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Canada is considered a prestigious member of the First World, with a thriving economy and industry, high standard of living and democratic government that supports and protects its citizens. When countries of the global south are compared to Canada their disparities become enhanced. However, even as these comparisons are interestingly eye opening, the world’s eyes seem to only quickly glace within Canada itself, overlooking incredible contradiction. Within Canada people are suffering greatly, in particular the Aboriginals of Canada who have been marginalized and exploited since the colonial age. These people have been suffering internally for centuries as their relationship with the First World has left them with a shattered culture and a society polluted with social issues. This issue interests and concerns me deeply because I was born in Prince George, British Columbia, a small, polluted and troubled town that taught me a great deal about the hardships of the First Nations. My father worked in the school system and encountered many children that came from the reservations, it quickly became apparent that the situation these children were facing was dire. Many of the First Nations students were struggling with domestic violence or other types of trouble at home mainly concerning alcoholism; sometimes this resulted in movement to foster care which simply troubled them more. As I witnessed all of the hardships these peoples faced I felt overwhelmed and confused that in a nation as developed and diverse as Canada one group had to endure so much. When I entered into Development Studies 100 this year I began to learn about colonization and in particular theories like underdevelopment, which highlight its injustice and huge negative impacts. These theories helped to clarify the idea that many of the issues I observed can be traced back and attributed to European contact, connection, and corruption of the Aboriginal peoples. I think such historical understanding and relationships are important so that we can appreciate the current respect and celebration or multiculturalism in society but still be aware of the repression, exploitation and critical dissection of the Aboriginal culture that occurred and its results. Many issues have arisen from the colonial contact of Aboriginal Canadians but I am going to look specifically at the effects of the introduction of alcohol. I am going to demonstrate how alcohol played a pivotal role in the breakdown of traditions and cultural values which gave rise to various social issues resulting in an exponential number of dysfunctional families.

Theoretical Framework

The underdevelopment theory can effectively be applied to analyze the experiences of Canada’s Aboriginals; it explores how elements of colonization created a dependency between the powerful core countries and weaker peripheral people (Frank, 1969: 112). Andre Gunder Frank demonstrates the flaws in colonial relationships by illustrating how devastating they were on those countries and people that were exploited and points out the ridiculousness of the, “largely erroneous view that the development of underdevelopedaˆ¦ must and will be generated or stimulated by diffusing capital, institutions, values, etc., to them from the international and national capitalist metroples” (ibid: 108). By invading and implementing core countries’ values and policies on weaker peripheral countries the forced change nurtures unequal relationships which benefit the developed, resulting in devastating dependency (ibid: 107). This theory can be effectively applied to outline and understand the strategies employed by the British to weaken the Aboriginals of Canada which resulted in the breakdown of their culture and contributed to the growth of many disparaging social issues. Although there were many practices used by the British to gain power and control over the Aboriginals I am going to focus on mainly the introduction of alcohol and how it was wielded as a weapon against the weak.

Historical Context

Colonialism in Canada faced the same issues as many other colonial ventures, the problem of the people who were there first and how to eliminate them as a threat to success. The British used a large amount of colonial policy to weaken the Aboriginal population, discriminating against them both socially and legally, marginalizing them meant more profit for the colonizers (Barsh, 1994: 2). Such policy made their employment limited, lost them control over many resources and more broadly weakened their status (Blackstock, 2000: 4). However it was not just legal documents that gave the British power and control, there were also more hidden and manipulative methods employed, in particular the trading of alcohol (ibid). Edwardo and Bonnie Duran explore this issue thoroughly by demonstrating that although British colonialists were not the first to introduce alcohol to the Aboriginals they distorted the use of it for their own benefit (1995: 136). Alcohol was present in some Aboriginal communities before colonization but it was used infrequently and mostly for ceremonies and other rare occasions (ibid). The British colonizers and traders introduced heavy drinking and intoxication by the 1800’s huge numbers of Aboriginals had developed dependence and alcoholism (Duran and Duran, 1995: 122). This was the result that had motivated the British, they aimed to develop a desperate market that would give them power and control (ibid: 125). They introduced alcohol as a way to control and dominate trade and it was one of many elements they used to gain complete power (ibid: 122). The relationship alcohol created led to huge change to the Aboriginal culture and traditional way of life. This manipulation becomes even more apparent when related to the dependency theory. By analyzing the relationship from a perspective of benefits to the colonizer and hindrance to the Aboriginals it is clear that a form of destructive dependency was created which still echoes today.

Distortion of Culture and Tradition

By introducing such a destructive element as alcohol to the aboriginal culture the colonizers can be implicated as responsible for the breakdown of a way of life. Early reports of Aboriginals reactions to alcohol have stated it changed their attitudes and made them violent, promiscuous and wild (Duran and Duran, 1995: 123). As abuse of substance grew so too did the distance between the Aboriginals and their traditional values (ibid: 138). For example the Aboriginals always saw sexuality as a sacred element pre-colonialism but the introduction of alcohol led to a decline in respect of this traditional standard, as evidenced by the drastic increase in sexual abuse (Hylton, 2002:6). Child care was also an extremely important and revered part of Aboriginal culture but as alcoholism became more common instances of neglect and child abuse swelled (Duran and Duran, 1995: 159). Alcohol was taking them away from their traditional norms and standards and disseminating their value system, leaving them weak and disconnected at the hands of the colonizers (Hylton, 2002: 8). The trauma of colonial processes and mechanisms in general, and the destruction reaped by alcohol more specifically led to the distortion of traditional Aboriginal culture which brought about an abundance of detrimental and unhealthy internal issues and went on to destroy the family unit.

Growing Social Issues

Alcoholism is one of the most harmful problems plaguing contemporary Aboriginal life (Duran and Duran, 1995: 106). This is because with it comes many physical, emotional and psychological issues which have widespread consequences. When alcohol and mass consumption was introduced it caused social and cultural distress, leading to a breakdown of traditional culture and norms (Barsh, 1994: 21). Without guiding principles and the comfort of their culture, the intake of alcohol, which is a depressant, bred violence, confusion and illness. In short the alienation from their culture via colonialism and its legacies, alcohol in particular led to self destructive behaviour (ibid: 35). Levels of sexual and spousal abuse are both alarmingly high in aboriginal communities and the presence of both can be linked back to colonial causes (Bopp and Bopp, 2003: 27). In fact before colonialism it is reported that tribes lived harmoniously and sexual abuse was not present in communities (Hylton, 2002: 17). This is contrasted by the fact that a 1999 study reported that 75% of Canadian Aboriginal girls under 18 had been sexually assaulted (Bopp and Bopp, 2003:27). Another statistic that demonstrates the warping of Aboriginal values and relationships but colonial policy is that 38% of Aboriginal spousal homicides involve alcohol abuse (ibid: 24).

Alcohol has also had effects on personal areas like mental and physical health of

Aboriginals. Alcohol is closely related to depression which is widespread and both are large contributing factors of suicide among Aboriginals (Barsh, 1994: 28). An article in the Edmonton Journal claimed that the suicide rate among Aboriginal Peoples of Canada an epidemic (Aboriginal suicide rate ‘epidemic’, 2007). To support this claim it produced haunting statistics, such as the suicide rate of Aboriginal youth in some isolated communities being eleven times higher than the Canadian average (ibid). Alcoholism is also one of the leading public healthcare concerns for Aboriginals (Duran and Duran, 1995: 106). Abuse of alcohol has serious consequences, which can be observed in a large amount of Aboriginal peoples, including cirrhosis of the liver, diabetes, and fetal alcohol syndrome (ibid). As demonstrated by these statistics, alcohol has had severely harmful effects on the Aboriginal peoples, both on an individual level and within group settings and dynamics.

Deterioration of the Family Unit

The introduction and integration of alcohol into the aboriginal culture has had significant influence over changing family dynamics. Upon investigating the distortion of culture and traditions it has been made clear that traditionally the Aboriginals of Canada had close and respectful relationships; however, the introduction of alcohol led to the loss of these norms and a growth of destructive issues (Duran and Duran, 1995: 159). Problems caused by alcohol often manifest themselves in the home; as Aboriginal peoples feel more socially disintegrated they retreat into their homes where frustration is expressed through violence and abuse (Barsh, 1994: 35). The prevalence of mental and physical illness caused by alcohol also has negative impacts on the family as it hurts them financially and emotionally, so that caring for each other becomes more difficult (Hylton, 2002: 17). Due to all these obstacles and problems it has become very difficult for Aboriginal families to live in a positive or functional manner. As a result, many families are separated, three times more Aboriginal children are in substitute care than non- Aboriginals (Barsh, 1994: 27). Alcohol has created an unhealthy and destructive atmosphere in the homes of many Canadian Aboriginals, sadly resulting in fractured lives and relationships.

