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Even though they make up half the population, women and girls have endured discrimination in most societies for thousands of years. In the past, women were treated as property of their husbands or fathers – they couldn’t own land, they couldn’t vote or go to school, and were subject to beatings and abuse and could do nothing about it. Over the last hundred years, much progress has been made to gain equal rights for women around the world, but many still live without the rights to which all people are entitled. — Robert Alan

In society today there are many inequalities, gender being the lead. There is gender inequality in popular culture, workplaces, sports, politics and religion. For this essay I have chosen inequality in religion.

Religion has been around for thousands of years, when religion first started our world was different. We didn’t have the technology we do today and men were regarded higher than women. Women weren’t allowed to work or go anywhere. Today even though women get more respect than they did before there is still inequality. Men still have authority over women and female children even though there might be laws instated to stop the inequality or could it be the culture of the country that has confused religion and culture. Sometimes the laws of a country rule against the laws of religion, which is followed; religion or politics?

Mainly in the Middle East and North Africa, human rights for women are denied, despite the diverse laws in place. I have found a website which informs us about the 10 extreme examples of gender inequality.

Please note that I do not intend to disrespect any religion in what I say, it is my own personal opinion.
Number 10: Forbidden from driving

In Saudi Arabia women are forbidden to drive. Men are not allowed to drive a lady unless she is close to him i.e. a relative or spouse. Women can’t drive because then they have to unveil their eyes and that is forbidden, a lady can’t leave the house often, if she drives she will leave more often and if they out it will mean more interaction with men they do not know. Another issue is how to get thousands of school girls to their schools if men cannot drive girls they do not know, no exceptions are accepted. Women basically have to live in their house, they cannot explore the world unless a male relative is watching their every move.

Number 9: Clothing Requirements:

Women are beautiful and have a right to wear what they want; they should be allowed to wear what they want WITHOUT being labelled however some women feel secure.

In some places women obligated to wear a head to toe garment, covering all their clothes, called a Burqa. The garments are so thick that you must not be able to see through it. If they don’t wear these garments they are either stoned, abused or acid is thrown on them.

Some women however may feel more secure wearing these as their chance of being raped and sexually abused in lowered.

Number 8: Right to Divorce

Men have every right to divorce his wife with very few questions asked. A wife can not divorce her husband unless she has an eyewitness to the abuse; often the abuse happens in front of another man who is not going to be on the lady’s side. It is often very easy for a man to divorce his wife but for the wife it is close to impossible. In some countries like Egypt a lady can divorce her husband if she can pay back her dowry.

Number 7: Right to Education

In Saudi Arabia it is believed that women are only supposed to be educated to carry out a proper female Muslim life. A group of women teach young girls certain aspects of the Qur’an and how to carry out their life once married; how they are supposed to act as a housewife, mother and a wife. Not many women go to this education (picture above), why, perhaps the male members in their family may not see it necessary.

Because of how limited their education is some women want to be educated more but some agree that they are only meant be educated that much and so they agree with it.

Number 6: Right to Travel:

In Iraq, Libya, Jordan, Morocco, Oman and Yemen, husbands must give their wife’s written permission to leave the country. In Saudi Arabia, women cannot travel unless they have written permission from a male relative. Women also have identity cards these cards are under their father’s or husbands cards. On the identification cards there is a picture of an unveiled lady and many Arabian women disagree with a picture like that.

http://atlasshrugs2000.typepad.com/atlas_shrugs/images/2008/02/20/pakistan.jpg

Number 5: Victims of Violence

In some countries there are no laws instated against any type of abuse against and there is no protection for the female victim. Women are abused by fathers, brothers, husbands and any random man. In some countries if a man rapes a woman all charges are dropped if HE agrees to marry the lady. Women are abused because they have put a “shame” on their family. Migrant female works are most vulnerable for sexual abuse by not only the husband of the house but the teenage or adult sons too.

Number 4: Custody Rights

In Bahrain, family law is not codified; judges have complete power to deny women custody of their children for the most arbitrary reasons. Women who have been courageous to fit were sued by 11 family court judges. With consideration to parental authority as, legally, children belong to their father. If divorced or widowed, a woman is normally granted custody of daughters until they reach the age of nine and sons until they the age of seven. Older children are often awarded to the divorced husband or the paternal grandparents.

Number 3: Citizenship

Women who marry men who aren’t citizens of a country cannot get citizenship themselves. In order for a lady to get citizenship for a country she has to marry a male citizen otherwise it is impossible for her. There is no reason for a lady to apply for citizenship elsewhere especially if she married and has children because she is fulfilling her duty. Women cannot grant citizenship to their children if born to a non-national father.

Number 2: Sexual Subjugation

Unmarried pregnant women are mainly at risk for prosecution. Women are only for making babies and satisfying a man’s sexual desires. Women don’t have a say in anything, if a girl is a virgin and if she is raped it is her fault because she is a virgin, men find it frustrating if girls are virgins. As time has gone by in some countries men see themselves are more powerful than women. Women HAVE to wear Burqa but how do you explain the picture to the right? This shows that if a lady is pleasing male pleasures it IS okay to “break” the rules.

Picture: http://stickeenotes.files.wordpress.com/2009/06/burqa_sexy_1.jpg

Number 1: Female Infanticide

There are many countries that follow this. In china it IS LEAGL to abort, starve, abandon, neglect and infanticide a female child. In many religions male children are more worthy than females because they carry the family name and are the ones who continue the family business where as women get married and they are the husband’s responsibility. It often happens in rural areas as families need their sons to work and women aren’t allowed that right. In the US it is immoral and manslaughter to commit an infanticide but it is still committed.

There is gender inequality in Religion but could the condition the people live under affect their intentions. A poverty stricken country will often have more inequalities compared to a wealthy country. This is because the people are not educated about the modern day; it’s our duty to do so.

In this essay I would like to demonstrate that achieving a greater equality in terms of reconciliation of professional and family life requires policies that not only introduce changes in labour market patterns, but also within the private sphere of family. This is to say, the reconceptualisation of women’s and men’s roles cannot be achieved without the political will descending from above and common social agreement emanating from below. Further along the essay, I am going to complement the theoretical arguments with some practical examples from the European context in order to discuss to what extent family policies enhance or diminish equality between men and women.

Demographic changes – towards new family patterns

One of numerous attributes of the post-industrial era could be defined in terms of feminist claims for gender equality. Indeed, women demands have been part of policy arena in most post-industrial countries. As individuals, women firstly demanded the detachment from their traditional roles of housewives. Later on, due to demographic changes such as low fertility, women’s issues became one of the top priorities on political agenda. This time, however, women reclaimed their rights not only as workers, but also as mothers. This political turn shouldn’t be regarded as nostalgia for the male bread-winner model. In effect, tough conditions of labour market and economic hardship put women under pressure in terms of making a trade-off between having a family and pursuing a professional career. Subsequently, since a large proportion of women opted for stability – employment rather than precariousness – providing free care, the fertility rate has started dropping rapidly. Since the society’s reproduction buttresses future state’s economy, it remains highly questionable if national policies, originally purported to tackle gender inequality, are not more likely to be driven by political preoccupation of deleterious consequences of low fertility on productivity, profitability and competitivity of a country. The fact that until today most of the political effort to eradicate gender equality concentrated on labour market adjustments rather than finding real answers in the core of the problem in family patterns confirms the hypothesis of governments’ hypocrisy.

From the theoretical perspective

Although welfare regimes have been more or less successful in equalizing men and women in the labour market, the fact that women still perform the bulk of domestic work gives evidence about the ineffectiveness of these policies in terms of gender equity. In the theoretical field, scholars’ positions towards the relationship between family and gender have been rather convergent.

According to Daly and Lewis (2000) the relationship between family and state has used to be defined in terms of level of contribution of individual to the labour market. Taking this criterion as a universal measure of human?s contribution, the non-remunerated care giving activities would be therefore omitted since their social value would be considered as negligible. Although this definition would probably more likely correspond to the definition traditional society of industrial era, residues do persist in Western countries persist in form of assigning women to the private sphere of family, while stressing the duties of men as the bread-winners and therefore, the only actors in the public sphere. In tandem with the disproportional relationship between men and women, Lewis (2002:332), for instance, highlights the unequal relationship between women and labour market. She contends that women are only taken into account when working, whereas women that stay at home and care for children have not being recognized as legitimate enough to the contribution to the society. This is to say that despite the fact that female participation on the labour market increased steadily during the last twenty years, no considerable change has been achieved at the household level, where the majority of domestic tasks, including cleaning and child rearing activities, continues to be performed by women (Lewis, 2002).

On a similar note, Fraser(1994) tries to define the post-industrial welfare regimes through two models. The ‘universal caregiver model’ (1994:593) assumes men and women as autonomous individuals and aims to attain the gender equity through the guarantee of equal opportunities and equal treatment in the labour market. The other one – ‘Caregiver parity model’ (1994:593) – aims to reach gender equity through the support of informal care and generous caregiver allowances. However, because both models are in some aspect discriminating, they fail to alter the gendered conditions of employment and reproduction and therefore, to respond to women’s demands. Fraser thus deems that gender equity can only be achieved through the dismantlement of ‘gender opposition between breadwinning and caregiving’ (Fraser, 1994:611). In other words, ‘the key to achieving gender equity in a postindustrial welfare state is to make women’s current patterns the norm’ (Ibid.). Fraser’s universal caregiver approach considers childcare responsibilities as the alpha omega of persistent gender inequalities of current welfare systems.

Peter McDonald (2002) suggests that in societies where women are treated as autonomous individuals in education and labour market, but as inferior beings in other social male – dominated institutions, they are more likely to opt to not to have children. This argument would reinforce his hypothesis that low fertility rate in industrialized countries is most probably due to a persistent gender inequalities since the women willingness to have children didn’t change. Surveys such as those conducted my McDonald and Fraser place the issues of childcare at the centre of recent policy making interest.

For the reasons discussed above, challenges Western societies are facing since the last two decades – specifically the low birth rate, longevity risk and ageing population problem – have become more pronounced and have force the policy- making authorities to introduce changes not only in the public sphere, but also in the private sphere. In the second part of my essay, I am going to provide some empirical support from Netherlands and Sweden which tried to tackle the low fertility with gender neutral policies premised on reconciliation of family and work lives.

Reconciliation policies in EU

In 1997, the Dutch government launched the ‘Combination Scenario’ programme aimed to promote equal sharing of time between paid and unpaid work among men and women. Since the Dutch culture is based on strong attachment to private and informal care (Platenga et al., 1999), the policy goal was to be achieved through widening employment patterns rather than providing extensive childcare services. Long male and short female working hours were supposed to be equalized through policies such as shorter working week. Nonetheless, whereas public opinion hailed new measures, outcomes of the latter remained far from the initial goal. Part-time contract did not diminish men’s working hours, but moreover, it even pronounced the inequality of labour market since women (and not men) continued to opt for part-time contracts in order to care for their children. Platenga et al. therefore conclude:

‘…an increase in the amount of time spent in the market without any corresponding change in the organization of unpaid work will not only slow down any progress made towards gender equality, but will also have detrimental effects on the quality of our lives.’ (1999:109)

Here again, the failure of Dutch initiative could be a consequence of putting too much emphasis into the promotion of changes in employment patterns rather than in equal distribution of care time. Some authors suggest that such working-time regimes can either promote or diminish gender equality (Rubery et al, 1998 in Platenga et al, 1999). This would depend on to what extent the institutions and political environment are favourable toward these changes. In the Dutch case, despite the public willingness of change, part-time work continued to be considered as a deviation from full-time norm as well as the care work persisted to be understood as women’s responsibility and was therefore, undervalued (Platenga et al., 1999)

Unlike other EU countries, Sweden, for instance, has a long history of active women participation in public sphere. Since 1970 women represented up to 50% of elected representatives at all levels of governance (Hantrais, 2000). The women -friendliness of Nordic welfare systems is supposed to be premised on this active female participation in politics. The Nordic model, also called the dual-breadwinner model is women-friendly in the sense of allowing women to participate in public life and on the same time, allowing the reconciliation of motherhood and paid work. Moreover, in 1974 the maternity leave had been replaced by gender neutral parental leave that hitherto enabled men to actively participate in child rearing (Ibid). Although the generosity of Nordic child subventions can’t be disputed, Scandinavian welfare system can be also discriminating for some women. Shalev (2008) claims that mother friendly state interventions can have detrimental effects for the labour market attainments of high class women by relegating their type of employment to the public sector and subsequently, limiting their access to high managerial positions.

