed across time, space, and organisational boundaries, work together with links strengthened by the webs of information and communication technologies (ICTs) (DeSanctis & Poole 1997; Lipnack & Stamps 1997). In contrast to the benefits enjoyed, one of the challenges that organisations have faced in supporting virtual teamwork is to develop and strengthen the ties that bind the dispersed employees (DeSanctis & Monge 1999; Wiesenfeld et al 1999). In addition, conflict is found to be inevitable in distributed teams and is hard to isolate and manage (Hinds & Bailey, 2003; Mannix, et al., 2002). Studies of virtual teams have reported significant conflict among team members as the members encounter difficulties in coming to terms with different perspectives, unshared information and tensions resulting from distance and diversity (see Armstrong & Cole, 2002; Cramton, 2001).

When a shared identity is prominent in teams, there tend to be higher degrees of loyalty, trust and cohesion of team members in promoting the interest of the group as a whole (Brewer & Miller, 1996). In virtual teams, identification is important as it promotes a sense of togetherness (Raghuram 1996), thus identifying the antecedents and consequences of the identification process is necessary for the management of virtual teamwork (Wiesenfeld et al, 2001).

This thesis seeks insights into the formation of identity and intergroup relations in virtual teams. The purpose of the current study is to use social identity perspective as a lens to analyse the psychological process and the motivational aspect of social identification, relating these to the social and virtual team context and investigating the impact of employee’ identification on their intergroup and conflict-handling behaviour.

Over the years, there has been an increasing awareness of the need for a further understanding of group processes, especially with contributions from social psychology (e.g. Haslam, 2001; Wegge, 2000; van Dick, 2001; van Knippenberg & van Schie, 2000). Social psychology has long been studying how people interact in and between social groups (Batt & Doellgast, 2004). Thus, the analysis of the current work is grounded in the social psychological domain. The social identity perspective in social psychology has its conceptual origins in Henri Tajfel’s Social Identity Theory (SIT) where social identity, categorisation and comparison are the core concepts of the theory (Tajfel, 1972, Tajfel & Turner, 1979). The empirical work was carried out in four organisations in different industrial sectors operating virtual teams. In total, seven multicultural virtual teams were examined.

This chapter provides an overview of the theoretical and empirical terrain that informs the study and is organised as follows: First, the development and evolution of small groups and teams in workplace is briefly presented, to inform the readers on how teamwork has been at the heart of the wave of efforts to improve productivity, job quality and the working condition of employees. Next, the different perspectives of studies in teamwork and organisational behaviour (i.e. sociology, psychology and social psychology) are reviewed in order to draw out the common themes and weaknesses, with the aim of justifying the relevance of the chosen perspective for the current study. Third, the theoretical underpinnings of social identity and its explication as found in social identity theory are outlined. Included in this discussion is the complementary theory of social categorisation, which was developed to elaborate the cognitive process of forming a social identity. It is important to stress at this stage that the social identity theory’s focus in groups and its concept of how an employee’s social self emerges in the group provide key insights in employees’ collective behaviour and the interrelations in the virtual teams. Finally, the philosophical foundation, methodology and methods chosen for the current study are briefly presented, followed by the organisation of the thesis.

1.2 An overview of team working

Teams are replacing individuals as the basic unit of work organisations. Teamwork has been adopted widely in manufacturing – e.g. in the automotive industry (Kuipers et al, 2004) as well as in other areas of business (e.g. within clerical areas) (Kinnie et al., 1998). In general, work teams are found both in manufacturing and service settings – e.g. clothing manufacturing teams (see Batt & Appelbaum, 1995) and audit teams (see Gupta et al., 1994). Traditionally, work teams are under the scrutiny and control of supervisors whereby work processes, resources and decisions are informed by them. More recently, self-managed, autonomous, empowered work teams are gaining favour because of their benefit gained in cost reduction, enhanced productivity, product quality and its work environment where members are involved in decision making (Cohen & Bailey, 1997).