Weakness/Bias

When researching and analyzing the data and information on alcohol and Aboriginals there were several issues I encountered that could have affected the integrity of my work. The majority of the statistics and data I recovered was relating to the large and homogenized group of “Canadian Aboriginals”, by using this information it is possible I made generalizations. Every Aboriginal tribe and community is unique and has had different experiences. Alcohol has taken tolls in different ways depending on the location and specific demographic. This means that there was plenty of room for error in my work, as unique experiences were not really explored or addressed. However, in order to illustrate my ideas and the conclusions of my research on the affects of colonialism and alcohol on the Aboriginal home it was necessary for me to draw from the data, although it created some generalization. Therefore the quality of my research has been weakened slightly by the sweeping nature of some of the data and information collected and the manner in which it was presented by not exploring specific experiences.

Conclusion

This research paper set out to demonstrate that within the advanced and highly developed nation of Canada a group of people are suffering as a result of specific colonial processes that occurred centuries ago. The colonial introduction of alcohol to the Aboriginals of Canada created a chain reaction, building a dependency and shattering a culture which gave way to a breakdown of family dynamics. This paper illustrated the path that led to the current issue of dysfunctional and broken homes for Aboriginals, looking at several causes and contributing factors. It can be concluded that the introduction of alcohol and mass consumption to the Aboriginals by the colonists led to distortion and destruction of their tradition which deteriorated their culture. These processes gave way to many social issues which all cumulatively delivered a devastating blow to the dynamics of aboriginal families. This demonstrates that historical conflicts and manipulations has been the cause of the current struggles of Aboriginals. By demonstrating this it becomes clear that even in a nation as developed, modern and seemingly accepting, the underdevelopment theory can still be applied. It proves that even in a country with civil and human rights, democracy and equality, a country that many praise and admire, exploitation still occurs. This is an important point to raise because there is a common misconception that Canada is a gentle peacekeeping nation; yet Canada has a history of internal colonialism, so brutal that it has resulted in the decline of functionality for many families. Having demonstrated this, issues are raised on how to approach the problems facing Aboriginal society. How much responsibility should the government take for the personal and social dysfunctions that colonialism and alcohol created? (Smillie-Adjarkwa, 2010). How should the individual and communities approach the issues? Are traditional healing methods enough, or is external intervention necessary? This issue reflects the complexity of development issues as it illustrates the inequality and disparity that can occur within a developed and thriving nation. This paper has addressed and explained a very perplexing issue, that of a Third World within the First. This is important information for every Canadian and more broadly any person who cares about the world and those who inhabit it, we must be aware that the legacies of colonialism linger in even the most unlikely of places. Even the praised nation of Canada has a dark shadow in its foundations caused by the suffering and manipulation of colonialism, these elements are still reflected in current society by the disadvantageous position of the Aboriginal peoples.

As the most populous country in the world, the People’s Republic of China has been adopting the One-Child Policy since 1979 in order to improve the problem of overpopulation which is seen as an obstacle of the growth and development of the country. While the Chinese Government emphasizes its achievements of population control in China, the controversial policy has been widely criticized for its negative influences. This paper presents the One-Child Policy’s effects on the position of women. “Women’s position” in this paper is basically defined by women’s rights, freedom, respectability and social status .I will first briefly introduce the policy, then analyze both the positive and negative impacts with relevant data and statistics, and lastly come to a conclusion.

The Policy and Population Growth

Introduced in 1978 and implemented since 1979, the One-Child Policy is a family planning policy adopted by the Chinese Government in order to improve China’s over-rapid population as to prevent its unfavourable effects on economic and social development of the country.(Information Office of the State Council Of the People’s Republic of China 1995) The policy restricts married urban Chinese couples from having more than one child by imposing monetary penalties on families with extra children yet exemptions are allowed for couples who belong to ethnic minorities, live in rural area or do not have any siblings.(BBC News 2000) The One-Child Policy is considered successful in terms of its control on China’s population growth as the birth rate in the county has been greatly decreasing since the introduction of the policy. (see Figure 1) “Compared with 1970, in 1994 the birth rate dropped from 33.43 per thousand to 17.7 per thousand; the natural growth rate, from 25.83 per thousand to 11.21 per thousand; and the total fertility rate of women, from 5.81 to around 2aˆ¦According to statistics supplied by the United Nations, China’s population growth rate has already been markedly lower than the average level of other developing countries.” (Information Office of the State Council Of the People’s Republic of China 1995)

Figure 1. Changes in the total fertility rate in China
Source: National Population and Family Planning Commission of China (2006)
Violation of Women’s Reproductive Rights

Despite its success in population control, the One-Child Policy gives rise to criticisms among which one lies in its violation of women’s reproductive rights. Reproductive rights are a subset of human rights first recognized at the United Nation’s International Conference on Human Rights in Teheran on 13th May 1986. According to the 16th article of the Proclamation of Teheran, “Parents have a basic human right to determine freely and responsibly the number and the spacing of their children”. Dixon-Mueller (1993: 12) suggests that reproductive rights can be defined as three types: “1. the freedom to decide how many children to have and when (or whether) to have them; 2. the right to have the information and means to regulate one’s fertility; 3. the right to control one’s own body”. Reproductive freedom is “the core of individual self-determination”.

The One-Child Policy does not only violate women’s rights by limiting the number of their children but also leads to forced abortions in the country. Under the enforced policy, every 2.4 seconds there is a woman undergoing a forced abortion in China and this makes a total of about 35,000 abortions per day. (Phillips 2010: 1) Abortion is legal in China and as reported in China Daily in 2009, 13 millions of abortions are performed in China every year, which largely exceeds those performed in other countries such as the United States and Canada. (see Figure 2). There is a direct relationship between the One-Child Policy and Chine’s abortion rate. Posten&Yaukey (1992: 290) point out that the abortion rate in China increased by nearly 50% between 1978 and 1979 when the policy started being implemented. It is widely known that abortions can cause women health problems, not to mention its negative impacts on emotional and mental health. Ms. Reggie Littlejohn, president of Women’s Rights Without Frontiers, criticized that “The one child policy causes more violence toward women and girls than any other policy on the face of the earth.” (Jiang 2009)

Figure2. Abortion statistics in China, U.S.A., U.K., Canada and Australia
Source: Jiang (2009)
Unwanted Daughters and Sex-Selective Abortions

A saying among peasants in China goes like this:”The birth of a boy is welcomed with shouts of joy and firecrackers, but when a girl is born, the neighbours say nothing”(Westley&Choe 2007: 2) In spite of China’s modernization over the past decades, it is still common for Chinese parents to prefer sons to daughters. (Wang 1999: 197) Such a preference indirectly leads to sex-selective abortions as female fetuses are usually considered less precious than male ones, especially if the couples are allowed to have only one child. With fetal screening technologies such as ultrasound, amniocentesis and chorionic villi sampling, the sex of unborn fetuses can be recognized before their birth. Such technologies and available abortions result in the possibility that couples selectively abort female fetuses in the hope of having a son instead.(Westley&Choe 2007: 3)

Beside sex-selective abortions, China’s infant mortality rate is another thing to look into. Generally the mortality of male infants is expected to be greater than that of female ones as male infants are biologically weaker than female infants.(Li, 2007: 2) This assumption is also proved by the world’s infant mortality rate by sex.(See Table 1) However, as shown in Table 2, China goes in the reverse direction. It is believed that this unusual tendency is caused by female infanticides and daughter abandonments resulting from the son preference.

Table 1. World’s infant mortality rate by sex 1980-2010
Source: United Nations Population Division (2010)
Table 2. China’s infant mortality rate by sex 1980-2010
Source: United Nations Population Division (2010)
Gender Imbalance – Blessing or Curse?

Together with the increasing female infant mortality, there is a rising trend of the sex ratio in China since the implement of the One-Child Policy.(See Figure 3) It is estimated by the State Population and Family Planning Commission that there will be 30 million more Chinese man than Chinese women in 2020. (BBC News 2007)

Because of the supply-and-demand law that supply decreases t and demand remains unchanged then the value of supply increase, some people assume that if there are less women in China their “values” and social status should naturally rise. However, this law would make sense only if the “demand” of women was high. Poon(2008) points out that when women become the minority in a male-preponderant society like China, China may face “a period of unprecedented male aggression, which would likely render women as victims and women’s status even more precarious and vulnerable to subjugation.”

Figure 3. Rising sex ratio and excess female infant mortality in China
Source: Sun (2005)
Women’s Empowerment – The Mistaken Focus

It is always emphasized by the Chinese Government that the One-Child Policy helps promoting women’s empowerment and improving women’s position as they are “freed from heavy burdens brought about by having many children”(National Population and Family Planning Commission of China 2006). This claim contains two causal relations:

1) Because of the One-Child Policy women have fewer children.

2) Women have fewer children so they can spend more time on their career.

Both of them make sense in a large extent, but is the One-Child Policy a must to control the number of women’s children? Probably no.

Despite that Hong Kong is a special administrative region of the PRC, the One-Child Policy is never implemented in the city, where the social position of women is relatively high. As shown in Figure 4, the fertility rate of Hong Kong kept dropping even and was even lower than that of China. Of course one can argue that there are various factors contributing to Hong Kong’s low fertility rate, yet one can also question whether the One-Child Policy is the only factor causing the decline in fertility rate and the rise of women’s position.