Premised on the idea that childhood determines people’s lifecourse, the post-industrial societies should consider the investment in children as a sine qua non for sustainable development of knowledge economy (Esping-Andersen, 2002). However, due to the cultural differences, the debate about whether support for childcare should be provided through childcare allowances (Netherlands) or whether families should rather benefit from childcare facilities (Sweden) dominates the European agenda. Lewis (2006) contends that increasing attention to children in the political agenda is a result of their future role as adult citizens rather than their role as ‘child qua child’ (Lewis, 2006:43). As a counter-argument , Esping-Andersen concludes that there is no empirical evidence that mother’s work could have detrimental impact on children’s development (Esping-Andersen, 2002). Other authors, however, suggest that key success of equal gender treatment consists in concentrating in private sphere instead of putting too much effort into the public sphere (Lewis 2006, McDonald 2002). In opposition to the Nordic model, where parents benefit from extensive childcare facilities, some authors deem that care provided by parents themselves cannot be substituted by any public service no matter how good it is (Folbre and Nelson, 2000). In addition to this, Etzioni (1993) deems that the transmission of informal values and norms is more likely to happen in private sphere of family. Subsequently, children socialized in childcare facilities would suffer from lack of so-called ‘parental deficit’ (Ibid).

From the theoretical debate it is difficult and inappropriate to make generalizations about what kind of care is more suitable for children. On the other hand, Lewis argues convincingly that evidence shows a shift in parents opinion about time spent with children from being assumed as a duty to as an important part of self-fulfilment (Lewis, 2006). This is also to say that more fathers have begun to consider their involvement in rearing activities. In Sweden, the ‘father’s month’, designed to convince more fathers to take up the parental insurance benefit, was backed up by important political support of so-called ‘fathers group’ that campaigned for men to perform their role as fathers in taking the parental leave (Hantrais, 2000: 170-1).

Successful strategies to tackle gender equality and reconcile work and family life, need to include ‘combined strategies’ (Esping-Andersen, 2002:66) that would guarantee security through income assurance for those who want to take parental leave and also, measures to provide a stable support for mothers’ employment, since unemployed and single mothers face the highest poverty risk (European Commission, 2007).

Monoparental families at the edge of poverty

Despite measures intended to secure access to women into the labour market, solo mothers and lone-parent households continue to be the most vulnerable cohort in term of facing the risk of poverty and unemployment. By the same means, exclusion and poverty in lone-parents household is more likely to become a long-term phenomenon, since children’s development depends on parental and social investment and is very likely to be reproduced (Esping-Andersen, 2002). Following the Report enacted by European Commission, women constitute almost totality of lone parents with an exception of United Kingdom, Denmark, Poland and Germany, where the percentage of young fathers under age 35 varies from 17% (United Kingdom ) up to 25% (in Denmark) (EC, 2007:3). The singleness of lone mothers makes their position in society extremely vulnerable: unlike other forms of family, solo mothers face the double pressure to combine child care and breadwinner responsibilities on the same time.

Although some critique could be raised towards Scandinavian welfare systems, Nordic countries occupy the top positions of international rankings and this is unconditionally of the type of conducted survey. However, the application of this model to the rest of European countries would require deep structural changes, especially in terms of more generous budget. Ergo, in the European continental context of scarce budget resources, lone mothers that opt for childcare benefits instead of paid employment, condemn themselves to be more vulnerable to poverty. The key issue to avoid this scenario stems from securing enough flexibility of labour market, so that lone mothers can combine the pleasure of motherhood with a decent employment.

Conclusion

In this essay I tried to demonstrate that increased individualization which considers men and women as autonomous individuals freed from their family and gender responsibilities does not suffice to guarantee equal conditions for every individual. Subsequently, women become more vulnerable and risk either exclusion from welfare either pressure from labour market. From the theoretical perspective, most of the authors agree that assuring reliable security net requires adjustments of social and working structures to the family, and not to the market. For example, one of the positive outcomes of the Netherlands’ Combination Scenario had been the application of legal minimum wage to all employees regardless of the amount of working hours (Platenga et al., 1999). This is to say that in order to avoid men’s and women’s occupational segregation, policy-making authorities should guarantee sufficient adjustment of child care allowances and employment policies so both, men and women can equally contribute to paid and unpaid work.

Education is considered to be the most valuable possession for every human being today. Gender inequality is more pronounced in Pakistan. Women are disadvantaged with respect to the outcomes of schooling. My literature review incorporates all the questions regarding sex differences and I have mainly focus on the issues that are central to the questions of gender inequality in educational sector. Research remains focused on secondary information. Literature review consists of 10 articles as follow.

The introduction to this article( the status of women in Pakistan,1988) written by HAQ, attempts to state that women constitute the majority about 52% of the world’s population, yet many societies discriminate them and Pakistan is one of those. The article mainly discuses that women in the rural areas are made to work as long as 14 to 16 hours without payments. Their status is mainly based on local custom rather than QURANIC verses. In a traditional society women occupy really low status. There is a history of female in the subcontinent that women are expected to function within their frame work before marriage they had to obey their fathers and brothers and after marriage their husbands. Most of the women live in the state of withdrawal deprived of their identity and this is because of the lack of education and Pakistani women are denied due to social prestige and economic activity. The variables that are extracted from this article are local custom and lack of awareness. The author define these variables in such a manner that he focuses on reducing gender disparity, should be the priority of the society and this gender disparity can be reduced by eliminating the traditional practices that are held in a society for example women should have equal participation in the decision making and increase women knowledge on family planning as the article states that average number of live birth is 5.8, maternal mortality is very high at an estimated 500 out of 100,000 births. The article discusses the status of women in Pakistan and due to gender discrimination how they are lacking in education. Educated and independent women are more enthusiastic towards life and are capable of understanding modernized changes rather than illiterate under nutritive dependant women .furthermore the article discuses that gender discrimination is mainly because of the traditional customs they are following especially in the villages.

Hypothesis: the status of women in Pakistan should be enhanced or not

This article gender inequality in education written by Nelly P.Stromquist in 1990 focuses on women’s access to education, both in terms of the decrease in the rate of literacy and in years of schooling attained, the article says that there has been improvement over time. Compared to their mothers and grandmothers, women today have more education than ever before. The enrollment of women in primary and secondary school has improved in the last 30 years, and women have registered a slightly greater rate of growth, as women have increased their average years of schooling. Despite all these fact, women still continue to face lower levels of education than men. Women in the third world countries are considered to be feminine and weak in terms of reward and social prestige. The author states that there are still a sizable number of countries that do not collect statistics by sex, particularly at higher levels of education, indicating thereby that they do not consider the improvement of women’s education a priority. The rate or level of women participation in educational sector reveals that it is the women from low-income groups and low status, ethnic affiliation who register the lowest levels of education. Above stated are the variables that were extracted from the article: low income group, low ethnic affiliation, rate of dropping out. The author defines the variables in a way he says that most of the gender disparity which is observed across the societies is a result of class difference that fully explains why the gender disparity exists and persists. Furthermore the article discuses that there have been few studies that specifically distinguish inequalities due to gender from those due to class or race. A study by Rosemberg (1985) showed that the discrimination by income was more pronounced than the discrimination by race. There is a difference in the education of different social classes. The particular article is relevant to the topic in such a way it states that the schooling of daughter is not deemed worthwhile in front of the schooling of a son. And another major reason of women lacking in education is of high dropout rates of girls in primary and secondary schools. And this is mainly because of early marriages. Insufficient places in secondary school, co education cost of education and low quality of education of girls. Many of the studies in this category do not ask why it is that women’s education is considered less important than that of men or why it is that the education of women is so pervasively linked by social norms to their role as wives and mothers. The methodology that was used in the article was viewing different theories about social inequalities in education, are those that are derived from either the functionalist (or consensual) or the conflict (or neo-Marxist) approaches.

Hypothesis: is women education considered less important than men

The article class and gender in education-employment linkage written by Hanna Papanek focuses on the impact of global economic and political changes on low income nations. Poor families that depend entirely on returns to labor in order to survive are most likely to require participation in wage labor (or labor exchange arrangements) by all household members, including men, women, and children. Under these circumstances, educational participation becomes very difficult for both male and female, but because males generally have a wider range of earning opportunities, they are more likely preferred than females to be allowed to attend school. On the other hand at class and income levels where families are less dependent on female wage labor, women’s education is preferred little bit. Family status has a direct bearing on access to economic and political resources that enhances education facility in women. Another factor that is discussed in this article is the family honor and these are the variables extracted from this article INCOME in terms of FAMILY STATUS. The author defines the variables in such a way that differences among classes are signaled by the extent of control over women which is family honor. In some cases girls may not be permitted to attend middle schools located outside the village because it would injure family honor and compromise marriage over it. In other cases, the attainment of secondary or tertiary education may confer so much prestige on the family that the possible status loss associated with daughters living away from home is offset. Marriage chances may also be enhanced when a daughter is sufficiently educated that she can just read and write her name and which can make her earn minimal amount of living. In Egypt as it is a highly stratified society, formal education for both men and women has long been associated with class and status. Higher education, in particular, has played an important role in the “reproduction of the bourgeoisie,” although not always in the predicted fashion. In Egypt, not all illiterate women can be presumed to be from poor families; at least some proportion of this group, especially among older women, comes from families that do not permit women contact with the outside world. The overwhelming majority of illiterate or barely literate women, however, are from poor families. The article is base from a comparative regional study in Asia that is now under way’ and from research in a nearby country (Egypt) that is similar in many respects to the countries included in the regional study. Many of the nations in the ongoing study have large Muslim populations (Indonesia, Bangladesh, Pakistan, India, Malaysia) etc. concluding the article female educational participation, especially at higher levels, is a consequence of higher family status rather than a means to upward mobility.

Hypothesis: do females have less access to both schooling and employment than males do.

This article Muslims, markets, and the meaning of a “good” education in Pakistan was written by Mattew J. Nelson in (October, 2006) examines the nature of local educational demands in Pakistan and show that parents favor religious education usually for girls. Girls’ access to education in Pakistan has been restricted. Despite improvements in the last 20 years, underlying factors still make the state education system inefficient and the current male to female literacy ratio is still at 65:40. And this is mainly because people wrongly assume that our religion don’t permit girls for normal education. Girls are usually preferred to go to maddrasas which most of the parents in rural areas think is a better and accessible option and more convenient option for them. Furthermore the article describes the market and the meaning of good education in Pakistan. Families of middle class who can afford primary education of girls still prefer sending their girls to religious schools which cost them very little and prefer their boys to enjoy all the privilege of higher education because they think that it is in our religion that girls are suppose to stay at home. The variable that was identified from this article is religion (Islam). The author defines the variable in such a way that he himself carried a survey and a Questionnaire in which two type of people were questioned one for whom the local madrasa (Islamic religious school) was most important Secondly parents were selected from a variety of economic circumstance. However the outcome was that out of 112 respondents 91 were in the favor of madras for girls. The article is relevant to the topic in a way that it discusses about the

how the choice of religious education for girls is forming a disparity in educational sector of Pakistan. The article mainly discuses the, substantive features of local educational demand and religious demand

Hypothesis: is demand in favor of religious education rather than local

The article Girls Are… Boys Are: Myths, Stereotypes & Gender Differences written by Patricia B. Campbell, Ph.D.Jennifer N. Storo in 2006 mainly discuses, how much the gender counts in education the author of this article states that Sex is not a good predictor of academic skills, interests or even emotional characteristics. The author discusses about the different myths that are related to girls for example biologically girls cannot handle the stress of higher education. Due to these myths parents have lower expectations from girls and they become gender biased and the variable that was extracted from this article was MYTHS AND STEREOTYPES. Now author further more discuses why myths persist based on gender and race. The history of myths will explain how author has defined the variable it is a common belief that men are principal producers and bread earners of the family so they should enjoy all the privileges and this is a primary reason why their education was considered more important than girls. And it was considered that women are property of husband and her only job is to produce children. Furthermore many of the people use to believe and still many of them do is that women reproductive capacity will destroy if her intellect is going to improve. Which in other words mean that women with better education will not listen to men. For example it was concluded that women in their menstrual cycle if uses their brain lose their mammary functions. This particular article is relevant to the topic in such a way as many of these myths are still believed and practiced in Pakistan when it comes to education specifically. This was both quantitive and qualitative form of research in which graphs, charts and theories were used to measure different type of myths

Hypothesis: Is there a biological bias for sex differences

The article The Impact of Gender Inequality in Education on Rural Poverty in Pakistan written by Imran shareef chaudray and Saeed ur rahman in 2009. The main purpose of this article was to identify the gender inequality in education on rural poverty in Pakistan. The article basically discuses that gender inequality in education persists in almost all the poor countries and Pakistan is one of those. Strong gender disparities exist in the rural and urban areas of Pakistan. Pakistan is one of those societies in which women suffer all sort of discriminations. There are countless issues of education in Pakistan including low level of investment, cultural constraints, poverty, gender and regional inequalities in budgetary allocation to education, low enrollment rates due to poor condition of public schools, high population growth producing more illiterates and poor, lack of implementation of educational policies. Violence against women, class discrimination, poverty, lack of educational facilities, and various parallel education systems in government and private education are the major emerging issues which should be dealt with curriculum reforms and effective educational policies. Above mentioned are all the variables extracted from this article but the major variable that I highlighted is POVERTY. Logit regression analysis on primary data was used to reach the conclusion. However it was concluded that poverty has adverse effects on gender disparity in education.