Although teamworking became more important and attractive as a management technique in the twentieth century, much of the interest in teams and teamwork can be traced back to the fashion for reorganising production processes into semi-autonomous work groups in the 1970s and 1980s (Thompson & McHugh, 2002), or even a number of earlier distinct traditions of which include the socio-technical, the ‘Humanisation of Work’, the employee involvement trajectory (Batt & Doellgast, 2004).

The benefit of group working on morale (reduced boredom) and productivity (increased output) was identified by researchers at the Industrial Fatigue Research Board (IFBR) in the UK via the Hawthorne studies of 1924, followed by the work of consultants at the Tavistock Institute of Human Relations in London in the 1950s. In the Tavistock research, the social, psychological and organisational advantages of autonomous group working were identified. From then on, the concept of team working was adopted as a management technique and the notion of autonomous group working was eagerly embraced by the Quality of Working Life (QWL) movement during the 1960s and 1970s. The focus had been on morale, and the implications of boredom for job satisfaction, productivity, absenteeism and labour turnover (Mueller, et al, 2000).

In the 1980s, the use of team working was broadened as fundamental to the competitive advantage of reducing boredom and absenteeism, particularly in relation to the quality of product and customer service, problem solving and so on (Buchanan, 1994). This led to the introduction of Quality Circle (QC) and the subsequent prevalence of self-managing teams. In the late 1980s, the ‘high performance work team’ (HPWT) was adopted to promote greater levels of involvement, commitment and skill development for the employees. At that time, team working was a popular management technique and the concept of flexible, empowerment teamwork was rediscovered.

As Procter and Mueller (2000) note, the utilisation of work team was still very much in manufacturing industry, particularly in the automotive sector until the mid-1980s. In the late 1980s, such application expanded further to service industries and the public sector – e.g. the telecommunication sector, insurance sector, the software industry and so on. In the 1990s, the use of management teams is expanding in response to the turbulence and complexity of the global business environment. As organisations seek to expand globally, there is great demand in providing rapid respond to meet customer expectation and to cope with the dynamic business environments. Hence, organisations are modifying their conventional structures in teams (Herzog, 2001).

With the development of ICTs, the workforce dynamic and working patterns are changing and the use of virtual teams became increasingly important. The creative use of new ICT capabilities has broken traditional spatial boundaries and allowed organisations to experiment with new working practices and business models (Robbins, 2003).

1.3 Different perspectives in studying teamwork and organisational behaviour

The current work seeks insights into intergroup relations in virtual teams, in particular the employees’ attachment to teams and their collective behaviour. In a nutshell, this research lies in the field of organisational behaviour, whereby it investigates the impact of individual, group and structure on behaviour within the organisations. There are various academic disciplines which are constituted to research people behaviour in organisations. The predominant disciplines are psychology, sociology, social psychology, anthropology and political science (Robbins, 2005). Although the current research is based on the concepts of social psychology, it is worthwhile discussing how other disciplines influence research on employee behaviour and teamwork. The discussion will be based on three influential traditions (i.e. psychology, sociology and social psychology) as suggested by Thompson and McHugh (2002) and Batt and Doellgast (2004) whose influence are deemed of relevance to the current study.

Different disciplines interpret and study teamwork differently. Marks (2005), Batt and Doellgast (2004), note that the study of work teams has mainly emerged from either the more positive psychological/managerial tradition or from the more critical, frequently sociologically influenced scholars. They note that the former concerns the internal characteristics of teams that lead to better performance (i.e. the focus is on productivity and employees’ well being); whereas the latter interprets teams as regulating mechanisms and believes that team working is a way of controlling employees.

In the study of people behaviour in organisations, psychology’s contributions have been mainly at the individual or micro level of analysis while sociology has contributed to the understanding of macro concepts such as group processes and organisation (Robbins, 2005: 12). Social psychology, on the other hand, assimilates concepts from both psychology and sociology, whereby it focuses on the influence of people on one another. The next section briefly discusses the influence of the macro-level i.e. the sociological stance on the study of teams, followed by the micro-level, i.e. the psychological as well as the social psychological perspective.