Figure 4. Fertility rates from 1960-2005 in China, Hong Kong, Japan, Korea, Singapore, Taiwan and East Asia & Pacific
Source: The United Families International (2010)
The Single Child Generation

The One-Child Policy does not only aim to decrease the birthrate but also to improve the quality of the new generation, the future pillars of China. It is commonly believed that having single daughters will raise the position of women as their parents provide them with better and more concentrated resources such as education and materials. It may be true in some ways, but Greenhalgh(2007.) points out that the One-Child Policy has produced “the most materially and educationally privileged generation of young people in Chinese history” who are spoiled and egocentric. “Having been the focus of attention from the family throughout their growing-up years, these children are more dependent on others and easily hurt psychologically.”(China Daily 2005) The new single-child generation in China has already concerning Chinese from the “older” generation. Do better resources necessarily create a better generation? If it does not, how can we expect a decline in qualities of children (both male and female) will result in better positions of women?

Conclusion

The One-Child Policy was claimed to be “a short-term measure” when it was first introduced in China.(Hesketh, Li& Zhu 2005) Now that the policy has already been implemented for three decades, its negative consequences eventually appear and have aroused worries from the society. The policy negatively affects women’s position as it violate women’s rights and enhances the existing favoritism towards male children –

and it is not coming to an end yet. According to Zhao Baige, deputy director of the National Population and Family Planning Commission of China, although it is said that the policy has been slowly being relaxed ,China’s family-planning policy will remain unchanged until at least 2015. (Kumar 2010)

(1631 words)

Explain how new problems have emerged within your society as a result of changes in the functions of the family.

In the UK and other Western countries during the last forty years there has been a widespread experience of changes in marriage, household, and family forms that would not have been thought possible prior to the Second World War (Giddens, 2001). People are less likely to marry than they used to and there is less of a tendency to marry at a young age. The women’s movement which began in the 1960s has, it is argued, led to a rise in the divorce rate and the number of single parent families. There has also been a growth in the rate of women who have children but have not married and in 1997 they made up 42% of all lone parent households (Social Trends, 2000). This paper will look at traditional notions of the family and then at some of the changes in the functions of the family and some of the social problems that have resulted from this

Defining the traditional family

The family might be generally defined as a group of people who are usually linked by kinship^[1] and marriage, who live together, usually, but not necessarily made up of two parents and their children. This type of family is the norm for most people. Murdock (1949) has argued that common to all societies, is the nuclear family, described above (parents and children) or extended family (a wider family membership e.g. grandparents). 40% of all people in Britain in 1996 lived in nuclear families (Brown,1998).

Parsons (1955) has argued that the traditional family serves two major purposes that are common to societies, the primary socialisation of children into the norms and values of society, and the stabilisation of adult personalities. For Parsons the institution of the family provided the mutual love and support needed by individuals in order for them to be fit enough to take their places in society (Giddens, 2001). This has been contested by feminists such as Abbott and Wallace (1997) who argue that family life is experienced by its members in different ways and family life has not been supportive of women because it is generally they who provide other members with support.

Parson’s model of the family where one adult worked outside the home while the other remained to care for the family has been criticised by many scholars as overly idealistic and neglects the ethnic and class differences that occur within a capitalist society (Giddens, 2001). The capitalist system failed to take into account women’s work in the home Abbott and Wallace (1997) contend and this enabled men to go out to work because women were the hidden labour force. Goode (1972) argues that social systems such as the family, are powerful agents of control because to some extent their existence is founded on force. Within social systems such as the family this is often unrecognised. Goode argues it is, not visible because it is effective (1972:512).

Giddens (2001) has further criticised Parsons’ view of the family for neglecting to recognise, and take into account the emergence of different family forms. Fewer people are now choosing to marry and those who do may choose not to have children. Gittens (1992) is of the opinion that in modern Britain:

Ideals of family relationships have become enshrined in our legal, social, religious and economic systems which, in turn, reinforce the ideologyand penalise or ostracise those who transgress it (Gittens, 1992, p.74).

In 1997 when Blair’s Government came to power the ideology of the family that had existed in Britain for almost a century was breaking down and unemployment was continuing to rise. Death, divorce, and the rise in the number of single parent families meant that the traditional ideal of the male breadwinner and the female carer/homemaker were becoming less common.

Single Parent Families

40% of marriages in the UK end in divorce according to the Guardian newspaper 2000,p.3)and there are an increasing number of single parent families in the Western world. There are many different reasons why people become lone parents family structures may change either through the death of a partner, cohabitation or remarriage which leads to reconstituted families. Second marriages however tend to have a higher divorce rate than first time marriages. Some theorist suggest that couples would have lived together prior to getting married, but those who live together may be far more likely to split than married couples. Some of those cohabiting may also have had children and Government figures show that the vast majority of single parent households are headed by women. Because traditional notions of the family headed by a male breadwinner are still prevalent, Abbott and Wallace (1997) suggest that many single parents, who of necessity live off welfare benefits are seen both by those in power as a burden on the state. The concerns of the Welfare State were with the traditional, nuclear family where the man was the breadwinner and the woman cared for the home and children. It was not therefore, set up to deal with single parent households. In this way changing family structures result in an increase in other social problems, particularly poverty (Giddens, 2001).

Families and Poverty

The media and for some Government members refer increasingly to young single mothers as representative of lone parents. In contrast, Crowe and Hardy (1992) and others state that single parents are a varied group because there are a number of different routes to becoming a single parent These involves increased responsibility and many single parents who are without an extended family network are forced to rely on the state system just to get by. These households are very often among the poorest. Giddens (2001) maintains that English speaking countries have the highest number of single parents, and those who are working are among the lowest paid. These are parents who are attempting to be self-reliant and while family working tax credits may seem like a good idea many people have argued that they serve to encourage a dependency culture for people who might prefer to be independent.

In 1991 31% of children lived in households with an income that was less than 50% of the national average (Giddens, 2001). The Social Fund was set up to help the poorest members of society to afford basic necessities such as bedding, shoes, and children’s clothes but this does not help those that most need it because it is the poorest who mostly do not get this funding(Cohen,1996). Single parents who want to join the work force rather than remain in receipt of benefits are often prevented from doing so because of the cost of childcare. The Government claim to support working families’ childcare arrangements does not make provision for older children during school holidays. Without the help of other family members, such moves to join the workforce become virtually impossible. In this way families become part of a growing number of those who are excluded from many of the things that most people take for granted. People who are financially poor are also liable to suffer from social exclusion in other areas. They may live in areas with the poorest housing, and have less access to decent schools and health services.

Conclusion

Clearly traditional family structures are no longer the norm in the UK. This leads to other social problems because the state system is not equipped to deal with either the increased burden on the benefits system or in making the employment and childcare systems more equitable. It might be argued that things are not going to return to the way they were and therefore Government needs to initiate policies that relate to the changed structure in UK society.

1250 words

Bibliography

Abbott, P. and Wallace, C. 1997. An Introduction to Sociology: Feminist Perspectives. London, Routledge.

Chambez, C. 2001. “Lone-Parent Families in Europe: A Variety of Economic and Social Circumstances” Social Policy and Administration 2001, 35, 6, Dec, 658-671

Cohen, R. 1996 “The poverty trap” Community Care; 1 Aug 96, p.26-7

Crowe, G. and Hardey,M.1992. “Diversity and ambiguity among lone-parent households in modern Britain”. In Marsh, C. and Arber, S. (Eds.) 1992. Families and Households: Divisions and Change. London: Macmillan. Giddens, A. 2001. (4^th ed). Sociology. Cambridge, Polity Press.

Gittens, D. 1992 “What is the family? Is it Universal”. In Macdowell, L. and Pringle, R. (Eds.) 1992 Defining Women: social institutions and gender divisions. Cambridge:Polity.

Guardian, 27^th March, 2000 p.3

Parsons, T. and Bales, R. 1955. Family, Socialisation, and Interaction Process. Glencoe, Illinois: Free Press

Social Trends 30 2000. General Household Survey in Giddens, A. 2001. (4^th ed). Sociology. Cambridge, Polity Press.p.181

Walby, S. 1986. Patriarchy at Work. Cambridge: Polity.

1

Critically assess the case that the products of the contemporary pornography industry are both a cause of violence and discrimination directed against women and also ‘intrinsically harmful’.