Hypothesis: effect of poverty on education

This article DOCUMENT TO DEBATE AND FINALIZE THE NATIONAL EDUCATION POLICY written by JAVED HASAN ALY in December 2006 is intended to stimulate discussion of major policy issues concerning Education Sector in Pakistan. The educational status of women in Pakistan is unacceptably low, in fact, amongst the lowest in the world. Development, only 19% of females have attained education upto Matric, 8% upto Intermediate, 5% Bachelor’s degree and 1.4% achieved a Master’s degree. 60% of the female adult population is illiterate. Of the 3.3 million out of school children, 2.503 million are girls. 73.6% of primary age girls attend school, compared with 92.1% of boys. Although education has been seen to add value to a female worker but in Pakistan for female education is considered as a abuse. Different policies have been recommended to eliminate this gender gap in education but the fund allocation and human resources that were provided by the government to implement the policies. So the variables that were extracted from this article are Low level of financial allocation and inefficient utilization of resources. The author describes the variable in such a way that since 1947 the emphasis on girls education is laid down and many policies and reforms have been made to practice it but due to lack of financial resources Pakistan is still facing gender discrimination in education. The article on whole is relevant to the topic because it is discussing the policies and their effect on educational sector of Pakistan

The particular article THE FUTURE OF GIRLS’ EDUCATION IN PAKISTAN written by Dr. Humala Shaheen Khalid & Dr. Eshya Mujahid-Mukhtar: August 2002 discuses that although most children do get admitted to primary schools, but the major problem is their retention in primary classes. Given the poverty, high opportunity costs of children attending school (as sometimes they are required to contribute to the family’s economic activities or towards daily household chores such as fetching water, fuel or sibling care), parents’ low perception about education, poor quality of education, teacher absenteeism and/or child’s bad health, a very high proportion of students drops out from primary school. Reasons cited for leaving primary school varied between boys and girls. While most boys left school due to “child not willing” Most girls said they had to help at home. During the past decade, several policy initiatives were undertaken, each with a strong component for improving girls’ education in the country. Besides two educational policies, namely, the National Education Policy (1992) and the National Education Policy (1998-2010), the Government of Pakistan launched the Social Action Programmed (SAP) in 1993/94 which focused on improving the social indicators for girls and women. But none of these policies was followed properly so the variable that was extracted from this article was lack of of financial allocation and Lack of encouragement by government and lack of school facilities. The government of Pakistan is lacking way behind in providing educational facilities Great care needs to be exercised while portraying the future of girls’ education in Pakistan. Female education is subjected to the forces of both demand as well as supply barriers such as poverty, lower status of female in society and her security concerns, coupled with lack of school facilities, teaching materials and inadequacy or absence of female teachers. More importantly, there are strong linkages of the education sector with other sectors. The Study is based on secondary sources. National statistical sources have been extensively used which include the Population and Housing Census 1998; the Economic Surveys (various issues) and the reports published by the National (and provincial) Education Management and Information System (NEMIS). The Study also relies heavily on other data sources and relevant research reports issued by the Central Bureau of Education, Academy of Educational Planning and Management (AEPAM) and the Federal Bureau of Statistics (FBS).

Hypothesis: future of girl’s education in Pakistan

This article ROLE OF WOMEN IN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF PAKISTAN written by Jehan Qamar in 2000 is about the importance of role of women in economic development. And it contains a lot of information about state of women in education and their employment. This article also lays emphasis on political and cultural instability that is affecting the status of women in Pakistan. And this political and cultural instability are also the variables extracted from the article. Furthermore the article discuses that the implication of cultural norms are affecting the education of women a lot different policies made by the Pakistan’s government were reviewed before writing this article and whether there implication is active or not and how it is affecting the economy. However it was concluded that the role of women in economic development can be enhanced if women provided with proper education

Hypothesis: role of women in economic development of Pakistan

The article DISTANCE EDUCATION AS A STRATEGY FOR ELIMINATING

GENDER DISPARITY IN PAKISTAN written by a?-Dr. Irshad Hussain in 2008. The article discuses about the role of distance education in addressing the issue of gender disparity in Pakistan The study was descriptive in nature and the researchers adopted survey approach. The study was conducted in Punjab province. The study consisted on three populations: (i). B.A level female students, (ii). their parents and (iii). academicians of Allama Iqbal Open University Islamabad. Researchers adopted stratified and convenient sampling technique for collecting data from students & their parents and academicians respectively. The samples of the study comprised of 600 students, 60 parents and 60 academicians .The article starts with describing that gender discrimination is one of the major issue in Pakistan at present as we all know that the Pakistani society is male dominated and males enjoy all the privileges where as female population is a very small and neglected community of Pakistan. Unluckily gender gap is wide and demands immediate attention to address the issue. However distance education is one of the solutions and incentives which provide girls an opportunity to study even in culturally restricted areas. It can cater educational needs of the society at the doorstep on equal basis and frees learners from time and place restrictions. Keeping in consideration the above characteristics Allama Iqbal University is offering different programs through distanced approach. As a result admission rate has increased specially in Allama Iqbal University.

Hypothesis: Is distance education effective or not

Occupational gender segregation continued from era to era and is apparent in lands of the globe Grusky and England 2004; Moshe and Frank 1999; Preston 1999; Rosenfeld and Spenner 1992. Anker (1997) distinguished two main explanations for why occupational gender segregation should is a continuing concern: first, it is a major foundation of labor market inflexibility and economic incompetency. Second, it is detrimental to women in the sense that segregation brings about harmful views of both men and women as a result, affecting women’s status, income, education, skills (Anker 1997).

The important outcome related with occupational gender segregation is the segregation of the payment methods and the continual sex discrepancy in earnings with women on the inferior edge. The proportion of the gender wage gap is to 5 to 40 percent attached to workplace segregation is seemingly advanced than the amount by career break 15 percent and equivalent worth wage upgrading 5 percent (Hakim 1992; Preston 1999).

There are two types of segregation: horizontal segregation, which occurs when there is a concentration of women and men in a determined i¬?elds and occupations, and produces disparity in terms of career, pension and vertical segregation, which take place when there is a focus of women and men in determined degrees and levels of responsibility or positions, and produces disparity on salaries.

2.2 An Overview of Gender Inequality in Developing Countries

The issue of gender inequality can be considered as a universal aspect of developing countries. Unlike women in developed countries who are, in relative terms, economically empowered and have a powerful voice that demands an audience and positive action, women in developing countries are generally silent and their voice has been stifled by economic and cultural factors.

Economic and cultural factors, together with institutional factors state the gender-based division of labour, rights, responsibilities, opportunities, and access to and control over resources. Education, literacy, access to media, employment, decision making, among other things, are some of the areas of gender disparity.

One of the areas of disparity between males and females is related to the difference in their employment status which is manifested by occupational segregation, gender-based wage gaps, and women’s unequal representation in informal employment, unpaid work and higher unemployment rates (UNFPA, 2005). As women in developing countries have low status in the community, the activities they perform tend to be valued less; and women’s low status is also perpetuated through the low value placed on their activities (March et al., 1999).

In-depth analysis of DHS by Hindin (2005) showed that only 17% of women in Zimbabwe, 12% in Zambia and 4% in Malawi have higher status job than their partners. The respective percentages of women whose partners have higher status jobs are 52, 43 and 53.

Women are also overrepresented in the informal sector. In Sub-Saharan Africa, 84% of women’s non-agricultural employment is informal compared to 63% of men’s. The figure is found to be 58% and 48% for women and men, respectively in Latin America (UNFPA, 2005). Studies generally show that women are more likely to be engaged in work which is for longer hours than men. For instance, in 18 of the 25 countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, greater than 50% of women were employed and even in six of these countries the percentage of employed women was greater than 75% (Mukuria et al.,2005).

However, as most of the employed women work in agricultural and other activities which are mostly considered to be having limited or no financial returns, their employment does not contribute much to their status in the workplace. Thus, women in those countries are dependent on their partners in most aspects of their life. In spite of its importance in enabling women to get access to information about personal health behaviours and practices, household, and community, the percentage of women exposed to different types of media is limited in most developing countries.

Women’s limited access to education, employment opportunity, and media, attached with cultural factors, reduces their decision making power in the society in general and in a household in particular. Regarding their participation in decision making at national level, though the number of women in national parliaments has been increasing, no country in the world has yet achieved gender parity.

According to the millennium indicators data base of the United Nations, cited in the UNFPA (2005), the percentage of parliamentary seats held by women in 2005 was 16% at world level, 21% in developed countries, and 14% in developing countries. This low representation of women in national parliaments could be due, among others, to type of electoral systems in

different countries, women’s social and economic status, socio-cultural traditions and beliefs about women’s place in the family and society, and women’s double burden of work and family responsibilities (UNFPA, 2005).

Women are underrepresented in the formal sector of employment. The survey conducted by the Central Statistical Authority (CSA, 2004) showed that women account for less than half (43%) of the total employees in the country. Considering the percentage of female employees from the total number of employees by employment type, the highest was in domestic activities (78%) and followed by unpaid activities (59.3%). In other types of formal employment (e.g. government, NGOs, private organizations), the percentage of female workers is less than 35.

On the other hand, the survey showed overrepresentation of female workers in the informal sector. About 58% of working women work in the informal sector whereas the percentage of working men in the informal sector was 37.7 % (ibid).The breakdown of the federal government employees by occupational groups also indicated gender disparity. From federal government employees found in the clerical and fiscal type of jobs 71.3 % were female, while the percentage of females was slightly more than half (51%) in custodial and manual type of jobs.

Women make up 25% and 18% of the administrative and professional and scientific job categories, respectively, indicating that upper and middle level positions are overwhelmingly dominated by men (Federal Civil Service Commission, 2005). This concentration of women in the informal sector and low level positions has implication on their earnings. In this regard, the survey showed four out of ten women civil servants earn Birr 300 a month compared to two out of ten for men (Federal Civil Service Commission, 2005).Ethiopian women’s access to mass media is one of the lowest. In their DHS comparative report, Mukuria et al. (2005) show that, among 25 Sub-Saharan African countries,

Describe And Discuss Gender Inequality In Contemporary Society With Reference To The Labour Market.

Sex is what distinguishes men and women biologically, namely it describes the physical qualities which derive from variations in chromosomes, hormones and genitalia. Gender refers to a set of culturally defined characteristics which determine society’s view of people as ‘masculine’ or ‘feminine’. Sociologists have long debated over the causes of unfair sexual divisions of labour. Some have forwarded biological explanations, whereas others hold responsible the socialisation of gender roles. In this essay I will look at how the nineteenth century socialisation of gender roles is believed to have affected women’s position in the labour market. I will then consider the increasing feminisation of the labour market and seek to explain the persistent inequalities between men and women.