1.3.1 The sociological approach and Influence of the Labour process and post modernism

This sub-section describes the sociological approach to teams and how the assessment of teamwork is influenced by two critical traditions – the labour process and post-modernism. Sociologists focus on the evolution of society, or the forms, institutions and functions of human groups (Rush, 1989). As Batt and Doellgast (2004) point out, the labour process theory has significantly impacted on the sociological view of teams – teamwork is part of management’s strategies to control employees’ efforts and output while concerning the dynamic of conflict, coercion and consent within organisations.

The Labour process analysis (LPA) was first presented by Marx to understand the relationship between the creative power of human labour and the capitalist mode of production. His purpose was to show how labour power is shaped, organised and controlled to generate humanly valuable outputs. Marx identified three components of the Labour process – the purposeful activity of men (directed to work), the object for which work is performed (in the form of natural or raw material), and the instruments of that work (most often tools or more complex technology). During the labour process, the human and technical aspects interpenetrate (Thompson, 1983: 39). Marx (1976) stresses ‘Men not only affects a change of form in the materials of nature, he also realises his own purpose in those materials’ (p.284). In other words, man’s conscious and the way he can produce his own sustenance distinguishes him from the animal species.

Marx argues that when the system of production is capitalist, alienation occurs. When the minority of people own the means of production, the workers loose their control over the product, thus they can be separated from their product and the production activity. When the production is for profit through the commodity market, the workers sell their labour in exchange for wages. The exchange of market economy and commodities also turns every productive group into competitors, thus reducing the social relations amongst people to economic exchangers of commodity. As a result, capitalism dampens the quality of workers in terms of producing their own means of existence and of actualising their capacity at work (Thompson & Mchugh, 2002).

Marx’s labour process analysis (LPA) was subsequently used to understand work in organisations, and the employees’ responses to it. Indeed, much of the sociological research on work in organisations was influenced by the LPA, mainly after the publication of Braverman’s work – ‘Labour and Monopoly Capital’ in 1974 (Thompson & Smith, 2009). In Braverman’s work, critiques of the capitalist labour process were reviewed. Braverman explored how the application of modern management techniques, in combination with mechanism and automation, secured the real subordination and deskilling of work in the organisation. He argued that the capitalist mode of production requires efficient means of separating the control of workers (the conception) from their work (the execution). Braverman focused on Taylorism’s ‘degradation of work’ and he concluded that the ‘separation of conception from execution’ had led to a tighter control imposed on the workers and power remained in the hand of those at the top of the orgnisation’s hierarchy (Bolton, 2005). In general, the influence of Braverman Labour process relates to the development of job design, managerial control strategies, workers’ resentment at work and the impact of class struggle within the production process (Gidden, 1982; Salaman, 1982; Thompson, 1983).

Braverman’s discussion has its limitations. Gidden (1982) notes that Braverman’s labour process neglects the reactions of workers – the knowledgeable and capable agents to the technical divison of labour and Taylorism (p.40). Building on Braverman’s work, studies conducted by Edwards (1979) and Friedman (1977) revealed the changing forms of management control. Edwards (1979) proposes ‘welfare capitalism’ whereby social and other benefits can be provided in the workplace, whereas Freidman (1977) identifies ‘responsible autonomy’ as a way of generating a level of participation from the workforce. Undeniably, mounting dissatisfaction with Braverman’s analysis of management has led to a number of theoretical reformulations and empirical case studies in process and methods of controlling the labour process.

In addition, the use of teamworking (e.g. semi-autonomous work groups) was broadened as fundamental to competitive advantage in organisations in the 1980s. At that time, there was an emergence of new ideas of which included the post-Fordism and flexible specialisation (Thompson & Smith, 2009). A whole body of organisational research started to look at organisational practices and developed a framework which focus on the labour process, management strategies of control and resistance at work, with the acknowledgement of the organisational actors (e.g. employees) as active agents (Bolton, 2005). In the 1990s, with globalisation and the rapid adoption of the information of communication technologies (ICTs), organisations tend to promote greater levels of involvement, commitment and skill development for the employees. Team working (e.g. virtual team practices) appeared to be a widespread management technique to implement flexibility and empowerment in the workplace. Clearly, there is a move from command and control to collaborative trust and a high commitment to work relations.