‘Everyone says: ‘Oh, women want sex soft and pretty, like a Harlequin novel’. It’s as if women are being protected…’

Candida Royalle (2000:545)

It is not the purpose of this essay to defend the contemporary pornography industry which to this day remains a ‘dirty’ and -to a large extent- a male-dominated, exploitative business, but rather to understand the reasons behind this sad reality. Pornography made its first prominent appearance in feminist discourse in the late 70s, when feminist groups such as ‘Women Against Violence in Pornography and the Media’ (WAVPM) embarked upon their anti-pornography campaign in the San Francisco Bay area^[1]. The so-called ‘sex wars’ of the 1980s brought about an unprecedented division within the feminist movement. Anti-pornography writers, such as Andrea Dworkin and Catharine MacKinnon -authors of the famous ‘Minneapolis and Indianapolis ordinances’^[2]– advocated the censorship of pornographic material, on account of its role as ‘a practice that is central to the subordination of women’^[3]. Other feminists put forth a liberal legal argument, invoking the First Amendment to the American Constitution, which guarantees freedom of speech. Two decades later, the pornography debate has retained its relevance in feminist discourse. There is still heated disagreement over three interrelated issues: what is the definition of pornography? Does pornography cause violence and discrimination against women? What is the best way to deal with pornography in the policy and legislation arenas? While critically assessing the anti-pornography thesis, I will argue in turn that most sexually explicit graphic material is not the cause but can mirror the misogyny and exploitation that characterizes modern societies; and that far from being ‘intrinsically harmful’ pornography can in fact be employed in the service of feminist ideas.

A necessary starting point if we are to understand pornography would be an analytically helpful definition. But this is itself one of the main points of disagreement between feminists. The pro-censorship side has emulated traditional definitions of pornography^[4] and equated sexual explicitness with violence and female subordination^[5]. Dworkin understands pornography as the platform where sexist ideology thrives by exhibiting male supremacy, discernible in seven interwoven strains: the power of the self, physical power, the power of terror, the power of naming, the power of owning, the power of money and the power of sex’^[6]. Contemporary porn depicts women as the helpless victims of men: bound, tortured, humiliated, battered, urinated upon or ‘merely taken and used’. Evoking the Greek etymology of the word, Dworkin (1990:24) defines pornography as the ‘graphic depiction of whores’, (‘porne’ being the Greek for a cheap prostitute or sex slave). Thus pornography is conceived as something sexist, violent and exploitative by definition; in other words, as an intrinsically harmful phenomenon.

Even at this early stage, pro-censorship analysis seems to rest on shaky methodological grounds. First it involves a clearly circular argument which condemns pornography without trying to understand it, almost like arguing that ‘pornography is bad, because it is bad’. Second, the cross-cultural analysis of Ancient Greece is dubious, if not completely a-historical, since ‘pornography’ is not an ancient but a Victorian neologism, invented in the 19^th century, thus reflecting Victorian sensitivities rather than ancient realities. Third, the definition of porn as a field of violence and sexism logically entails a distinction from other, sexually explicit material that is not violent, demeaning and exploitative, but is based on sentiments of mutuality and reciprocity. Defining this emerging category, usually referred to as ‘Erotica’, is a highly subjective endeavor and obviously unhelpful for an academic or a judge. Equating sexual explicitness to violence, misogyny and other value-judgments is not only counter productive to the search for a descriptive definition of pornography; it is also untrue, since it is often the case that ‘soft porn’ or even altogether non-sexual material can contain much more disturbing scenes of violence and sexism than pornography itself ^[7]. Fourth, most of the anti-porn literature has applied its definitions of pornography in a vague and inconsistent manner, jumping from the ‘graphic depiction of whores’ to the more mainstream concept of porn as cheaply produced ‘smut’ for instant consumption^[8]; and sometimes to a more inclusive definition containing phenomena as diverse as fashion, TV commercials, sex toys and sex education^[9].

Methodological concerns aside, anti-porn definitions of pornography entail positions that appear to contradict the very essence of feminism. Anti-porn pronouncements on ‘good, sensitive Erotica’ vis-a-vis ‘bad, abusive porn’ are essentially pronouncements about ‘good’ and ‘bad’ sexuality. At the risk of caricature, this entails restrictions on sexuality of Orwellian dimensions, and is contrary to the fights of the feminist, gay and lesbian movements for sexual liberation and diversity. One anti-porn author opines that ‘erotica is rooted in eros, or passionate love, and thus in the idea of positive choice, free will, the yearning for a particular person, whereas in pornography the subject is not love at all, but domination and violence against women’^[10]. Statements like this one seem to imply an acceptance of old patriarchical stereotypes of the form ‘men are aggressive and polygamous by nature, while women are passive and monogamous’ and that women do not, cannot or should not enjoy sex in itself. Paradoxically, Dworkin’s (1990) synoptic treatment of the history of pornography exaggerates the passivity and helplessness of female victims and the violence of male domination to such an extent, that it unwittingly reinforces the very binary stereotypes that feminism has historically fought to uproot. Her presentation of women in pornography as ‘whores’, is at best patronizing, if not condescending and insulting towards female porn-workers, who often choose to follow that mode of subsistence. The choices of porn-workers deserve as much respect as those of women working in less stigmatized industries and, perhaps, even greater feminist solidarity^[11].

Pro-censorship argumentation tends to revolve around two rhetorical devices. The first is the exaggeration of the amount and degree of violence contained in pornographic material, through the accumulation of undeniably disturbing images. The slide shows projected in WAVPM meetings and the material articulately described in Dworkin’s book have been handpicked for their shock-value and power to disturb. Drawn primarily from the underground cultures of Bizarre, Bestiality and SM, most of these images are largely unrepresentative of the mainstream market, which is both highly diversified and specialized. Specialization is a key-point because of the basic fact that different people have different ‘turn-ons’. Given that some people may find publicly disturbing, what others view as privately stimulating is no good reason to label porn in its entirety as intrinsically offensive. The second rhetorical device lies in the argument that pornography is not just a representation of imaginary violence but also a recorded reality or as put by MacKinnon, a ‘documentary of abuse’^[12]. Again this argument misleadingly conflates reality with representational fantasy. To claim that every woman -or man- that appears to be abused in a porn-movie is actually abused, is almost as naive as claiming that every man shot-dead in, say, ‘the Terminator’, is actually dead. The anti-porn argument fails to take into consideration factors such as artifice, acting and role-playing^[13]. While genuine case of abuse are not absent from the porn industry, the vast majority of depictions of ‘violence’ occur in a role-playing context which carefully ensures the safety of the actors.

My view is that understanding pornography requires a descriptive definition which, instead of passing judgments over the moral credentials and political consciousness of its participants, focuses on the realities of the porn industry. In this light, modern pornography, as we know it, is the graphic representation of sexually explicit material, mass-produced and mass-consumed with the purpose of sexual arousal. Although it is not ‘intrinsically evil’, this industry is morally no better than the society that produces it.

The effect of sexually explicit material on its viewers and society at large is the second main component of the pornography debate. Anti-porn analysis has insisted on a theory of causality, whereby real rape, physical abuse and humiliation of women by men occur as a direct result of their exposure to the ‘hateful values’^[14] of pornography. In Dworkin’s own words ‘at the heart of the female condition is pornography: it is the ideology that is the source of all the rest;’^[15]. By equating the representation of violence with injurious action, Dworkin evokes what neo-Aristotelian theorists of representation have termed as the ‘Mimesis-model’. Derived from the Greek word ‘mimesis’, meaning ‘imitation’ or ‘reproduction’, the model positions the real both before and after its representation^[16].

At a theoretical level the Mimesis-model can be sufficiently challenged by another Aristotelian concept, that of Catharsis. This would entail that far from reducing men to perpetrators of violence, exposure to the mock-violence of pornography -with all its artistic conventions and restrictions- would relieve them of the violent dispositions that lay ‘hidden’ in their psyche, in the same way that, say, a horror movie may give us pleasure without inciting violence and blood-thirst. The Catharsis-model fits particularly well to the very nature of pornography. Founded on a much-attested human desire for an occasional breach of taboo, porn tends to represent situations and feelings that may well be antisocial and very often remote from what the actual social practice is. Japan -a country with one of the lowest rape rates world-wide- sustains a huge pornographic industry that ‘specializes’ in violence and sexual domination^[17]. The anti-pornography perceptive fails to grasp this crucial distinction between social reality and harmless fantasy^[18]. In terms of empirical evidence, psychological experiments on the alleged correlation between exposure to porn and violent activity are, at best, inconclusive^[19]. Historical and cross-societal analysis is equally unpromising for the Mimesis-argument. Porn, in its modern sense, is a very recent creation^[20]. And yet, the exploitation of women by men had predated it by thousands of years. At the same time, political systems that adhered to the systematic suppression of pornographic representations, such as the Soviet Union or modern Islamic states, had not been less exploitative or violent.

And yet, many anti-porn thinkers have insisted on censorship, despite the fact that this insistence has produced an awkward alliance with moral traditionalists from the Right^[21]. If passed, the 1984 Minneapolis ordinance would have reinvented ‘pornography’ as a criminal offence, distinct from ‘obscenity’. This would have allowed women to take civil action against anyone involved in the production, or distribution of pornography, on the grounds that they had been ‘harmed’ by its portrayal of women. In the passionate words of Andrea Dworkin (1990:224) ‘we will know that we are free when the pornography no longer exists. As long as it does exist, we must understand that we are the women in it: used by the same power, subject to the same valuation, as the vile whores who beg for more.’ If only, pornography was, indeed, the mother of all evil. Then sexism could be uprooted at one, simple, legislative stroke. But unfortunately, sexism, violence and exploitation are endemic to the economic structure of the modern society and pervasive of all our media. Pornography seems to have been singled out as a scapegoat for all forms of sexual prejudices in today’s world. The long-standing social stigma and visual honesty of the industry made it an easy target to right-wingers and left-wingers alike.