Up until the twentieth century, women were largely excluded from the labour market, partly because of the social construction of separate ‘male’ and ‘female’ spheres. Feminist Ann Oakley believes that the modern role of ‘housewife’ emerged in the early stages of industrialisation (Haralambos&Holborn, 2008, 108). Due to the norms and values of the time, supported by the functionalist Parsons, it was expected of the man to provide for the family, whilst the woman would tend to the home. Oakley claims that this concept of different ‘duties’ has persevered and has since had a negative influence on the development of women’s position within the labour market (Haralambos&Holborn, 2008, 108).

However, since the mid-twentieth century there has been an increasing feminisation of the workforce. According to Ulrich Beck, women are ‘setting the pace for change’ (Haralambos&Holborn, 2008, 647). In Beck’s view, we are moving into ‘the second modernity’ (as against post modernity). He argues that in our society, characterised by risk and uncertainty, women have realised the importance of self-reliance and have sought to widen their participation in the labour market and as a result have changed the social discourse. This has been made possible by a number of factors. The increased possibilities of an education, the development of domestic appliances, the growing tendency for smaller families, the Feminist Movement of the 1970s, the steady expansion of the service industry, the increase in living costs and the consequent need for two incomes are all factors which have generated a shift in traditional family patterns and significantly changed the gender division of labour. A UK Labour Force survey conducted in 2005 suggests that the rates of employment for women of working age have risen to 70% in 2004 compared to 56% in 1971. In contrast, employment rates for men have declined from 92% to 79% (Giddens, 2006, 755).

Despite women’s increased participation in the labour market, barriers to equality remain. Although 75% of women of working age are in employment in the UK, it has been shown that in high-earning, high-status professions they are severely under-represented (www.employment-studies.co.uk). 2005 demonstrated, in terms of vertical segregation, that 83% of chief executives, 71% of sales managers and 70% of management consultants were men, whilst 96% of dinner ladies, 95% of receptionists and 76% of cleaners were women (Haralambos&Holborn, 2008, 124). Different reasons are held responsible for such disproportion. One argument is that jobs are highly gendered, with a tendency for high-status, high-paid jobs to be male-dominated because they have traditionally been perceived as ‘masculine’. Radical feminist Sylvia Walby claims women are subjugated by patriarchal values that discriminate and confine them to specific areas of work (Haralambos&Holborn, 2008, 113).

Not only are women under-represented at the highest levels of the occupational structure, they have likewise not achieved equality of pay, despite liberal feminist’s success in campaigning for equal pay legislation. The wage gap was once thought to be narrowing, however, new figures suggest that the pay divide is still a matter of concern today. According to the Office for National Statistics, the pay gap between men and women in full-time work has increased to 17.1% since 2007 (The Guardian,15/11/08). The median full-time gross weekly earnings per week for men in 2007 were ?498, whilst for women they stood at ?395. In 2008 they stand at ?521 for men and ?412 for women. It has been calculated that over a lifetime, women working full-time will earn an average of ?369.000 less than their male colleagues. This result, according to the annual survey conducted by the World Economic Forum, places Britain 81st in the world ranking in terms of equal pay for men and women in similar jobs (The Guardian,15/11/08).

Part of the reason would appear to be because of horizontal segregation. Much of the female workforce is clustered into a range of semi-skilled, low-status and poorly paid occupations. Across the occupational structure, men predominate in such lines of work as manufacturing, construction, IT and business industries. Conversely, women are overwhelmingly represented in health and social work, teaching, catering and cleaning (Haralambos&Holborn, 2008, 123). Feminists, therefore, see this as a reflection of the ‘two spheres’ ideology. 2005 demonstrated, in terms of horizontal segregation, that 79% of social workers and 73% of teachers were women. In the same year, 90% of the construction industry and 76% of people working in transport were men (Haralambos&Holborn, 2008, 123). In addition, the fact that many women work in the part-time sector can be part of the reason for the poor levels of pay they are subject to.

Occupational segregation has been used to explain such high concentration of women in part-time work. Despite the disadvantages it involves, part-time work seems to remain a popular choice for women. In 2004, 5.2 million women in the UK were in part-time employment, compared to 1.2 million men (Giddens, 2006, 757). Social forces such as limited childcare assistance and gender discrimination have also been held responsible for such large numbers of women in part-time work. Many women seeking full-time employment often face unjust hurdles which men do not encounter: a Fawcett Society study (the leading liberal feminist organisation) reveals that 52% of employers consider the chances of a new member of staff becoming pregnant before employing them (www.fawcettsociety.org.uk). However, whilst it is possible that this may discourage many women who intend to have children from looking for full-time work, this is not on its own sufficient reason to explain such a heavy influx in the part-time sector.

Catherine Hakim’s ‘preference theory’ suggests that women’s position in the labour market depends entirely on the rational choices they make (Haralambos&Holborn, 2008, 125). Hakim identifies two types of women: those who commit themselves to full-time careers or those who prioritise their domestic responsibilities. According to Hakim, many women have different work orientations than men, leading them to choose part-time occupations which enable them to balance their domestic and professional lives. Rosemary Crompton and Fiona Harris agree that women’s position in the labour market is influenced by their decisions. They argue, however, that the choices women make are not always rational, but are the results of the practical challenges and cultural norms they may face. Crompton and Harris believe that women often start a career committed to the idea of full-time employment and the family sphere in equal measure, but in later life might have to compromise one or the other for a variety of reasons. There is, therefore, an important debate between feminists.

Additional theories have been advocated by sociologists to explain women’s continued limitations in the job-market. Talcott Parsons’ functionalist ‘human capital theory’ suggests that women’s natural role is that of childcare. The theory implies that women are likely not to commit to a career or gaining qualifications, preferring to dedicate themselves to their children (Haralambos&Holborn, 2008, 125). According to Parsons, this lack of commitment or skills renders women less valuable to the employer, and is ultimately the reason for women’s disadvantaged position in the labour market. However, critics of the theory point out that it does not account for the large number of women who dedicate themselves to a career and still end up in lower-paid, lower-status jobs (Haralambos&Holborn, 2008, 125).

Barron and Norris’s ‘dual labour market theory’ promotes the idea of two labour markets: a primary sector in which professionals and skilled workers belong, characterised by highly paid and secure jobs, and a secondary sector, consisting in lowly paid, less secure jobs mainly occupied by unskilled labourers. According to Barron and Norris, women are more likely than men to work in this sector because they are less interested in wages or status, a view which echoes that of Hakim. Transition from the secondary to the primary sector is rare, ending in confinement within a range of low-paid jobs for one’s entire working life. The theory is criticised by feminists for not being able to explain why skilled women often earn less than men in similar work, or why they get promoted less often than men in the same job (Haralambos&Holborn, 2008, 126).

In the past century, women have made a revolutionary ascent in the labour market even if many work in the part-time sector. However, the rate of improvement seems to have stalled rather than grown. Despite legislation such as the Equal Pay Act (1970) and the Sex Discrimination Act (1975), vast inequalities remain in Britain, especially in terms of pay and status. It might well be that more radical reforms need to be made. In Norway, for example, hundreds of women have benefitted from a new act, passed in 2003, which stipulates that companies must increase the number of women on their boards to 44.%. This now means that Norway heads the league table for gender equality, 12 places above the UK (The Guardian, 17/11/08). This suggests that post-feminists are mistaken in believing there is no more for feminists to do. A third wave of feminism, as suggested by Katherine Rake, or ‘new feminism’, to use Natasha Walter’s term, may be precisely what is needed.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Books:

Bilton, Tony et al. Sociology in Perspective (Causeway Press, ND).
Giddens, Anthony, Sociology 5th edition, (Polity, 2006).
Haralambos, Holborn, Sociology: Themes and Perspectives 7th edition, (London: Collins, 2008).

Newspaper Articles:

The Guardian, 15/11/08 p 10.
The Guardian, 17/11/08 ND.

Electronic Sources of Information:

http://www.fawcettsociety.org.uk
http://www.employment-studies.co.uk/pubs/summary.php?id=294
http://www.ehs.org.uk/othercontent/walsh30a.pdf
http://www.statistics.gov.uk/StatBase/Product.asp?vlnk=5748

Gender Inequalities in Health and Illness

This essay will look at the gender inequalities in health and illness statically. This essay will also look at how women live longer than men and what diseases and mental health symptoms affect both men and women in mortality and morbidity rates such as cancers and depression. Statistics will show how people are living longer and how this will continue as more people will become centenarians as the years go by. This essay will also show findings of stereotypes or stigmas attached to both genders and how this affects healthcare both physically and mentally along with how society thinks in regards to both genders and the impact this has. Finally it will look at masculinity and how and why this affects men going to the GPs about their healthcare and the effects of this.

Today women tend to live longer than men on average in industrialised countries, although this is true women experience more ill health through their lifetimes compared to men. More women rather than men suffer from somatic complaints such as aches and pains, headaches and tiredness to mention a few (Backes, G et al, 2008). Women’s mortality rates are often because of breast, cervix and uterus cancers whereas ischemic heart disease and lung cancer has a higher mortality rate in men (Bury, M, 2005). Although some researchers believe there is more consistency in studies that involve depression, anxiety and minor psychological illness compared to the studies of higher illness rates in women (Bartley, 2004). At all ages males have a greater mortality rate than women in the United Kingdom due to injuries and suicide. Cardiovascular disease and cancers are also one of the main reasons male mortality rate is higher than that of women’s. Depressive disorder, mental health, anxiety and disability all have higher morbidity rates for women than men (Acheson, 1998).

Higher mortality rates in men can be explained by social factors such as employment whereby males tend to be in employment that is ‘risky’ such as exposure to toxic chemicals, environmental hazards and dangerous machinery. Driving under the influence of alcohol, dangerous sports and road traffic accidents are all major risk taking behaviours that men rather than women tend to participate in (Bury, M, 2005). Men used to have a higher smoking rate than women resulting in lung cancer but today it is seen that young girls under fifteen years of age are more likely to smoke than boys of the that same age group. The recommended daily intake of alcohol is usually acknowledged by women whereas men in all age groups tend to drink more than the recommended daily intake (Scambler, 2008).

One third of babies born in 2013 will live to they are one hundred according to the office for national statistics. Of these 797,000 babies that were less than one in 2013 in the UK, 151,000 of these will be women and 123,000 will be men that live to one hundred in 2113 (Office for national Statistics, 2013).Whereas only 8% of men and 14% of women who were sixty-five in 2013 would go on to live until they are one hundred around 85,000 altogether. Looking further back in time there were only six hundred centenarians in 1961, ninety of these being men, this has increased every year since then for example in 2013 there were a total of 14,000 centenarians in the United Kingdom (Office for national Statistics, 2013). It is expected that 111,000 people will live to one hundred or more by 2037. Women are expected to become centenarians more so than men in all years as in 1961 there were five hundred this rose to 12,000 in 2013 and is expected to rise higher resulting in 77,000 women becoming centenarians by 2037 and 293,000 by 2062. Men have had a rapid rise in centenarians from 1961 where there were only ninety centenarians this rose to 2,000 in 2013. It is estimated men living to one hundred or over will rise to 34,000 by 2037 and 163,000 by 2062 (Office for national Statistics, 2013).

The latest figures from the Office for National Statistics show that in ‘good’ health men in the least deprived areas could live to 70.5 years whereas men in the most deprived areas could live to 52.2 years. Women on the other hand can live in ‘good’ health in the least deprived areas for up to 71.3 years whereas women in the most deprived areas can live to 52.4 years. When measured by the range there were nine years difference between men in the most deprived areas compared to the men in the least deprived areas (Office for National Statistics, 2015). Women when measured by the range had a 6.9 year shorter life expectancy for women in the most deprived areas compared to the women in the least deprived areas. In ‘good’ health men in the least deprived areas lived 19.1 years longer and 19.5 years for women (Bury, M, 2005).