At the same time, post-modernism also influenced most of the research in social science (Carter, 2008). Post-modernist perspectives have developed through Foucault-influenced scholars of organisations and new management practices (e.g. Barker, 1993; Townley, 1993; Sewell, 1998). For example, Barker’s (1993) study of the self-managed teams in an electronic plant demonstrated that there is a shift of the locus of control to the workers. Workers in self-managed teams develop a system of value-based normative rules that control their actions more powerfully and completely than the former system (p.408). Sewell (1998) was interested in the systems of managerial control in monitoring the activities of employees (e.g. computer-based control, closed-circuit television cameras, call centres) and he concluded that teams are often complementary to hierarchical forms of control. Townley (1993), on the other hand, applied the work of Foucault to the tenet of HRM. She explored the interplay between power and knowledge and her analysis indicates that techniques such as recruitment and selection techniques are important among organised populations and have impacts on the subjectivity of people. Her study sought insights into how employees come to make sense of the ‘selves’ and the ways they interact with others (Cater et al, 2002).

What seems to be in common theme in these studies is the emphasis on subjectivity and identity. Much work has subsequently been carried out to analyse subjectivity by means of understanding the contradictions and ambiguities of management-labour relations. For example, Knights and Willmott (1989) highlight the means through (re)constructing subjectivities and identities in work relation, and examining how often face resistance. Consistent with this, Ackroyd and Thompson’s (1999) argue that employees are aware of management intentions and often retain the resources to resist and misbehave at work. Evidently, the reproduction of everyday life and the basis of control have shifted from the material to the symbolic – people not only struggle with their interests but also their work identities (Thompson & Smith, 2001; 2009).

Overall, the labour process and post-modern streams of scholarship have contributed important insights into the relationship between modern forms of working patterns (i.e. teamwork) and traditional forms of managerial control at work. While sociologists focus on the evolution of society, or the forms, institutions and functions of groups; psychologists concern with the study of mind and the interaction of the mind with an individual’s behaviour (Rush, 1989).

1.3.2 The psychological and social psychological perspective

Haslam (2004) notes that the psychological functioning associated with human behaviour was first identified by Wundt in Leipzig in 1879. Later on, two of his students, J. McKeen Cattell and Hugo Munsterberg took the interest further to study individual differences in order to analyse organisational behaviour. In line with Taylorism, Munsterberg (1913) argued that analysing the requirement of any job, along with identifying the key psychological components associated with productivity and individual aptitude are necessary. He then pointed out that identifying motivational principles that would facilitate worker participation in the process of scientific management is essential. In brief, his investigation of the effect of specific personality and environmental variables on job performance highlighted firstly, the highly subjective nature of workers’ reaction to their work despite their experience in work that is extremely dull; and secondly, the role of group membership in determining work satisfaction. He then concluded that groups can make positive psychological contributions to workplace environment (Munsterberg, 1913: 234).

Although Munsterberg’s work has influenced the major development of the psychological approach in the analysis of organisational behaviour, his work focuses mainly the individual differences and neglects the social dimension of organisational life (Haslam, 2004). Later, Mayo and his colleagues acknowledged that organisational life transforms individual differences into group similarities. Yet, their work informed little about the psychological processes and people’s psychological make-up. In the 1960s, there was growing interest in the cognitive processes whereby such work analyse the mental processes that might account for particular patterns of organisational behaviour (Haslam, 2004: 6-12).

Work in the social psychological and organisational behaviour tradition in teams concerns the internal characteristics of group that lead to performance (Batt and Doellgast, 2004). Rush (1989) notes that what distinguishes a social psychologist from a sociologist is that the former is primarily ‘interested in studying the behaviour of an individual and he relates to, or is affected by, the groups in which he loves and functions’, while the latter is more focused ‘the group as a whole and one group’s relationships with another’ (p.39). In other words, social psychologists are not concerned with biological, developmental or personality factors (Marks, 2005) but provide an analysis of the psychological process that explains how employees’ membership in teams and their social relations contribute to their organisational life (Haslam, 2004).