Censorship has not worked in the past and there is no reason to believe that it will work in the future. I believe that the only viable solution to the pornography problem is the exact opposite of censorship, namely support for ‘the Politics of Representation^[22]. Women should try to ‘capture’ pornography, as producers, script-writers and directors, in a manner consistent with earlier feminist ventures into other male-dominated fields, such as literature, politics, media, religion, education and science. ‘Going legit’, would not only mean that society as a whole will take a less hypocritical stance to the realities of pornography but also that regulation would guarantee better working conditions for female porn-workers (e.g. unionization, safe-sex, better security, health and cleanliness)^[23]. Most importantly establishing a feminine perspective within the industry would counterbalance the male bias from which it now suffers. Following the example of ventures such as ‘Femme Productions’ -launched by former porn-worker Candida Royalle and targeting a couple market- sexually explicit material written and produced by women can celebrate women’s right to pleasure without complying to sexism and exploitation^[24].

Pro-censorship feminists have been mistaken in defining pornography as problem. The explicit representation of sexual scenes is neither ‘intrinsically harmful’ nor a direct cause of violence. While men retain the reigns of an industry plagued with social stigma, porn will continue to be biased and exploitative. Yet, in the right hands, pornography can become an instrument for feminist action.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Barker, I. V. (2000): ‘Editing Pornography’, in D. Cornell [ed], Feminism and Pornography, Oxford Readings in Feminism, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp 643- 652

Butler, J. (2000): ‘The Force of Fantasy: Feminism, Mapplethorpe, and Discursive Excess’, in D. Cornell [ed], Feminism and Pornography, Oxford Readings in Feminism, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp 487-508

Carter, A. (2000): ‘Polemical Preface: Pornography in the Service of Women’, in D. Cornell [ed], Feminism and Pornography, Oxford Readings in Feminism, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp 527-539

Cornell, D. (2000): ‘Pornography’s Temptation’, in D. Cornell [ed], Feminism and Pornography, Oxford Readings in Feminism, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp 551-68

Dworkin, A. (1990): ‘Pornography: Men Possessing Women’, London: The Women’s Press Ltd

——– & C. A. MacKinnon (1988): ‘Pornography and Civil Rights: A New Day’, Minneapolis: Organizing Against Pornography

Kilmer, M.F. (1997): ‘Painters and Pederasts: Ancient Art, Sexuality, and Social History’,in M. Golden and P. Toohey [eds] Inventing Ancient Culture: Historicism, Periodization, and the Ancient World, London, pp 36-49.

MacKinnon, C. A. (1993): ‘Only Words’, in D. Cornell [ed], Feminism and Pornography, Oxford Readings in Feminism, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp 94-120

Rodgerson, G. & E. Wilson [ed] (1991): ‘Pornography and Feminism: the Case Against Censorship’, Feminists Against Censorship, London: Lawrence & Wishart

Royalle, C. (2000): ‘Porn in the USA’, in D. Cornell [ed], Feminism and Pornography, Oxford Readings in Feminism, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp 540-550

Rubin, G. (1992): ‘Misguided, Dangerous and Wrong: an Analysis of Anti-pornography Politics’, in A. Assiter and A. Carol [ed], Bad Girls and Dirty Pictures: the Challenge to Reclaim Feminism, London: Pluto Press, pp 18-40

Russell, D. E. H. (2000): ‘Pornography and Rape: A Causal Model’, in D. Cornell [ed], Feminism and Pornography, Oxford Readings in Feminism, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp 48-93

Sutton, R.F., Jr. (1992): ‘Pornography and Persuasion on Attic Pottery’, in A. Richlin [ed], Pornography and Representation in Greece and Rome, New York, pp 3-35.

Migration has been an age-long activity which has been going on in different forms and continues to be a vital component of individual and societal development through acquisition and transfer of knowledge and resources. Migration is a global phenomenon which continues to dominate the scenes around the world, while some form of migration is been promoted for economic reasons, other forms face strict restrictions. Migratory movement within and beyond regional boundaries across has been enhanced through globalization and advancement in modern technology (Koser, K 2008).

In Ghana migration is a common activity throughout all the regions, tribes and family with almost every single family having either an international migrant or internal migrant.

This picture reflects in the Northern region of Ghana in a very alarming manner with many young and able bodies migrating to prominent cities in such of improved livelihood.

Background of the study area.

Northern region of Ghana lies between the two upper regions and the Brong Ahafo region and Volta region. It has Tamale as the regional capital with eighteen districts assemblies. The region is characterized by one rainy season with an annual rainfall of about 750 to 1050mm. The rainy season starts around May through to October and the dry season from November to April. The climatic conditions and vegetation type are classified under dry savanna, the region’s environmental conditions are highly influenced by its proximity to the Sahara desert which account for the poor soil type dry weather condition.

The economic activity which is predominant in the region is Agriculture; it employs about eighty percent of the population in the region. With one main farming season, as agriculture in Ghana largely depends on rainfall patterns, the region relies on its rain season for cultivation. The main crops grown in the region such as maize, millet, cowpeas, groundnut, sorghum, cassava, rice and yam are cultivated on subsistence bases. They mostly use labour intensive methods of farming with the simple farm tools and implement.

The region has been behind its southern peers in terms of development for far too long. It is also viewed deprived with limited natural resources to fuel its development process. The south can boast of coastal resource, good soil, with rich mineral and forest resources that accounts for the attractiveness to colonial masters then and investors now. Therefore developments in modern infrastructure and economic activities have been centrally focused in the south which may be attributed to the frequent out migration from the Northern region to no other destination but to the south

The region has historically been faced with out migration, since the pre-colonial era. From the colonial era the north served as labour pool where the needed labour force were fished out to feed the highly labour demanding south, in the mining and the cocoa industry. Males dominated migration then due to the physical demands of the job on the mines and farmers were mostly unskilled. Females were not of significance in terms numbers, those who migrated were mostly accompanying spouses or those migrating to reunite with spouses.

Minimal female out migration from the north can also be attributed to the social-cultural factors such as marriage and family served as barrier in the past to female movement; life was viewed to be mostly around family and marriage. Males were regarded as sole bread winners of the family and females or women as dependents.

However, recent trend of out migration involve more of younger females unlike in the past were female migration was usually for the purpose family reunion; it has been dominated by independently migrated young females. The female numbers from the north has been increasing dramatically and has taken centre stage of recent research into internal migration. Both males and females move to the cities, mostly without any special skills and work menial jobs as head porters, the males use four wheeled trucks in their work (Hashim, 2007).

PROBLEM STATEMENT

Internal migration in Ghana has become a means of harmonizing ethnic differences through interaction, cooperate work and inter-marriages. Migration from regions and districts seen as naturally, economically and socially deprived or deficient in terms of economic activities and basic social amenities to other regions and cities perceived as economically and socially endowed continues all year round in Ghana. Although these forms of movement to other highly rated regions to seek uncertain bright future cut across all regions in Ghana, but anyone may come to conclude that the northern region seems to have a very significant rate of migration ( Boakye-Yiadom and MacKay, 2007). The Northern region of Ghana has seen a massive exodus of youth into other regions for various reasons over the years. In recent years a new trend that has emerged involve young males and females who migrate to the cities of Accra and Kumasi in particular. Notable among these migrants are females who work as head porters. These females face many challenges daily, exploited and live in deplorable conditions on the streets and slums of Accra and Kumasi. Their male counterparts are not exception as they face similar situation.

This case study seeks to examine:

i. the various motivating factors behind this migration trend.

ii. the short and long-term effects migration on Northern Ghana’s development.

Literature Review

Migration and development

Development is wide and dynamic concept with divergent views and assumptions. The concept has been variously defined based on the discourse. Development is seen to be a process aimed at achieving specific targeted goals (Kingsbury, D. et al. 2004).It can be explained as a progressive socioeconomic process for empowering the poor to improve their livelihood(Sen, 1988). It is seen as a process which runs parallel to growth or improved situation livelihood.

Migration

“Migration is defined broadly as a permanent or temporary change of residence.

No restriction is placed upon the distance of the move or upon the voluntary or involuntary nature of the act, and no distinction is made between external and internal migration.”(Lee E.S, 1966)

Gender and migration

Gender represents socially constructed masculine and feminine while sex is the biological determined categories of male and female. It then explains that one’s sex is determined at conception but an individual gender identity develops over a life course and can fluctuate across a wide continuum of masculine and feminine characteristics. Nicholson (1995 in McDowell 1999:13), the differences between the two terms sex and gender sex is the biological differences between a man and a woman and gender describes the socially constructed characteristics of men and women. It is further explained that gender is the social organisation of sexual difference. It then follows that gender is the knowledge that establishes meaning for bodily differences.