There are a lot of assumptions around gender stereotypes that are socially constructed which to this day still exist in society. People or society expect a women to be a certain way or act a certain way such as staying at home looking after children and being a housewife rather than getting a job and that they are responsible for raising children (Cook, R and Cusack, S, 2010). Women are nurses rather than doctors, women do not need to have a career, and women should cook and do housework. Women do not or cannot have technical jobs such as being a mechanic these are some of the stereotypes associated with women (Cook, R and Cusack, S, 2010). People or society expect a man to enjoy working on cars, are doctors and not nurses, that men do ‘dirty’ jobs such as construction or mechanics. Men do not do housework and are not responsible for taking care of children, men are in charge husbands tell their wives what to do and are lazy or messy these are just some of the stereotypes associated with men (Health Guidance, No date). These stereotypes can affect both genders mentally and physically and can have an impact on mortality and morbidity rates such as a man doing a ‘dangerous’ job or a women having depression.

Masculinity ideology plays a vital role in men’s health, men believe they should be powerful, strong, brave, intelligent, healthy, mature and in control (Sabo, D and Gordon, F, 1995). When these statements are untrue or thought to be untrue it can have a negative impact on men resulting in substance misuse and criminality, depression and suicide to mention a few as a lot of men especially young men feel powerless, weak, fearful and do not pay attention to their mental, physical or emotional health (Key issues in promoting health, No date). It is a fact that women are more open to talk about health problems than men which is why women that suffer from depression and anxiety are seen to have higher morbidity rates according to statistics. It is thought that biological and social factors contribute to depression and are seen differently in both men and women (Mental Health Foundation, No date).

Men aged sixteen to forty-four are less likely to visit GPs than women due to worries of losing pay from their job if they take an appointment but also from masculinity problems such as thinking the environment in GP surgeries are too feminine and the general attitude men take towards healthcare and social expectation when they are ill (Harvey, S, et al, No date). It is also seen that because women are more open about their health, statistics show they visit the GPs more often than men and that they may go to the GPs for less severe symptoms of illness compared to men (Harvey, S, et al, No date).

In conclusion this essay has looked at the statistics of inequalities in health and illness. Such as the fact that today women tend to live longer in industrialized countries than men and it seems that it is going to continue in that way, at the same time there has been a rapid rise in men living longer with mortality rates decreasing due to different employment available in this present day. Women morbidity rates are higher than men’s due to women seeking medical advice more often and being more open about their healthcare issues, whereas men avoid GPs either because of worry of losing pay from work or masculinity reasons such as the stigma that ‘men do not get sick’ (Bartley, 2004; Acheson, 1998; Scambler, 2008; Harvey, S, et al, No date).

Although life expectancy rates are higher for both men and women it also seems that people living to one hundred or more is on the rise from six hundred centenarians in the 1960s to fourteen thousand centenarians in 2013 and it is estimated to rise higher each year onwards. Stereotypes have also had an impact on both genders due to society having the thought that men should have ‘dirty’ or ‘dangerous’ jobs and women should stay at home or have ‘clean’ jobs therefore it can result in physical problems or higher mortality rates for men and mental health problems such as anxiety or depression for women. Masculinity plays a vital role in men’s health due to the stigmas attached therefore mental health such as depression is seen different to professionals such as GPs in both men and women (Office for national Statistics, 2013; Office for National Statistics, 2015; Mental Health Foundation, No date; Harvey, S, et al, No date).

Bibliography

Books

Acheson, D (1998). Independent Inquiry into Inequalities in Health Report. 1^st edn. London: The Stationary Office.
Backes, G et al (2008) Gender, Health and Ageing: European Perspectives on Life Course, Health Issues and Social Challenges. 13^th edn. Springer Science and Business Media.
Bartley, M (2004). Health Inequalities: An Introduction to Theories, Concepts, and methods. 1^st edn. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Bury, M (2005). Health and Illness. 1^st edn. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Cook, R and Cusack, S (2010). Gender Stereotyping: Transnational Legal Perspectives. 1^st edn. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Sabo, D and Gordon, F (1995). Men’s Health and Illness: Gender, Power, and the Body. 1^st edn. London: SAGE Publications, Inc.
Scambler, A (2008). Women and Health in Scambler G (ed) Sociology as Applied to Medicine. 1^st edn. Elsevier Limited.

Websites

Harvey, S et al. (No date) Why are men reticent to visit their GP? What can be done to address this situation? [Online] Available at: http://www.socialsciences.exeter.ac.uk/media/…/Mens_Health_Forum_Project.docx Accessed: 22/03/15
Health Guidance (No date) List of Gender Stereotypes. [Online] Available at: http://www.healthguidance.org/entry/15910/1/List-ofGender-Stereotypes.html Accessed: 20/02/15
Key issues in promoting mental health (No date) Masculinity and mental health Dr Ken Harland. [Online] Available at: http://www.ycni.org/downloads/misc/masculinity_mental_health.pdf Accessed: 21/03/15
Mental Health Foundation (No date) Mental Health Statistics: Men & Women. [Online] Available at: http://www.mentalhealth.org.uk/help-information/mental-health-statistics/men-women/ Accessed: 20/03/15
Office for National Statistics (2015) Inequality in healthy life expectancy at birth by national deciles of area deprivation: England, 2011 to 2013. [Online] Available at: http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/rel/disability-and-health-measurement/inequality-in-healthy-life-expectancy-at-birth-by-national-deciles-of-area-deprivation–england/2011-13/index.html Accessed: 20/03/15
Office for National Statistics (2013) One Third of Babies born in 2013 are expected to live to 100. [Online] Available at: http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/rel/lifetables/historic-and-projected-data-from-the-period-and-cohort-life-tables/2012-based/sty-babies-living-to-100.html Accessed: 21/03/15

Interviews are conducted with males and females already in the construction industry and those who are studying towards a career in construction. There are numerous factors that discourage women from pursuing careers in construction. The male dominant nature of the industry is a pivotal factor that deters women from entering the industry; women therefore have fewer role models and lack of confidence in their future prospects in industry. The need to emphasise the implementation of the Gender Equity Act specifically focused on the construction industry, in order to address this lack of parity.

The outcome provides a learning curve for both males and females and will assist in understanding the reasons and factors that cause women not to be interested in construction as a career.

Access to these findings needs to be widely publicised.

Keywords:

Barriers, Construction industry, Gender, Woman

1 Introduction

The construction industry has been for years been perceived to be a mens world. Slowly the face of the engineering industry is changing and we are seeing more women entering it. This paper is focusing on the changing facet of the industry and how it has impacted on women. The predominant image of construction is that of a male-dominated industry requiring brute strength and tolerance for outdoor conditions, inclement weather and bad language. Reconciling this image with women’s participation in the construction industry is problematic. However, there are early signs of a cultural shift in the industry. This paper presents an empirical review of women’s roles within the industry and the ways in which people make sense of their working experience when traditional gender roles are challenged. Based on qualitative research, the study found that men in the industry regarded as the gatekeepers are now finding ways to respond to and make sense of a changing workplace, and the realities that women are now actively encouraged to participate, legally protected against discrimination and more highly represented in non-traditional areas of the construction industry.

Through interviews conducted with males and females already in construction industry and those who are studying towards a career in construction, it is clear that there is still few numbers of women in the construction industry.

Women are also findings ways as apprentices and trades people to position themselves within this new environment. They identify ways of working that are more likely to ensure a smooth experience for themselves. While the stimulus for the changing face of the workplace is the notion of gender equality, the responses are not gender neutral. All players are trying to negotiate ways to integrate each other into a new environment in a manner which allows them to comfortably reconcile issues of gender. There are numerous factors that discourage women from pursuing careers in construction. The male dominant nature of the industry is a pivotal factor that deters women from entering the industry; women therefore have fewer role models and lack of confidence in their future prospects in industry. Most of man in construction industry still believes that involving women in this industry is not a good idea, as they say that women are not strong enough to handle all construction challenges e.g. Manual hard labour. There is a need to emphasise the implementation of the gender equity act specifically focused on the construction industry, in order to address this lack of parity. Workshop that will talk about involvement of woman in construction industry, change of mentality of female and male in construction industry. We should be cognisant of the fact that the fewer women there are in the industry, the fewer women there are to look up to and thus inform the career choices of potential female entrants. It is therefore my suggestion that a platform be provided to enable successful women to act as model exemplars and beacons of inspiration. In order to augment the mentoring and role modelling process, women need to establish both professional and personal networks

2 Literature Review

Construction has for a long time been deemed as an industry unsuitable for women, this notion is still being perpetuated today (Dainty, Bagilhole and Neale et al, 2001). Managerially, it needs to be stated that there is some degree of support. However, this was found to be highly variable between differing individuals, company departments, work sites and organisations.

The problem of undervalued female in terms of their lack of experience and saying that they do not have power to handle the construction work load need to be changed. Blocking them from fulfil their carriers and in construction industry Managerially, it needs to be stated that there is some degree of support. However, this was found to be highly variable between differing individuals, company departments, work sites and organisations. The qualitative data revealed some evidence of a glass ceiling (whereby women can see but not attain higher level jobs and are blocked from career progression; Gurjao, 2006), with one respondent contentiously claiming that they had experienced regional variations in the SA.

Role models have frequently been identified as key to the development of young aspiring professionals (Singh et al, 2006). While it has been established that mentors are always in close proximity to the protge in that they are part and parcel of an interactive relationship with the individual; role models are largely unacquainted with the observer and as such have not personally approved or rendered the observational processes as permissible by the individual observing. As a result role models may be close or distant to the observer. (Singh et al, 2006). Women pursuing careers in the construction industry vigorously seek the industry culture as a result of being socialised into the culture, stemming from the system of education they have been exposed to (Bennet, Davidson & Gale, 1999). In a study performed by (Agapiou, 2002) it was discovered that from an early age men have the perception that sufficient strength is a birth right which they have been afforded because women are not made or be expected to work with heavy equipment. One of the female participants in Agapious (2002) study mentioned how her colleagues will continuously joke about her place being in the kitchen and not out on site, an ideology entrenched into the minds of boys at a young age. These are barriers which are initiated in early socialisation and are further perpetuated throughout industry related training and industry job recruitment (Fielden et al, 2001). They are aggravated by an industry that remains entrenched in a culture that undercuts the value of female participation and continues to foster a male only image (ibid). Role modelling and mentoring schemes have been introduced into the construction industry as an initiative to enhance the status quo of the underrepresentation of women in the industry, one such example of this Women as Role Models (Bennet et al, 1999).

The table bellow proves and gives better understanding of what are barriers facing women in the construction industry (Le Jeune, 2008). It also gives us background by other authors that these barriers started long time ago.

BARRIERS FACING WOMEN IN THE CONSTRUCTION INDUSTRY: SOURCE: LE JEUNE, 2008; TG59 CONFERENCE

3 Research Methodology

All respondents in both the focus groups and the semi-structured questionnaires were asked to identify their age grouping and their profession categorisation.

Respondents were also asked to provide information on how long they had worked in the construction industry, to outline the top two barriers that they had faced in staying or progressing and any other additional personal or professional barriers that they had faced (or are facing) in being a woman in the industry sector. Additional questions were also asked regarding what type of training they would find useful in the future and whether they had any suggestions for training or support that would help women enter, say or progress within the construction industry. The questionnaires were handed in at the end of each workshop had taken place. All research findings were analysed in an ongoing process and themes were identified via usage of keyword analysis in a series of Word documents. Both the literature and empirical data has been analysed in an ongoing basis, to which the findings have become emergent regarding the issues and identified themes, which will be both illustrated and discussed later in this paper.

The quantitative data findings from the questionnaires outline the age and broad profession category of the women trainee delegates. The research also indicates a very complex picture of the potential for the growth of women in the SA construction industry based upon the range of their age groupings and profession. It also indicates that the majority of women in the construction industry are in their 25-35 year age group, with a smaller number being present in the 36-45 year age group.

It should be stated that the numbers of women in our study were too small to be statistically significant and that the cohort may also have been affected by the nature and type of the soft skills training on offer. However, it was of interest to note the apparent bell shape distributions of age ranges that seem to have occurred in our trainee and support group cohort; although a much larger number of women would need to studied to ascertain the validity or reliability of these findings.

4 Findings and Discussion

Where? Questions Who? Number of respondents Common answers

DUT & Varsity College Why it is rear to find female in construction industry and what is the cause of it? Female Students 21 Its a mans industry.