Social psychology is an appropriate approach for the current work in examining social identity and intergroup relations. Henri Tajfel and John Turner’s Social Identity Theory (SIT) is adopted as the theoretical framework for the research, as this theory highlights the awareness of the reality of the group and its contribution to employees’ social cognition and behaviour.

1.4 The Social Identity Theory (SIT)

SIT (Tajfel & Turner, 1979) and its offshoot, Social Categorisation Theory (SCT) (Turner, 1986) were developed with the attempt to understand the psychological basis of intergroup conflict and ingroup bias. The core assumption of SIT is that individuals categorise and define themselves in terms of a group membership. Having defined themselves in terms of social categorisation, individuals seek to enhance their self-conception by positively differentiating their ingroup from a comparative outgroup (Hogg & Terry, 2000; Haslam, 2004). In other words, social categorisation requires the establishment of a distinct social identity and group members may develop conflicting relationships with out-group members in order to enhance the positivity of their social identity (Tajfel, 1972; Tajfel & Turner, 1979). The disruptive dynamics of social categorisation as the basis for intergroup conflict implies that SIT and SCT are relevant theoretical foundations to analyse the identification process and its impact on conflict in virtual teams.

As Haslam (2004) describes, the psychological contribution of social identity is to create and define individual’s place in society. When an employee defines himself with a group or team they belong, ingroup bias may occur. SIT suggests that the mere act of individuals categorising themselves as group members is sufficient to cause them to confirm or establish ingroup favouritism. However, the importance of a particular category to a person’s self-conception (or category salience) varies according to the context (Abrahams & Hogg, 1988). The conception of SIT has also been detailed further to predict how group status, stability, permeability and legitimacy influence social identity (Tajfel, 1974, 1979; Hogg & Abrams, 1988).

In the continuing development, SCT has contributed in the understanding of the cognitive aspect of SIT. Turner (1978) argued that ‘switching on’ the social identity means that individuals have to go through the process of depersonalisation of self-perception – a process of self-stereotyping whereby the self is perceived as categorically interchangeable with other ingroup members. It causes a cognitive redefinition of the self (and others) with a particular social category. In brief, the ‘social collectivity becomes self’ (Turner, 1999). When employees categorise themselves as members of a group, similarities in the group and differences between the ingroup and outgroup become the drivers of identification.

Organisational identification, which means the psychological attachment between an individual and his/her work organization, has received increasing interest, primarily because of its effect on behaviour associated with enhanced organisational performance (Reade, 2001; Benkhoff, 1997). Organisational identification can manifest at different levels in an organisation – the organisational, departmental and team level (Rink & Ellemers, 2007). Identification processes, particularly the self-categorisation process are seen as an important mediator between the organisational context and organisational behaviour (Turner & Haslam, 2001). When individuals perceive their group identity positive and important to their self-conception, they tend to be motivated to conform to the group norm and engage in the group goals rather than their personal goals. As a result, virtual team identity can be viewed as a psychological as well as a social reality (Haslam, 2003).

Clearly, the identification process in virtual teams occurs at the interface of structure and agency, whereby both the organisational context and structures; and the cognition and pre-conception of employees influence the emergence of their social selves. The way that employees perceive the outgroup is associated with their social experiences, reflecting perhaps nationality, gender, classed, workgroup which given meaning within the group. However, the decision of whether or not to identify with the team lies in the employees’ assessment within their personal impressions, feelings and experiences. Because social identity has impact on behaviour, social identity is not only a cognitive categorisation process that take place in the employee’s mind, but a product that results from the process (e.g. Postmes et al, 2005). In other words, social identity directs the employees’ perceptions, beliefs and intentions, and allows what is in their mind to be translated into the collective activities (e.g. intergroup behaviour).