According to Moore (1988 in McDowell 1999:7) in analyzing what is to be aˆ-a woman’ and the cultural understanding of the category, aˆ-woman’ vary through space and time and how those understandings relate to the position of women in different societies. To understand this we need to understand the concept of gender and gender relations: that is aˆ-the different ways in which women and men and the accepted attributes of femininity and masculinity which are defined across space and time’ (ibid). She argues that gender is then seen from two perspectives: either as a symbolic construction or as a social relationship.

Gender as a social relation and gender as a symbolic meaning are interconnected and mutually constituted (McDowell 1999:7). We all act in relation to our intentions and beliefs which are always culturally shaped and historically and spatially positioned. The appropriate behaviour and actions by women and men reflect and affect what they imagine a man or a woman to be, as well as women and men who are differentiated with age, class, race or sexuality, and these expected behaviour and beliefs change over time and between places (ibid). Gender role constraints is underpinned by the social expectation that women’s main activities should be close to family care and household maintenance and the assumption that women will interrupt their working lives to care for children and elderly relatives (Tivers 1977 in Jenkins 2005:8). How has these gender role constraints affected married women with children who have left the home to migrate to a new environment to work in the informal economy to provide for the household.

The Gender and Migration Linkage

Prior to the mid 1980s, migration was regarded as a male phenomenon (Sjaastad, 1962; Lee, 1969; Todaro, 1977; Lipton, 1980). Authors such as Stouffer (1976) and Oberai, (1983) assert that until most recently, the physical movement of people from one place to another for employment was predominantly undertaken by men. The Todaro (1969) and Harris-Todaro (1970) models, which are some of the earliest models of migration, also emphasize that internal migration occurs in a dual economy, in which the urban sector draws male labour force from the rural sector. Meanwhile, other aspects of rural-urban linkages such as the gendered traditional division of labour and farm and non-farm employment have often been overlooked (Roca, 1994:102).

Migration was being seen by some researchers and scholars as gender-neutral because it deals with the process of movement of persons (Anarfi, 1982; Sabot, 1988).13 Meanwhile, migration is actually gender-structured because men and women migrate for different reasons, use different channels and most importantly, migration has different consequences for men and women in both sending and receiving communities (Chant & Radcliffe, 1992; Silberschmidt, 1999; Potts, 2000). For those leaving, internal migration can result in either empowerment or, on the contrary, increased vulnerability and even victimization (FAO/UNFPA, 1991:23). Likewise, for those remaining, the departure of men and/or women from the household will have a specific influence depending on the migrant’s status and role within the household prior to migrating, such as being main wage earner, spouse, parent or young daughter or son (Fadoyomi, 1980).

For a rural farming household, in particular, the consequences of migration depends on the socio-cultural and economic context, gender and age of migrant, position of migrant within the household, the agro-ecological environment, the type of migratory movement, whether it is temporary or permanent, and the employment possibilities and self-sufficiency of migrant, and the ability to send adequate remittances to maintain the level of farming prior to migration (Andersson, 2002:78-79). One of the major implications of rural-urban migration is that it is the most able-bodied, relatively young and educated persons that migrate from rural to urban areas. This process, therefore, leaves behind rural communities composed of women, children, the elderly and uneducated, who are faced with the tremendous challenge of sustaining their household livelihood and the rural economy effectively (Findlay & Williams, 1990:65; Anh, 2003:79). 14

The predominantly male out-migration from rural areas may also bring about changes in the agricultural gender division of labour, as the migration process will invariably increase women’s workload on the farm, thereby resulting in the “feminization of

agriculture” (FAO, 1995; Deshingkar & Start, 2003:99).15 The out-migration of men

Discussion

Internal migration within Ghana from north to the south has had a long history. Although all forms of migration takes place for specific reasons based on the experience of people from their places origin. There has been several debate on reasons the northern region is lagging behind in development, some attribute it government’s neglect, conflict and unwillingness of investors to establish in the northern. All but one thing is has to be looked into critically is migration. The impacts of out migration from the northern region on both young males and females migrant as well as the northern region may reflect in the long term.

For any region or place to develop, it will depend on how efficient the resources available to the area will be utilized. It may involve the assessment of disparities or minding the gaps in development between the sending and receiving areas of migrants. Gaps in educational level among the regions will likely determine the sector of the economy that could absorb the migrant. Poverty level in the north influence the trend of migration to other cities as has been estimated to have over two thirds of the population living below the poverty line.

Various reasons that establish relationship between North- south migration and development in the northern region or the northern sector and the southern sector of Ghana, points to the development policy and plan during the colonial era.

Although migration of migration is not only a problem with the northern region but most parts of the country, both males and females migrate internally and internationally.

Out-Migration in other southern regions mostly differs in patterns and benefits. The north-south trend is characterize by young males and females ranging from ages thirteen and above to about 45 year. Between ages 13-25 form the core of the migrant, who are either school drop-out or without any special trade. Over ninety percent are engaged as head porters (Kayayoo) or truck pushers. Their job involves carting goods from the market that has been purchased by patrons to their preferred destination around the market area. Income from their activities is so minimal to even fully support them to maintain good standard of living.

This forces some of the female migrant to resort to prostitution to again extra more income in order to survive. The males sometime join gangs to Many migrant females are relegated to prostitution in destination areas because of their lack of employable skills or due to gender discriminations of employment.

Some have had to offer sex in exchange for jobs, food, shelter and protection, leaving them prone to sexually transmitted diseases. Many young females who migrate from the Northern and Upper regions of Ghana to the capital Accra, to work as head porters (Kayayei) live on the streets. They are exposed to the vagaries of the weather and face constant risks of sexual assault, theft of their meager earnings and rape. Many are forced into prostitution as a means of survival (Apt, 1998). Besides the combination of low wages and the need to save and send home as much money as possible leaves relegates many female migrants to a low quality of life where their own personal needs and health may be neglected. It is estimated that about 45-55% of refugee populations across the world are women. Many of these women refugees are exposed to gender based sexual violence. They are victims of rape, forced impregnation and abortions, sexual slavery and intentional spread of STIs including HIV/AIDS (UNFPA, 2004

Motivations for migration

A research by Ghana Statistical service estimated that about 80% of the combined Northern Ghana population are living in poverty (Ghana Statistical Service, 2007). Therefore the idea to migrate by a family member is relief to the family. Moreover, the declining soil fertility, lack of access to arable agricultural land and the single farming season has also been a contributory factor. Again the peasant nature of farming means low dispensable income for families.

The Increasing economic and infrastructure gap between the north and the south, increasing economic activities in the receiving cities is seen a factor for both male and female migration from the Northern region. Resource deficit and lack of income generation activities to support themselves and their relatives has partly influenced the migration (Anarfi and Kwankye, 2005). Movement from the north to the south to mainly cities of Accra and Kumasi may be due to the fact they have heard of these as the surest place to make it in life. The urge to diversify livelihood options as the region has fewer opportunities to offer the regard migration as an alternative source of livelihood. (Anarfi and Kwankye, 2005).

Network of friends and relative, serve to link friends and relatives with jobs and assist them with all the information needed to establish them in the new location.

Intermittent ethnic conflicts in the Northern region have forced people to migrate out of northern region to the south where the peace prevails with improved infrastructure for instants in 1994 the Kokomba conflict causes of people to move south wards. Those who migrated were mostly women and children when men were actively engaged in the conflict.

Impacts of migration

Remittances from migrant serves as an alternative source of income to families of migrant (Quartey,2006). Unlike international migrants, whose remittance form the bulk of family source of income and may also go into investment in business, housing project to mention but a few, remittances from internal migrants are usually for domestic support of parent healthcare, daily upkeep or childcare. The transfer channels use for transferring monies to family are usually informal through networks again, when a friend or relative is returning home.

Migration changes hands in gender roles with traditional role of women in childcare where women with children leave them in the care of men, parents or relative (Oppong, 1997). Most often the children lack proper upbringing and care when the mother or both parent have migrated out. This usually affects child education and may be neglected when the parent fail to send in money to support the family (Parrenas, 2001)

Migration may lead to lose of vibrant productive labour force that families and communities need most for production in the agricultural, craft and other labour intensive jobs. Thus lose of youthful contribution to development. (Awumbila & Ardayfioaˆ?Schandorf , 2008)

Challenges of migration

Migrants to the cities of Accra and Kumasi face lots of challenges but females are the most vulnerable world only a minority of women are granted refugee status (UNFPA, 2004). This is because gender related causes of persecution are rarely accepted as valid grounds for refugee status. Also women usually lack the literacy or educational clout to complete the usually bureaucratic application process. (Caritas Europa, 2007). The participation of females in migration has led to Migration in Ghana: Thematic Paper 2009 22 the development of a labour niche for females ( domestic work, childcare etc) characterized by low wages, unfair labor practices and exploitation and exclusion of females form certain kinds of work-often of the formal nature (Oppong, 1997).