Female are not will to work longer hours.

They don’t want harassment from man.

Male Students 17 They are not tough enough.

They expect special attention.

They think that its a mans world.

Construction Industry Head Office Female 5 Man undervalued them. Not willing to work longer hours.

Some man still believes that female is not supposed to be working hard.

Men believe that its their culture that only men are supposed to do the ruling not female.

Male 11 They dont have construction experience.

They can not handle the construction pressure.

Most managers they still dont believe in them.

Construction Industry Site Based Female 8 Its not easy to work surrounded by mans.

They dont like the work environment.

They dont want to be undervalued by man.

Not enough roll model for them to inspire

Male 20 Men believe that its their culture that only men are supposed to do the ruling not female.

They come and run away because of hard work.

Personal protective clothing (PPE) is the problem to them.

Men are always looking at them and they feel uncomfortable.

Where? Questions Who? Number of correspondence Common answers

DUT & Varsity College Are the females ready to be part of construction industry? , Answer need to be supported Female Students 21 Yes. We see more numbers of the females in the construction courses.

Male Students 17 No. They join construction industry because of the belief that it pays well, so they only want money.

Construction Industry Head Office Female 5 No. they just want to prove a point that they can do what men think they can do best.

Yes.

Male 11

Construction Industry Site Based Female 8

Male 20

5 Conclusion and Further Research

The lack of visibility of successful women in construction has shown to perpetuate a self fulfilling prophecy whereby fewer women are dissuaded from viewing a career in construction as viable. Isolation of women in construction means that women are unable to establish and access support networks and guidance in career advancement. It is highlighted that the fewer women there are in the industry, the fewer women there are to look up to and thus inform the career choices of potential female entrants. It is therefore suggested that a platform be provided to enable successful women to act as model exemplars and beacons of inspiration. In order to augment the mentoring and role modelling process, women need to establish both professional and personal networks. Only time and further analysis will tell. For its part, the authors will be further analysing the role of a bottom up process and future papers will report upon the research findings and outcomes that have been achieved.

Through the research of this paper, the author has proved that there is stronger instigator of positive changes to organisational cultures and the barriers that women face.

6 Acknowledgement

First and foremost the authors would like to thank the Almighty God for giving us the strength to complete this research paper. Furthermore we would like to acknowledge and thank the following people who made meaningful contributions to this research paper:

Professor Peter Utting for his constant guidance, support and motivation.

Onke Dakada and Tlamelo who took their time to show me how to collect data and research.

The construction people and students who took their time to attend my workshop and answer my lengthy questionnaires.

My friends and families for their encouragement and unfading belief in me.

The gender gap is a term widely used to describe various occurrences in gender dominance, including low image of women in the political position and the fact that men and women participation differ in political parties. The continuous gender gap in vote choice has stimulated study into the causes of gender differences in political behavior and biased attachments (Gilens 1988; Bolee 1985; Wirls 1986 cited in Elizabeth1991). The recognition of an electoral gender gap has had an impact on the campaign strategy in the last decade. Today campaign strategists act in the belief that men and women respond to different types of posts and messages (Pippa, 1997)

Fundamentally, men and women have unequal interest in getting elected office. The political environment seems to have changed thought in the last years, nonetheless the gender gap in politics still continues as glaring as it has been in the past (Jennifer L. Lawless, 2002). In spite of contemporary changes in political affairs and the development of political stability, there are still considerable differences concerning political knowledge and interest, for which it has not provided any compelling explanation yet (Lovenduski, 1986, Hayes and Bean 1993, Van deth 2000, Vasallo, 2006, Verba et al. 1997). However, significant differences require further investigation. This paper aims to examine the causes of gender gap in the political arena, in comparisons of two scholarly articles: “The persistence of gender differences in political interest”(referred to as Article A in this essay) and “A social role theory perspective on gender gaps in Political Attitudes” (will be referred to as Article B in this essay) and their relevance to Public affairs, lobbying, ethical and political challenges. Marxist feminism theory, Liberal theory and patriarchy will be used in this essay.

SIMILARITIES BETWEEN THE TWO ARTICLES

This paragraph discusses the similarities between the two Articles. The two articles talks about the causes of gender gap in politics. They both lay emphasis on division of labor, what the society perceives to be the role of men and women. Division of labor is breaking down of work into part, such as domestic work, this is where the social constructivism and media theory comes in. Women are been perceived to be primarily meant for domestic use, it is said that a woman should engage themselves with family responsibilities and thus reduces their interest in the political arena. The two articles agree on the imbalanced distribution of work between men and women of the total workload generates greater availability of free time for men compared with women (dura, 1991, 2006). There is a limited time available for a woman due to in-house work that adversely hinders their participation and potential interest in politics (Norris and Inglehart, 2006:78).

DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE TWO ARTICLES

The following paragraphs discuss the differences between the two articles. ‘The persistence of gender differences in political interest’ (Article A) explores the role of individual resources, situational factors and socialization in explaining the persistence of a gender gap in political interest while the second article ‘A role theory perspective social gender gaps in political attitudes’ (article b) apply the framework of social role theory to explain the gender gap in political attitudes. Although the two articles both have similar view, however the theoretical application is different. While Article B sees the causes Gender gap as diffuse gender roles, Article a sees it to be a situational factor.

The two articles use different components in explaining their view of gender inequalities in political arena. Article B focuses on the following three modes by which diffuse gender roles might lead to political attitudes which are; the gender- stereotypic explanations: an important part within a social role context is that gender-based expectations influence the behavior of men and women (Deaux & Mayor, 1987) ; internalized traits: it is critical to note that gender role use their influence not only on what others believes in but also through the internalization of these role in the personality. (Wood &Eagy, 2009). This is again the social constructivism, what they are perceived to be and what they perceived themselves to be and Status and power: this talks about how the differences between male and female reflect differences in time and status. That is, attitudes on policy issues may stem from general thought that go for or against the status quo (Jost & Kay, 2005). However, Articles A uses three different explanations to bring out their views, they are: a) The structural explanation: which debates that woman generally has less socioeconomic to engage in politics unlike men. b) The situational explanation: claims women are responsible for the domestic works and prevent them from participating fully in politics. c) The sex role explanation: maintains that women focus more on private sphere because of their role as mothers and wives than men. Nevertheless, Article A focused more on situational explanation to bring out their view.

Women representations and participation in both formal and informal sectors in the public sphere has been framed, to give the perception that women are weaker sex compare to men, both physically and emotionally. The above explanation shows how each article frames the concept of Gender Gap in political arena.

RELEVANCE OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS AND PUBLIC ISSUES MANAGEMENT PRATICE AND THEORY

Feminist theory, Liberal political theory and patriarchy will be used here in relevance to public affairs and public issues management and practice. Another theory that will be useful here is social constructivism, it has has been argued by Scholars in reform feminist theory. Gender reform feminisms (liberal, Marxist, socialist, postcolonial, and Asian), were the theorists and advocates that dominated in the 1970s. They perceive gender gap in the aspect of the gendered social order. Politically, their aim is to attain gender equality, so that women and men are placed and seen as being equal throughout the society, and having the same influence, respect, and economic resources.

Gender reform feminisms argue that the causes of gender gap are structural and not as a result of internalised traits, individual choices, or imbalanced personal relationships. The structural sources as said in Article A above are women’s demotion to low-paid work and a deflation of the work women do, irresistible household tasks, child care and imbalanced access to education, health care, and political power.

Valerie (2002), states that though women are regularly excluded from partaking highly in politics, they have a tendency to vote in greater numbers than men and play an essential role in the non-governmental organization (NGO), you pay less prestigious and more lower than the private sector or high politics. The challenge facing all defenders of gender equality in politics today is the big difference between the shared values aˆ‹aˆ‹that are revealed in national and international policy and practice.

Another issue in the context of women’s political participation refers in particular to the nature of politics in general and liberal democracy. Democracy has increasingly served to men better than women. As a political system from ancient to modern 21st century, put up the public-private dichotomy and omitted women from citizenship. Philips and Rai argues that Women have been kept out of the public sphere of politics as most political scholars and philosophers such as Plato, Aristotle, Rousseau, John Lock, Thomas Hobbes and Hegel deliberated that women are only fit for domestic obligations in the private sphere and that there was no place for women in politics because of their expertise in caring roles as mothers and wives (Philips1998, Rai200).

“The ancient and modern democracies failed to recognize women as citizens, therefore they are side lined and concerns in its theory and practice” (Bathala,1998:39). It was only the liberal political viewpoint of the nineteenth century that supported the idea of aˆ‹aˆ‹free and rational individual, which was used by suffragettes to request the right to vote. On the contrary, Rai keeps the theoretical base of liberal theory is integrally gendered in ways which perpetuate patriarchy and ignores gender subordination in politics and society (Rai 2000:2)

Feminist theorists also takes issue with the notion of abstract individual in liberal theory and debated that it is not a gender-neutral category. This is why even though women are entitled to vote but are not able to influence public policy and cannot give the private sphere into the public preview.

The liberal conception of human nature sets the terms liberal political theory. It is the realm of basic moral and political values aˆ‹aˆ‹of liberalism, which has the vital problem of liberal political philosophy and prescribes the method used by liberals to solve these problems.

The fundamental moral values aˆ‹aˆ‹of liberalism are based on the assumption that all individuals have an equal potential for reason. This assumption is based on the moral core of liberalism, belief, and a high intrinsic value of the human person. Because different liberal theoretical construct different reason, his belief in the value of the human person is expressed in different terms. Liberalism believes in the ultimate value of the individual is expressed in politics equalitarianism (Jaggar 1983, 33). It is important to recognize that these theories pursue theoretical objectives: first, to identify the complex historical and social processes that penetrate the specific position of women in society. Second, to theorize the location of women in relation to social differentiation.

The structural and functional limitations in front of women are designed by social and political relations in a society. The public pattern of political segregation of women comes from a) structures and institutions of political discourse, b) the socio political and social – cultural and functional constraints(as discussed in Article b above) that put limits on individual and collective action of women (Bari 2005). There are various factors that hinder women’s political participation; it ranges from ideological, political, socio-cultural, and economic factor.

Ideological factor here talks about gender resistance feminisms. Gender resistance feminisms has its occurrence in the 1980s, it said that the gender order cannot be the same using gender balance for the reason that men’s dominance overwhelm Gender equality, they maintain, ends up with women been equal with men. While looking into the gender order from the viewpoint of women, they reveal the hidden relationships in organizations, institutions, politics and daily practices that give men control over women. They call it patriarchy (Lorber, 2010).

Patriarchy as a system of male supremacy relation forms of women in politics. Converts male and female into men and women and form the hierarchy of gender relations where men are advantaged (Eisenstein 1984, Galson 2002) Adrienne Rich defines patriarchy as “a familial-social, ideological, political system in which men by force, direct pressure or through ritual, tradition, law and language, customs label, education, and the division of labor, determine what part of the woman will or will not play and female everywhere subsumed under the male “(Rich 1997:57)

The ideology of gender role as an ideological tool used by patriarchy to position women in the private sphere of the home as mothers and wives and men in the public sphere. This is one of the important factors that outline the political contribution of women worldwide. However, this division is not reflected ideological reality. Frequently perverting the boundaries between public and private in the daily lives of women. Nevertheless, national domains can still be perceived in the political arena as an appropriate space for women while the public space is assigned for men. Women have to negotiate their entry and claim public space as the broad possibilities and materials available in a particular culture and society. Though the ideologies of gender role was not still but in a society with fluidity as regards to women are defined as secluded countries that lead to in the gender gap in the political arena (Bari 2005 & Collins, 1990, 2000).

The second factor which is the political Factors emphasizes on the political nature of the society. The nature of politics is a vital issue in the gender gap in the political arena. Vicky Randall defines politics as joint or work relationships within a given power structure. Randall (1987) which is in contrast with the traditional view that defines politics as an activity, a deliberate and mindful involvement in the process by which resources assigned among citizens. This idea of politics that limits the political activity in the public and private sphere of family life is depicted as apolitical. This public-private dichotomy in the traditional definition of politics is used to omit women from public political sphere and even when women enter politics, they are presented as mothers and wives (Bari 2005).