In the past, different scholars have used varied philosophical perspectives to interpret organisational identity and behaviour. Among the scholars are the positivists, interpretivists and critical scholars (Alvesson et al., 2008; Saunders, et al., 2003). Instead of using the positivist and interpretivist lens to understand the formation of identity and its impact on conflict in virtual teams, the critical realistic perspective developed by Bhaskar (1979, 1989, 1993, 1994 & 1998) is adopted for the current study. This is because the Critical Realists’ world view and its epistemological position captured within the structure-agency framework is able to explain how an agent (e.g. the employee, their perceptions and motivations) interacts with the enabling and constraining effects of social structures during the identification processes. Through this perspective, an understanding of the interplay between the subjective world of agents and the objective and independent world of social structures can be sought (Archer, 1995, 2002).

A qualitative approach is adopted throughout the research because of its strength in describing and explaining ‘human experience as it appears in people’s lives (Polkinghorne, 2005, p. 137). There is an effort to understand, appreciate, and expose the processes and mechanisms that people use to give meaning to their own and other’s behaviour (Patton, 1984). With the case study method, the researcher is able to study different aspects of the processes and mechanisms, and examine them in relation to each other within the social and organisational context (Gummession, 2000). In general, an understanding of the contemporary phenomena within the real-life context can be sought (Yin, 1994).

1.5 The outline of the thesis

The structure of this thesis is organised into eight interconnected sections. Following an introduction to the thesis in Chapter One which contextualised the current study and introduces the reader to its key theoretical and empirical concerns, Chapter Two presented the literature reviews in teams and team working. The aim of this chapter is to review the nature, history and evolution of teams as well as the utilisation of team-based working, specifically virtual teamwork in the workplace. The chapter then moves on to look at a set of challenges, particularly the negative social consequences resulting from the virtual settings. Included in the discussion is the impact of distance, the ICTs and the diversity of virtual teams on employee identification as well as on conflict in teams. In light of these reviews, a key research aim and corresponding research objectives for the subsequent development of the thesis can be established.

Chapter Three moves on to discuss the established social identity theory which serves as an explanatory tool for the current study. The chapter discusses the theoretical conceptions and contributions of Tajfel and Turner’s (1979) Social Identity Theory (SIT) and Social Categorisation Theory (SCT) in the understanding of the psychological underpinning and motivational aspect of identification in groups and intergroup relations. Much of the discussion considers the assumptions of SIT and SCT in various intergroup phenomena, particularly in areas of intergroup favouritism, inequality of group status, stereotypical and intra-group homogeneity, and changing intergroup attitudes through contact. The chapters also address some of the critiques and limitations of SIT and SCT.

Building upon the theoretical challenge in the previous chapters, Chapter Four develops a theoretical framework which seeks to explore the identification processes as well as their impact on conflict

Social identity and the inevitability of conflict groups

The topic of this essay is that the Social Identity Theory (SIT) suggests that prejudice and discrimination against out-group members and, as a result, conflict groups may be inevitable; that all that is needed to trigger in-group favouritism and out-group bias is an awareness that one belongs to a particular social group and that another group, of which one is not a member, exists.

The SIT was conceived by Henri Tajfel and his student John Turner to amend and supplement Campbells’ Realistic Group Conflict Theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). The aim of the SIT was to provide a base level understanding of peoples’ social identities apart from their individual identities, that is, how people identify with groups that they belong to, the assimilation of in-group ideals as their own, the positive bias toward those of the same in-group, and negative bias (prejudice) toward those who identify with out-groups. It also explained inter group behaviour and its social context and also social comparison. The SIT suggests that the more extremely a person is associated with an in-group, the more likely they are to treat members of out-groups as objects comprised of traits universal to members of their out-group, rather than individuals comprised of both group and unique traits. It points out that, especially in our culture, intergroup conflict and competition is commonplace and easy to trigger. There is also suggestion that in-group bias is a universal trait affecting all social groups.