Poor Quality of Life

Migrants, especially females tend to be the most vulnerable and they face many challenges and tend to live under deprived conditions often times without access to social services in destination communities.

Conclusion

Based on gender analysis and differences as well as diversity in family and economic status of males and females migrate may have similar motivation for migration but may have difference in the experiences.

The region is losing valuable ingredient that needs to be restructured to enhance the development process in the Northern region. New interventions in the area of capacity building for the youth to improve the quality of life in the region needs be on the plan, and well executed. Educational campaigns on challenges migrants go through and the need to will help in the development process of the region may help reduce or stem the trend in the bud.

Credit accessibility and at an affordable interest to assist farmer and others in private ventures could maintain the population flow.

Improved infrastructure, terms of health facilities, roads, schools, potable water will help bridge the gaps in development that attracts the youth.

Therefore the region may develop other gender related programs to help the youth and the region as a whole

Childhood representations are derived from media as well as policies and laws, the two being interrelated. Media images produce influential perceptions about children that may be translated into ideologies and through the same laws and policies influence children’s well being and material needs. Media also highlights that the identity of childhood as a social construction is very different to adulthood. It is depicted as marginalised and incapable. With the introduction of many forms of technology in the past 20 years it is not surprising that media now plays an even greater integral role in shaping childhoods, mine being no exception. All this power exerted by media calls for some form of analysis.

In other instances, the childhood figure is overlapped with that of animals, which is evident in the film, ‘L’Enfant Sauvage’ (1969), where Victoire, the wild boy, adapted himself to an uncivilised situation (Mills, 2000).

The notion of innocence of children is commonly portrayed in children’s books and films such as ‘Little Lord Fauntleroy’, where Cedric symbolises innocence and beauty. Children are deemed to be protected from ‘secret knowledges’, namely sexuality and death. In fact, until recently, girls were portrayed as asexual and ignorant of sex (Humphries, Mack & Perks, 1988). In contrast, the premature exhibition and sexualisation of young girls and the need of protection of their innocence is highlighted in the film ‘Painted Babies’ (1993), a film about young girls in beauty pageants (Robinson & Davies, 2008).

The notion ‘children as vulnerable and in need of protection’, is outlined in Dickens’ ‘Oliver Twist’, where Nancy saves Oliver from Bill Sykes’ physical abuse. The abduction and consequent murder of the young James Bulger is another shocking example vulnerability of children.

On the other hand, children are also characterised as being autonomous. In ‘Harry Potter’, Harry epitomises this perception in literature in his fight against evil. The feisty independent character Anne Shirley in ‘Anne of Green Gables’ is another example. Girl power was more related to popular music with phenomena such as the ‘Spice Girls’ who promoted this neo-liberal feminist identity in teenage girls in the 90s.

The novel ‘Coral Island’ depicts children as apprentices where they develop skills, realise their dreams, and move on to adulthood. However, contemporary Prose fiction works portray children as a distinct group from adults. These works are realistic, sometimes dark, and child-centred exemplified by by Roald Dahl’s ‘Matilda’ and Anne Finne’s ‘Madame Doubtfire’.

The images of children presented by the media are multi-faceted and sometimes contrasting, evident in the film ‘Leon’, where Mathilda, is portrayed as mature and independent but still perceived as a vulnerable child in need of protection in Leon’s eyes (ICS, 2010).

It should be questioned as to how accurate cultural artefacts actually are. In children’s literature, Hunt implies that authors depict childhood as they perceive it, and therefore not a true reflection. ‘Children’s books are therefore likely to portray attitudes to childhood rather than any individual or culturally agreed childhood’ (Hunt, 2009). Its power was in the image it left behind, imitated by some children in real life. Nowadays, children are not as influenced by contemporary literature. They have become more knowledgeable and sceptical, the ‘so-called active reader’. ‘Texts for these children have lost their power’ (Hunt, 2009). Readers and viewers may interpret messages in different ways according to their identities and divisions such as age, gender, social class and ethnicity. Globalization of media brings about a certain degree of standardization whereby children in different parts of the world are being exposed to the same stimulus and subsequently start showing some common traits. Moreover, media itself exercises a degree of control on how messages it delivers are interpreted. This is called the hypodermic syringe model. Messages are not only delivered but new meanings are produced bringing about the double hermeneutic phenomenon.

Representational practices play a crucial role in influencing the material lives of children. Prominent music artists have used media to promote the awareness of different races, The most well-known event was ‘Live Aid’ in 1985 highlighting the plight of starving children in Africa.

Media can be a strong influence on health issues in children, evident in the recent significant increase of the illness anorexia nervosa in girls may have been as a result of T.V. and magazines portraying a very slim figure to be the accepted image as well as the explosion of obesity in children. It is estimated that 20 % of children in UK are overweight (James & James, 2004). Consequently there is now a drive from all concerned to promote more healthy-eating programme such as Jamie Oliver’s T.V. series.

The film ‘scum’ by Alan Clarice 1979 portrays how a borstal in UK further brutalises young offenders. Its huge cultural impact was a contributory factor in the 1982 reform that replaced borstals to youth custody centres This is an example how the media can influence the institutions of the State (Mills, 2000).

Today’s children are more independent, inquisitive, creative, and can use media effectively, forming part of the ‘net’ generation of childhood. In fact Katz (1997) regards these children able to ‘create their own cultures and communities’ (Buckingham, 2009: 126). The use of internet is invaluable for these children in the field of education and research. Also, through the introduction of social networks, they are able to communicate freely with one another. There are also some concerns, as children are at risk of exposure to pornography, violence and cyber-stalking. Also, it is argued that they tend to spend more time confined to their room resulting in less family integration. A study between children’s everyday activities and the media showed that among media, television was the prime mover in families’ lives. This was done through quantitative and qualitative methods using questionnaires, interviews, as well as new methods (Tufte, 2003). Media technology is also influenced by gender and class identities. This is highlighted by the fact that the majority of computer games are played by boys and also that, middle class children have more access to computers than their working class peers.

Over the years, different media has shaped my childhood, such as television programmes, magazines, music, the internet, pamphlets, books and billboards. As a young child, ‘Care Bears’ and ‘Barney’, were amongst my favourite programmes. These were education and instilled in me the values of caring and tolerance. Other films include ‘Sleeping Beauty’ and ‘Cinderella’, by providing images of princesses and happy endings which have caused me to dream as a child. Another character worth quoting is ‘Miss Honey’ in the book ‘Matilda’ by Roald Dahl who presented as a role model. In fact, at seventeen years of age, I decided to become a teacher, and have always strived to be kind and gentle just like ‘Miss Honey’. A Maltese media campaign to keep the environment clean, symbolised by a small hedgehog, ‘Xummiemu’, was set up, when I was growing up. These billboards, posters and magazines influenced me in respecting the environment. Messages on billboards such as the advert ‘Smoking kills’, on our main roads, had put me off smoking completely and never smoked a single cigarette in my life. As a teenager, the internet was used as a useful source of information in my school assignments. Through ‘MSN Messenger’ and ‘Skype’, I have stayed in touch with my friends and relatives who live abroad.

The internet is unique in that it is an interactive form of media allowing children’s global communication and the promotion of their creativity and spontaneity. I feel close to this culture which is critical of what media portrays even when the same media seems to have taken over our lives.

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References

Buckingham, D. (2009). New media, new childhoods? Children’s changing cultural environment in the age of digital technology in M. J. Kehily (Ed.), An introduction to Childhood Studies (2nd Edition) (pp. 124-138). Berkshire: Open University Press.

Humphries, S., Mack, J. & Perks, R. (1988). A Century of Childhood, London: Sidgwick & Jackson.

Hunt, P. (2009). Children’s literature and childhood in M. J. Kehily (Ed.), An introduction to Childhood Studies (2nd Edition) (pp. 50-69). Berkshire: Open University Press.

ICS (2010). Sociology of Childhood, Study Guide 1. Glasgow: ICS.

James, A. & James, A. L. (2004). Constructing Childhood: Theory, Policy and Social Practice. Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan.

Katz, J. (1997). Virtuous Reality: How America Surrendered Discussion of Moral Values to Opportunists, Nitwits and Blockheads like William Bennett. New York: Random House.

Mills, J. & Mills, R. (2000) Childhood Studies: A Reader in perspectives of childhood, Routledge, New York.

Mills, R. (2000). Perspectives of Childhood in J. Mills & R. Mills (Eds.), Childhood Studies: A Reader in perspectives of childhood (pp. 7-37). London: Routledge.

Robinson, K. H. & Davies, C. (2008). SHE’S KICKIN’ ASS, THAT’S WHAT SHE’S DOING! Deconstructing Childhood ‘Innocence’ in Media Representations. Australian Feminist Studies, 23, 343- 358.

Tufte, B. (2003). Children, media and consumption. Advertising & Marketing to Children, October-December, 69-76.