Male domination, political parties and culture of formal political structures is another factor inhibiting women’s political participation. Political parties that are often ruled males will have a male perspective on issues of national importance that Disenchants women because their view is often disregarded and not revealed in the politics. The largest democratic framework and the level of democratization also influence the political participation of women. The profane democracies in Europe and also in some of the developing countries have created relatively more space for the participation of women in policy compare countries where religious orthodoxy has been to form policy and democracy (Gamson 1988; Meuman, fair and Cripler1992: Kern and only in 1995).

Also, socio-cultural factor which poses as a limitation to women participation in politics explains that women find it difficult to participate in politics because of the limited time available to them because of their dual role in the productive and reproductive spheres. With their main starring role as mothers and wives and domestic responsibilities and competence of care work, are left with little time to participate in politics(Barret September 1980: Kuli & Wolpe 1978).

The last factor to be considered here is the economic factor; the economic factor here talks about the financial strength of individuals getting involved in politics. Politics nowadays requires a lot of capital. Money plays a major role in political participation and most women lack the basic financial resources to adequately get involved in politics (Witt et al 1994, 182)

In Conclusion, it can be said that Women participation in politics has really been affected with the above stated factors. This may be due to the acceptance of women in a subordinate role in politics, which lane (1961) has called ‘the properly depending role of gender’ seems more likely that are retained by the situational factor, the demands of the dual role of mother and game employee, along with the knowledge that politics is man Lane(1961).

The initiation of women into influential politics has the potential to greatly benefit society. There are a number of theoretical reasons women would be doing the world a favour by entering into politics. Basic statistics demonstrate that equality would benefit the economy. In the West, the perception towards women is positive: they are mostly on equal ground with men regarding capabilities (Pew Research Center [PRC, 2008]. Moreover, because most female politicians have to juggle professional, private, and sometimes family lives, their resulting ability to multi-task should allow them better management skills and more sensible political priorities. Now, these theories regarding women’s abilities and inclinations do have some factual basis. There are already successful females in high positions of power within government (e.g. Angela Merkel; Scandinavian Parliament). A survey carried out in India had results illustrating that where women were in charge, villagers were much better off (Beaman, 2007). Surprisingly, Southeast Asia is where the most women have reached the highest governmental positions (Fleschenberg, 2008). One can argue that, whether there is a positive or ineffectual upshot to women’s involvement in politics, merely achieving equality and effectively rendering most prejudices null would be a tremendous benefit to society. However, while the women of the West have far more opportunity and are reluctant to take advantage of it, there are still the women of developing countries, where bias against women is still quite distinct (Beaman, 2007). In the meantime, there is the Middle East, where progress in gender equality is practically nonexistent (Akande, 2007). But “despite the emphasis given to creating equality for women, there are still very few females in high-level decision making positions.” (McDermott, 2009). If gender inequality can be overcome, it can open the doorway to alleviating a significant amount of the dilemmas the world faces.

Opening the Doorway: Gender Equality in Politics

“If liberty and equality, as is thought by some, are chiefly to be found in democracy, they will be best attained when all persons alike share in government to the utmost.” Whether or not Aristotle meant to include females in his definition of persons, this quote of his basically supports the idea that there is no real equality until individuals of every possible variance are not only involved in government, but have the same say in proceedings.

Equality is an abstract term; it has evaded human beings since the time we came into existence, and remains indomitably out of reach due to our own inherent prejudices. It is only very recently that real attempts have been successful in overcoming these imbalances in social order; but naturally, those at the top want to stay that way-and with their power comes the ability to maintain their position. Therefore, we still have a long way to go before humans can declare themselves a race of egalitarianism.

Gender inequality is probably the most prevalent form of discrimination, due to the fact that it exists, unfailingly-not only in all societies-but within the classes and castes within those societies (Jamal, 2009/2010). The ‘superiority’ of men has been a given through the ages, both through formal laws and unwritten, shared understandings (Jamal, 2009/2010). These days, women have come far along the road to equality, but-as modern feminists complain-women still have to work twice as hard to get half as far as men in their careers. There is no argument that, thanks to or despite this, women are underrepresented in many areas, most notably those of power. But politics, which has the most potential to influence culture and civilization, is the most notable area of all.

Whether or not women are better than men is not the question here-the question is, would gender equality in politics have a substantial effect on global affairs? And would this effect be favourable or detrimental? Because “gender is the key to the organization of product and reproduction, women are at the crossroads between economic growth and human development.” (Jamal, 2009/2010, p. 5) The initiation of women into influential politics has the potential to greatly benefit society.

There are a number of theoretical reasons women would be doing the world a favour by entering into politics. According to Akande, women “are the world’s most under-utilised resource; getting more of them into work is part of the solution to many economic woes, including shrinking populations and poverty.” (2007, p. 10) Basic statistics even demonstrate that equality would benefit the economy- women put in 67% of the hours of work done on Earth, yet they earn 10% of salaries and possess 1% of all goods (Career Women’s Forum, 2006). So women have already proven themselves diligent, and take up around 50% of a population-on this note, Akande reasons that their “lack of active participation” (2007) in all influential fields, including “the workforce, intellectual or academic spheres, or politics,” basically deprives a country of valuable human resources. This applies more directly to developing countries where gender discrimination completely obstructs women’s chances to achieve anything, let alone politics; however, it bolsters equality in general.

Perception is the basis of social context, and negative social context is woman’s biggest obstacle towards achieving anything, let alone a career in politics. In the West, the universal perception towards female leaders is changing for the better. A survey conducted by the Pew Research Center reveals the proletarian opinion on why women are still underrepresented in politics: “gender discrimination, resistance to change, and a self-serving ‘old boy’s club’” (PRC, 2008). The public also believes that women are held back by the pressure of juggling family (which, as women, they are still meant to take care of) or personal life, and professional life; lack of the necessary skill is cited by few as a potential cause (PRC, 2008).

In the same survey, women were rated higher than men on the majority of traits considered important to leadership (e.g. honesty, intelligence, compassion) (PRC, 2008). Women are believed by the populace to be more inclined towards dealing with civic issues such as health care and education (PRC, 2008); men, however, are more disposed towards eradicating crime, public safety, defence, and national security (PRC, 2008). This has been backed up by actual studies, though they put men’s priorities in a less favourable light: “Studies show that women are more likely to spend money on improving health, education, infrastructure and poverty and less likely to waste it on tanks and bombs.” (Akande, 2007)

The results of the survey continued by rating women higher than men in other areas believed to be important for a leader: holding firm to their principles even in the face of political strain; in negotiation and compromise; in instilling honesty in the government; and relating to the general public (PRC, 2008). Despite all this, only 6% actually claim women make better political leaders than men, which would be the natural progression (PRC, 2008). However, 69% rate men and women as equal, so this is probably, essentially, an even bigger step towards equality than if the reverse imbalance was presented (PRC, 2008).

Even more theoretical reasoning can back up this claim: because most female politicians have to juggle professional, private, and sometimes family lives, their ability to multi-task is forcibly but finely honed (Career Women’s Forum [CWF], 2006). This in turn allows them better management skills and more sensible political priorities.

Now, these theories regarding women’s abilities and inclinations do have factual basis.

There are already successful females in high positions of power within government, such as Angela Merkel, Germany’s first female Chancellor. Scandinavian countries, according to Career Women’s Forum, are of the better-managed countries of the world, the “most imaginative and prosperous” (2008); the article goes on to correlate this fact with one stating their Parliaments are made up of 40% women, the highest percentage in the world.

A Millenial Survey was carried out by a non-governmental organization in India in the year 2000 (Beaman, Duflo, Pande & Topalova, 2007). It focused on subjective and objective measures of both the quantity and quality of five basic public services: drinking water and sanitation, health, education and child care, road transport and the public distribution system (Beaman, 2007). Though the survey was not undertaken for the express purpose of comparing male and female leadership performances, this-in accordance with the simultaneously subjective and objective nature of the survey-afforded the surveyors a lack of predetermined bias towards the results (Beaman, 2007).

The results illustrated that where women were in charge, there was a higher investment in clean drinking water, leading to the avoidance of water-borne diseases and overall improvement of health (Beaman, 2007). Also, children were more likely to be immunized, and where women were in charge the gender gap in schooling was less by almost 13%; women were also less likely to accept bribes (Beaman, 2007). Despite all this, villagers reported dissatisfaction with their female leaders; Beaman found this rational, though, due to the inherent bias of the society (2007).

Though the Nordic area can claim the highest percentage of women in Parliament, it is, surprisingly, Asia where the most women have reached the highest governmental positions (Fleschenberg, 2008). The first female Prime Minister in history was Sirimavo Bandaranaike, of Sri Lanka; she had power three times, beginning in 1960, and when she died in office in the year 2000, she was succeeded by her daughter, Chandrika Kumaratunga (Fleschenberg, 2008). Indira Gandhi, India, is possibly the most famous female politician, with the most influence and positive impact thanks to her campaign for progress in India-a recent BBC poll named her the greatest woman of the last 1,000 years (Fleschenberg, 2008). Aung San Suu Kyi is the accepted leader of democratic Burma despite her continuing house arrest (Fleschenberg, 2008). In Malaysia, Wan Azizah Wan Ismail freed her husband, Anwar Ibrahim, and has headed the parliamentary opposition party in Malaysia since the late 1990s (Fleschenberg, 2008). There are more notable names, from Bangladesh, Indonesia, Pakistan, and the Philippines; though all of these cultures are undoubtedly “patriarchal” and “paternalistic” in political and ideological terms, women have achieved the position of prime minister or president in all of them (Fleschenberg, 2008).

These countries have little in common in terms of economic development, culture, religion, and political systems (Fleschenberg, 2008). The one defining commonality between these women involves their education: no different from influential politicians in general, but exceptional for their own locale, where often education cannot proceed past the secondary or tertiary level (Fleschenberg, 2008). In addition, many of them gained reputations and political experience against backdrops of “political turmoil and/or transition” (Fleschenberg, 2008, p. 33) as leaders of opposition movements, effectively classifying them as “transformational leaders,” (Fleschenberg, 2008, p. 33) valuable to their country from day one.

As for their terms in office, analysis proves that none of these countries “deteriorated [. . .] as a direct consequence of female governance” (Fleschenberg, 2008, p. 5). In fact, any declines were caused by male-led interventions (Fleschenberg, 2008).

These leaderships are made even more interesting by the fact that these women came into power by proving themselves worthy, rather than just to promote equality, are recognized as capable, self-reliant leaders with no limits on their power due to their gender (Fleschenberg, 2008). On the other hand, their governments are still not gender balanced; Fleschenberg admits that they are the exception, and their rise to power should not be confused with increased women’s participation in politics (2008).

One can argue that, whether there is a positive or ineffectual upshot to women’s involvement in politics, merely achieving equality and effectively rendering most prejudices null would be a tremendous benefit to society. Women are generally fighting an uphill battle in this respect-or, at least, some of them are.

Interestingly, a report comparing the victory rates of male and female candidates yielded the result that “when women run for office, they win just as often as men do.” (Bowman, 2008) Since this included mostly small-time political positions in already developed countries, it is not as provocative as it may appear; it basically only reveals that, at least in the West, there is less interest in politics. The surveyed women were not enthusiastic about running for office, or the process required, such as raising campaign cash or balancing familial responsibilities (Bowman, 2008). Still, Akande says, “Women are more likely to organize in other politics, such as social movements, and in non-governmental organizations.” (2007, p. 16)

So, while the women of the West have far more opportunity and are reluctant to take advantage of it, there are still the women of developing countries, where bias against women is still quite distinct (Beaman, 2007). Because women are generally assumed, not to lack leadership skills so much as have less than men-even those with similar personality traits-if a woman is fulfilling a normally male role, she will be judged more ruthlessly (Beaman, 2007). For example, a bad decision, or merely an unpopular one despite advantageous ends, would gain them a harsher level of criticism than if they were male (Beaman, 2007). This social backlash for “violating stereotypes” dissuades all but the most determined women; indeed, where the Western woman shuns politics for the stress it promises, or mere lack of interest (Bowman, 2008), a woman in a developing country shuns it to avoid the extra controversy that would top that stress (Beaman, 2007).