The momentum that helped forge this theory comes from Tajfel’s own personal history. Born in 1919 as a Polish Jew, Henri was called away from his studies in chemistry to fight with the French against the Nazis. A year later he was captured and survived by not allowing his captors to learn that he was a Jew (The Nazis most despised out-group). After the war, Henri returned home to find all his close relatives had been killed. After a time of helping the aftermath Henri studied psychology with a focus on social identity and group conflict such as he had seen during the war (Reicher).

The personal life and times of Henri Tajfel shows some insight into social identity and conflict groups. Such as a young Henri heeding the call to fight the Germans with the French even though he was Polish, in the Second World War the Nazi war machine and its subsequent expansion resurfaced a rift between the Nazis and the rest of Europe that was present in the First World War, leading to two main conflict groups, the Nazi’s and the Allied Nations. As Tajfel was not a Nazi, He identified with the French (part of his in group) and fought along with them. At the time of his capture, Tajfel had to change a part of his social identity in order to survive. As Nazis were more likely to torture and kill Jews over other captive groups Tajfel had to make sure that his captors never learned that he was a Jew. To do this He had to identify as a non-Jew which to him was an out-group, this however required no alteration physical changes (Providing that he didn’t have to expose himself to his captors) and psychologically, he was still himself. Tajfel succeeded and survived until the end of the war. This provides a good example of discrimination based on social grouping rather than individual attributes.

To this many people would say that those were the war days and that violence and emotion ran high, so it was easy to see such discrimination and hostility as commonplace, but times have changed and we are no longer like that. And, to an extent, they are correct. Though even now in Europe, many still consider the Jews as a powerful, threatening group of social and national outsiders (Werner, 2008), and there is still anti-Semitic violence taking place in this older, wiser world. But still, time has moved on and Western atrocities such as the vast commonplace racism of the early to mid twentieth century has dissipated, though not completely. Much of this is due to changing media portrayals of minorities, with thanks to such trail blazers as Sidney Portier (first black actor to play a lead in a major motion picture), The Cosby Show (first non-stereotyped black sitcom), and even Star Trek (first interracial kiss on U.S. television). By allowing people to identify with minorities in the media without stereotyping, aggression toward minorities reduces (Muller, 2009). However lessened, racial discrepancies and violence still occurs in the western world today. It seems that all our attempts to abolish social discrimination and conflict in the past few decades has come a long way, and if you think of things such as the fall of the Berlin Wall, the end of the partite, and the advancement of gay rights, the yes we have. However, if you look at the rise of the Mugabe Regime, the US War on Terror and its subsequent effects on the Muslim population, and even the psudoracism toward the ginger (ging-er) population, then no we really haven’t. Also, most attempts to abolish group conflict have at best reduced conflict, not ended it out right so long as both groups remain in existence.

It seems that intergroup conflict is unavoidable, as we put aside our old differences with one group, we just as quickly discover new differences with another group. Even here in New Zealand in-group bias and out-group prejudice is not only tolerated, it is applauded. Take this personal anecdote for example. In 2005 My best friend and I travelled to the city for my bachelor party. At this time the UK Lions rugby team was touring the country, playing against our All Blacks. Neither my friend nor I were rugby fans of any sort, but when we saw that an English pub was just down the street from where we were staying we decided to don any black clothing we had and go to the English pub to watch the game and give the Lions supporters a hard time. When we arrived we noticed that all the customers inside the pub were dressed in black to support the All Blacks, my friend and I looked around to see if there were any Lions supporters around and indeed we did find them. They had congregated outside in a caged off smokers area on the cold July night, watching a T.V. that was barely audible over the sound of traffic. When we asked them if they wouldn’t prefer a table inside they responded that they were quite happy where they were. My friend and I returned to our table near the bar to watch the game. Though when a Lions supporter came in to get a refreshment, they were met by a call to ‘go back where they belong’ or they were informed precisely how useless their team was. During half time, the smokers in the bar went to the smokers’ area occupied by the Lions fans and once again were insulted for their taste in rugby teams, among other things. The Lions lost the game and at full time the smokers returned to the smokers’ area to boats their mighty victory to the puny Lions Supporters.

This example has a clear cut in-group and a quite literal out-group, the in-group, through force of numbers had dominance in the situation initially. But why, you may ask, did the in group members have to ridicule the out-group members at every available chance? The answer quite simply is self esteem, just as the school bully will put down the smart kids to make themselves feel better, social groups will often discriminate out-groups as a means of enhancing self esteem (Lemyre & Smith, 1985).

This is not the only example of socially acceptable, intergroup conflict in this country either. The ever continuing Holden versus Ford debate is ever popular and in this case the group conflict is media driven with multiple televised Holden versus Ford races occurring annually and a seemingly unending supply of supporter gear as well as derogatory supporter gear designed to insult and degrade your particular out-group. Some members of both groups can take extreme measures in this conflict, such as disallowing out-group vehicles to park on their property. Attribution has a role to play in social conflict as well. Say for instance a Holden crashes during the Bathurst 1000 race the Ford supporters will commonly believe the fault to be in the car or one of the many short comings of it’s driver (who obviously must not be bright to be driving a Holden in the first place). The Holden supporters, however, would more likely believe that some external cause (or perhaps a stupid Ford driver cutting him off) was to blame. This is due to in-group bias causing people to make similar attributions to in group members as they do to themselves (De Cremer, 2000).

So far all the examples have involves high levels of emotional attachment toward the in-group. So is it fair to say that in-group bias and out-group discrimination are a result of heightened emotional commitment toward the in-group? To answer this, many experiments have been conducted based on arbitrary groups designed solely for the purpose of the experiment and in most cases the participants are randomly assigned to groups so that there is no predetermined affiliation between group members. The group members are then given simple tasks and the experimenters are looking for signs for in-group bias and out-group discrimination. The results of studies like these has shown that such discrimination does indeed exist, even when the groups are arbitrary and the group assignment is random (Brewer & Kramer, 1985) (Sachdev & Bourhis, 1985) (Aviram, 2007). This shows that no emotional bond is requires at all for there to be discrimination between in-group and out-group members. All that is really required for there to be out-group prejudice is the knowledge that one is in a social group and that another group, an out-group, exists.

Summary

To summarize the discussion as it stands. The topic was to discuss the SIT and the notion that discrimination and prejudice toward out-groups and intergroup conflict is inevitable, also, that all that is needed for there to be such discrimination is the knowledge that both an in-group and an out-group exists. The personal history of Henri Tajfel and his life during the Second World War was discussed, pointing out the group conflicts and out-group prejudices present during that time. The discrimination of out-group members based on group affiliation rather than individual traits was pointed out. This historical account also gave some insight as to the motives behind the creation of the SIT. Then the role of media in the lessening of racial discrimination and conflict in recent decades was discussed, though it was pointed out that the amount of prejudice and conflict the media had affected had dissipated, it was never truly abolished. There was some discussion on the recent milestones toward intergroup peace globally and also the new found intergroup prejudice and conflict arising at the same time. The view of the discussion then moved to a New Zealand perspective starting with a personal anecdote of the national rugby obsession and the ethnocentric discrimination that arises from the organised conflict of the game itself. It was then discussed how the media and commercial marketing can also induce conflict and discrimination between groups with reference to the local Holden Versus Ford conflict. In this it was pointed out how in-group bias and out-group discrimination can influence the locus of attribution in the inference of others behaviour. Finally, experiments involving out-group discrimination in arbitrary groups of randomly assigned members was discussed, the results of which being in support with the notion that all that is required for there to be in-group bias and out-group discrimination is the knowledge that an in-group (to which one belongs) and an out-group (to which one does not belong) exists. The discussion as a whole utilised a combination of empirical research and real life examples to illustrate facts that validate the SIT and support the suggestions that it carries. The SIT provides a good base knowledge of social identity, social discrimination and conflict groups. However this does not make it the be all and end all of knowledge on this subject. With an ever evolving social climate and the development of new experimental techniques, the Sit is rather a solid foundation to which we can build a more profound understanding of the social world.