In the meantime, there is the Middle East, where progress in gender equality is practically nonexistent (Akande, 2007). Akande attributes this to the ongoing political upheaval, citing “the near civil-war situation in Iraq, the murky future of the Palestinians, Iran’s nuclear ambitions, or the future of democracy in the region.” (2007, p. 10) The female in the Middle East is generally far worse off than those of other developing countries, due to being in a society that is either “indifferent” (Akande, 2007, p. 17) to them, or “downright hostile.” (Akande, 2007, p. 17). The principles of the predominant religion of Islam cannot directly take the blame for this (Akande, 2007), as women have gained political prominence in every Islamic country of South-eastern Asia apart from Brunei (Fleschenberg, 2008). However, the combination of religion and culture do play a big part in the viewpoints that support this maltreatment of women (Akande, 2007).

This goes not just for the Muslim women of the Arab world, but for other religions that

undermine the ‘weaker sex’, such as Sikhs, Hindus, and Native Americans (Akande, 2007). He stresses the Middle East, however, because the predicament of the region’s women essentially has a direct effect on world affairs; he believes that much of the strife in the Middle East (i.e. “underdevelopment, domestic and regional instability [. . .], ethnic frictions” (Akande, 2007, p. 9)) could be mitigated, if not outright halted, if women had more of a voice in government (2007). If the results of the studies referenced by Akande earlier on, as well as the beliefs presented by the Pew Research Center survey are any indication, even a gradual move towards gender equality-in politics and otherwise-would be a big step towards eventual stability.

At any rate, gender equality is a worldwide goal, and there are measures in place meant to

promote women’s involvement in Parliaments, etc (McDermott, 2009). In India, one third

of parliamentary seats are reserved for women (Atkins, 2008). Though some see these enactments as a step backwards merely because they appear as a chauvinistic inability to allow women a true sense of accomplishment (Atkins, 2008), there is a much more considerable reason they can be seen as such.

“Despite the emphasis given to creating equality for women, there are still very few females in high-level decision making positions.” (McDermott, 2009) This even goes for the previously-praised Nordic countries where there is an almost-balanced level of genders within the government (McDermott, 2009). Still, when it comes to decision-making, the women have limited say. Gwaze points out that in Zimbabwe, women appointed to seemingly important positions only have real significance at voting time; otherwise, they are little more than puppets for the males with real power (2007). What we see now is a facade of equality that prevents women from making the change that they are capable of.

With all the previously described obstacles that women have to overcome, only for women to be rendered utterly inconsequential by males who continue to wield more power, it is no wonder that gender inequality prevails in government.

Successful female politicians often take pride in not only their achievements in public service, but the fact that they are positive role models for younger girls (Campbell & Wolbrecht, 2005). Males do not bother to see themselves as role models, “reflecting the fact that men and boys need little additional evidence that the halls of power are open to them.” (Campbell, 2005)

The only way to change points-of-view on female politicians is for them to continue in this vein-it’s a snowball effect. Women already proven the positive impact they are capable of; as more gradually get into politics and gradually become more successful at it, the window of politics as a career is opened to more and more women. And as these women prove their value within government proceedings, attitudes towards them will change for the better, the way they already are (Beaman, 2007).

Gender equality is not the biggest problem face by society, and it is not the only discrimination human beings must cope with. However, if this most profound and prevailing prejudice can be overcome, it can open the doorway to alleviating a significant amount of the dilemmas faced by the world.

Gender equality linked with women remains a contemporary issue in Australia. “The debate over gender roles is not about what men or women should or should not be doing- it’s about people having freedom of choice to act constructively in society, and to have their contribution to society respected and recognised.” (Linden, 1996) Even though Australia was one of the first countries that watch over women rights, now days it seems that they have stop searching for that equality, like if they frozen and other countries like Norway, Finland and Sweden have pass them in the development of female role in society.

Australia, along with New Zealand, was highlighted as “leaders in closing the gender gap”. Based on the W.E.F’s benchmarking tool (2010), the Gender Gap Index (G.G.I.), Australia achieved a rank of 23, out of 115 countries. Perhaps unsurprisingly the Report has prompted considerable debate in Australia as to the status of women and, in particular, their economic well-being. Whilst many women have benefited from access to education and health, persistent barriers continue to hinder women’s economic opportunities and political empowerment within the Australian context. At a time when other countries are integrating gender into the policy development process and adopting programs to monitor women’s labour market outcomes Australia appears to be moving in the opposite direction. In Preston and Barns (2009) words, when compared to the 1970s and 1980s it is apparent that the climate within which gender equality is pursued today has significantly chilled.

More women are still working in “women area” jobs, such as teaching and nursing. Engineering and computering attracts 25% male student applications, and only 5% females (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2006). Despite years of legislation and changing social attitudes, the opportunity for females to achieve at the highest levels of many professions and occupations seems to be very challenging. The gap between men and women earings has fallen over the years. Pay equitity is about providing equal remuneration for work of equal value. That means paying men and women equally for work that is of equal skill and responsibility, and is performed under comparable conditions. Ensuring that all workers have the same access to benefits, superannuation, allowances and other disectionary payments.

Women have to find their equal place in political life throughout the world. It was in 1893 that New Zeland became the first country in the world to legislate for the right for women to vote in free elections, Australia followed in 1902. It was until 1918 that the United States and Great Britain approved this legislation (Oldfield, 1992). Before these time women were not considered important enough or intelligent enough to exercise this power. It was felt that their husbands, fathers or brothers no matter how ignorant they were, had a much better understanding and ability to decide on issues of the date.

It was a long and hard battle for women to achieve this legislation, but when women from all areas of society united to demand their rights, law-makers could not deny it any more. With the vote came gradual recognition of women’s rights as full members of society. Legal protection was slow and unreliable to begin with, because the laws were debated and passed by men, who as a group were not necessarily interested in the injustice made to women. According to (Linden, 1996) custody of children in divorces became commonly awarded to women, and most unlikely to all, moves were made to ensure they would be paid the same amount as men for doing the same work; this particular point is still a big issue now days.

During the Second World War, women were required to take on jobs that were previously occupied by men. Women worked in factories and drove buses; and upon the men’s return from war, many women refused to relinquish this new found freedom Prit says (2008). In order to make women to go back to their housework and let the men to occupy their jobs wages for women went from 90 per cent of men rate to 75 per cent, a rate fixed in the 1950s by the Arbitration Court (Graig, Lewins, & White, 2003) arguing that men have a bigger responsibility with his children and wife so they should received a higher wage. Through this what the government wanted was to established the “Australian way of life” that is that women stay at home in the suburbs taking care of the children and cook while the man of the house go to work .

In the 1960s according to Prit (2008) was when feminist campaigns began to ask for equal pay, equal opportunities, anti-discrimination, child and maternity welfare, divorce laws and childcare. They also demanded freedom of choice for women, not only for education and employment, but for marriage, contraception and abortion. The Feminist Movement shocked many older, conservative women’s organizations, such as the Country Women’s Association.

The feminist movement continued to grow and in 1969 there was an important case The Australasian Meat Industry Employees Union & Others v Meat and Allied Trades Federation of Australia & Others. Before this time women’s wages are set substantially lower than that of their male equivalent. The introduction of equal pay is prompted by a number of factors, including the ILO Convention on Equal Pay, increasing female employment, and the abolition of the Basic Wage in 1967. The 1969 decision grants “equal pay for equal work”, The Commonwealth Conciliation and Arbitration Commission rules, however, that equal pay is not applicable “where the work in question is essentially or usually performed by females but is work upon which male employees may also be employed”. By the time of the 1972 equal pay case, figures are produced to show that only 18 per cent of women workers have benefited as a result of the 1969 decision (Fair Work Australia, 2010).

As Australian society moved towards an acceptance of gender equality, it was important that political and legislative policies reflected that change. There have been legislations passed, such as the 1984 Commonwealth Sex Discrimination Act, that have shaped equality for women. The Act came after Australia signed the United Nations’ International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. It says that it is illegal to discriminate people because of their sex, maritial status, pregnancy, sexual harassment, and family responsibilities (Equal Opportunity Commission, 2010).

The 1990s saw an increase in women holding high profile leadership positions, with Jennie George becoming the first woman to be appointed President of the Australian Council of Trade Unions and Carla Zampatti the first woman appointed as Chair of SBS (Australian Government, 2010). At the turn of the century, the ageing population dilemma and the need for skilled labour was high on political agendas, and is almost certainly one of the most powerful forces forging the way for Australian women now, with a new found focus on barriers to work for women; focusing on the need for appropriate childcare options in order to facilitate workforce participation, the concentration of policy in lowering effective tax rates for working women and the increased bounty of government payments for working families.

A survey of the Inter-Parliamentarian Union in 1993 showed that women held just 10 per cent of the world’s parliamentary seats. What made this figure even more warring was that five years earlier it had been almost half again as high, at 14.6 per cent. The Australian Labour Party was the first Australian party to establish a quota for women. On 27 September 1994 it voted to commit at least 35 per cent of winnable seats to women by 2002. The business of how a candidate actually gets up is something that is rarely gone into in detail. Parties say that candidates should be committed, knowledgeable, and have voter appeal (Linden, 1996).

In the Forty-First Parliament of Australia (2004-2007) there were 23 female senators and 38 women in the House of Representatives. On 24 June 2010, Julia Gillard became the first woman to lead one of the major political parties at the federal level as Leader of the Australian Labor Party, as well as the first female Prime Minister of Australia (Australian Government, 2010).In politics matter, women have little by little gone further, they made the way up to the top. They have earned the respect of people and governments, and have proved that they can handle a “men’s job”.

But these equality seeking have some sacrifices, women are putting apart their other important role as mothers to grow as professionals. The report findings highlight the challenge for women to maintain a “work life balance” and it found that women are still doing the majority of the child rearing and housework. Women with children employed full-time spend on average 78 hours a week in paid and unpaid work while full-time men with children spend only 74 hours a week according to NATSEM University of Canberra (2009). The differences can be found in the amount of time men pitch in to help with the kids and housework. Full-time women with children spend 15 hours per week doing the cooking and cleaning compared with only six hours per week for men. For a part-time mother the reality is even harsher – a part-time woman averages 74 hours a week in paid and unpaid work, 23 hours are spent with the kids and 20 hours on the housework, while part-time men with children work 58 hours in paid and unpaid work, and 14 hours of that is spent with the kids and nine hours is dedicated to the housework (NATSEM University of Canberra, 2009).

So it’s little wonder really that the report made by NATSEM in 2009 found that half of employed women feel rushed or pressed for time compared with only a third of employed men. Not surprisingly women are choosing education and career and then “maybe baby”, which has seen an increase in the age of first time mothers to 29 . Fertility has declined considerably since the Baby Boomer generation; however, more recently there has been a slight improvement in total fertility – rising to 1.9 children in 2007 from 3.5 children per woman in the Baby Boomer generation. Regardless of the advances in equal opportunity in the workplace 22 per cent of pregnant working women said they faced a workplace difficulty in relation to their pregnancy and some said they had missed out on training, development and promotion. The report found that once the baby is born women are taking all the paid leave available to them and they are even resorting to taking unpaid leave. Results show that over half of professional women took paid maternity leave compared with just eight per cent of elementary clerical, sales and services workers. And 76 per cent of public sector women having babies took paid maternity leave, in contrast to 25 per cent of women in the private sector.

In conclusion, prior to the 1960s females only received 54 per cent the wages males earned. Although women are allowed to equal wages today, on average women only receive According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics (2006), 84 per cent of what men earn . Women are less likely to be promoted, receive bonuses and not often expected to fulfill the requirements to be employed in a stereotypical male job.

The historical conflict about social differentiations and varying levels of power and authority between males and females has come to a point where co-operation between the two genders would be favorable. Equality of opportunity can be better achieved though support and focus on unity rather than differences.

Australia play a leading role in promoting women`s increase participation. There is still progress to be made to achieve equal outcomes and opportunities for men and women. Gender equality and the rights contained within legislation rely on the overall legal system, as well as cultural attitudes for execution and enforcement. However, gaps do exist in the treatment of legislation, and in the way by which it is enforced. Taking concrete action to advance human rights and support opportunity and choice require a combined effort across the entire of government, in addition to the important constant role of specialist human rights monitoring and complaints mechanisms.