Discuss the role ‘family’ plays in shaping childhood. Give examples of cultures within a family structure and reflect on your own culture.

There is general consensus that family does shape childhood ‘from the first minute its parent(s) start to interact with it in the context of a wider culture.’ (Gittens, 2009: 36). The family is the foundation of social stability and the primary means of social reproduction. This institution moulds the child through education, morals, values & beliefs (James & James, 2004). ‘Family’ besides the traditional ‘nuclear family’ also includes lone parent, gay/lesbian, extended families, and cohabitation. Indeed, the family is instrumental in shaping the child to become an integral part of society (ICS, 2010b).

Childhoods are dependent on the identities and positions of the child’s family, as these will have different structures, resulting in different experiences (ICS, 2010a). In recent years delayed child bearing means that children are less likely to share the companionship of siblings or wider kin. Single parent families are the second highest risk factor, after unemployment, for children to live in poverty (Clarke, 1996). Lower social class, unemployment, alcoholism, and drug abuse have serious consequences on children’s well-being in the shape of poverty, poor social conditions, mental health problems and physical abuse. Children from minor ethnic families may be disadvantaged as a result of poorer housing conditions and lower pay as well as an increased prevalence of chronic diseases such as rickets and T.B (James & James, 2004).

Also, parents’ lifestyles may affect children’s lives directly. Smoking in families is detrimental to children’s health, significantly increasing asthma in their children. Nowadays, most parents work leaving less time to prepare meals, which may result in children eating more ‘junk food’. Armstrong, Hill and Secker (2000) argue the beneficial effects of parental affection on the child’s well-being. In comparison family breakdowns, increasing in number, are a cause of stress and mental problems in children (James & James, 2004; Armstrong et al., 2000).

Children’s identity is seen as a passive experience of ‘being parented’. Children possess a ‘Double Status’; the kinship status as ‘the child’ and the age-based status as ‘the minor’. The link between womanhood and childhood is focused on children’s needs discourses (Lawler, 2000). According to research, the function of the family is specific to the fulfilment of gender-based roles, where females are a source of care and expression, and males the main source of income (ICS, 2010a: 15; MacNaughton & Smith, 2009). Parents act as role models by setting examples which are crucial in shaping childhood. Children also learn gender roles from the family. For example, if cooking is done only by the mother they might associate it exclusively with females (MacNaughton & Smith, 2009).

State laws and policies use the family to implement and control children. The state also uses the family ‘as an ally in the battle for social control’ (James & James, 2004: 191)) and increasingly regulates children’s lives (James & James, 2004). Development of ‘family friendly’ employment practice through social benefits, results in more stable families, better support of children during their education, and reduced levels of delinquency (James & James, 2004).

The child is regarded as the object of legal rulings with children’s rights generally overruled by their parents claiming to act ‘in the best interest of the child’, thus their agency being denied (James & James, 2004: 201). The effective voice of children in family proceedings is well documented, both in the Children Act and the UNCRC. However, the implementation to date is another matter, even welfare professionals view children both as ‘carefree and powerless’ (ICS, 2010b: 45). In fact, family law in England and Wales classifies a child as ‘a person with a disability’ (James & James, 2004: 200).

In every culture lies ‘marriage, residence, family size and composition, family status and role, family power and authority, family communication that are quite universal. These elements of family structure in vary from one society to another (Uddin, 2009: 438).

The representation of the family structure in Western culture is usually portrayed as a nuclear family composed of two siblings. This model is still portrayed as ‘ideal’ according to mainstream parents’ websites such as bounty.com. Media has always portrayed an image of the Western family. Nowadays, it brings us a variety of different family structures including gay couples and single parents.

In Muslim cultures, there are clearer gender demarcations where all family affairs are decided by the senior male member, leaving other family members fully dependent on their decisions without any say (Uddin, 2009). The male is usually the bread winner whilst women take on the ’emotional role’ such as child rearing and household chores (Uddin, 2007). Another feature of this community is the large family size, thus an extended family structure is adopted to ensure adequate family support. Family structures in Muslim Western communities vary from those in more traditional societies as the former face lifestyle choices which are not available to the latter. Middle-class, though not working-class, Muslims have expectations and a level of education comparable to non-Muslims (Abbas, 2003; Ahmad, 2001). Muslims regard their Islamic faith as fundamental to their identity. However, Sikhs and Hindus consider education to be their main priority, allowing greater occupational opportunities, class mobility, integration and acceptance (Abbas, 2003).

On a more personal note, I grew up in a traditional Maltese Roman Catholic nuclear family consisting of four members; my parents, my older sister and myself. This is the most common structure in Malta. My father is a doctor and my mother is a housewife who gave up her job as a secretary to raise us. My parents raised us striking a balance between being open to change but holding onto the strong values of Maltese culture and Roman Catholic beliefs. These beliefs form an integral role in our way of life and shape our views on family. Family authority has always been shared between my parents. However, they have always valued our opinions, even as children. This has created an open communicative relationship between us.

The family has influenced many aspects of my life. Due to my large extended family, I grew up surrounded by younger children, playing with and teaching them. This sparked my interest in teaching Early Years. The short distances facilitated the formation of strong family bonds. We live in a typical neighbourhood where people lend a helping hand when needed, though can be nosy. Despite Malta being a small island, we are not insular as we are influenced by other cultures, namely British and Italian. We are multi-lingual and have a Western outlook. We are also influenced by foreign family ties, my grandmother being British. Our culture motivates us to maximise our potential by pursuing a higher education, particularly a University degree. Opportunities are few and competition is high. Ambition is instilled from an early age, and expectations are high. I form part of a very close- knit family which is dependable and supportive. We consider this to be our role and responsibility to each other. I enjoy the security and stability of our family whilst still enjoying my independence and autonomy.

All the aforementioned aspects are crucial as the resources and environment of the family have a direct influence on how children and adolescents deal with emotions, relationships as well as their potential for future success (Wen, 2008). Nonetheless, it is fundamental to perceive the child as an individual actor whose needs must be considered in the context of their own childhood and not merely as an extension of the needs of all of those who share the status of being ‘children’.

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Walter Lipman (1992) applied the word “stereotyping” to perception. Stereotyping refers to the generalization of the characteristics of all members belonging to a certain group. In other words Stereotyping can be defined as “the tendency to perceive another person as belonging to a single class or category.”

Stereotype: Generalizing people based on similar characteristics in one group is called stereotyping. Stereotypes are standardized conceptions of groups. Such as, all females are talkative.

Prejudice: This is the attitude displayed towards the members of some group just because they belong to that group. The main difference is that the attitude is showed by the person who is prejudiced whereas stereotype is just generalizing.

Discrimination: It involves the actual behaviors towards a group; for instance, stopping a female to work, just because she is a female. If she actually gets fired or does not get a job based on the gender, then it is discrimination. (Friedman, 2007)

Stereotypes can be either positive (e.g. “Black men are good at basketball”) or negative (“women are bad drivers”). But most stereotypes tend to make us feel superior in some way to the person or group being stereotyped. Stereotypes ignore the uniqueness of individuals by painting all members of a group with the same brush. Some stereotypes include Gender, race, ethnicity, race etc. (Friedman, 2007)

Gender Stereotypes: A gender stereotype consists of beliefs about the psychological traits and characteristics of men or women. Gender roles are defined by behaviors, but gender stereotypes are beliefs and attitudes about masculinity and femininity. The concepts of gender role and gender stereotype tend to be related. When people associate a pattern of behavior with either women or men, they may overlook individual variations and exceptions and come to believe that the behavior is inevitably associated with one gender but not the other. Therefore, gender roles furnish the material for gender stereotypes. Gender stereotypes are very influential; they affect conceptualizations of women and men and establish social categories for gender. These categories represent what people think, and even when beliefs vary from reality, the beliefs can be very powerful forces in judgments of self and others, as the headline story for this chapter showed. Therefore, the history, structure, and function of stereotypes are important topics in understanding the impact of gender on people’s lives.

Organization

The company selected for the research is Oil & Gas Development Company Limited (OGDCL), which was created under an Ordinance in 1961, to undertake comprehensive exploratory program and promote Pakistan’s oil and gas prospects. In 1997, it was converted into a Public Limited Company and is now governed by the Companies Ordinance Act 1984. OGDCL’s head office is in Islamabad. The promotion criterion in every department of OGDCL is as follows:

There should be a vacant post in the channel of hierarchy

There should be no disciplinary action against the individual

There should be no case pending on the individual

The individual should have spent 3-5 years in his existing grade

Performance rating should be ‘Good’, ‘Very Good’ or ‘Outstanding’, individual having rating below ‘Good’ will not be eligible for promotion.

The individual should meet the required qualification and experience for that job.

The percentage evaluation of basic promotion criteria has been shown in Table 1.0 in Appendix – A. The promotion within any department is processed through certain steps. The flow chart for promotional process has been shown in Appendix – B.

PROBLEM STATEMENT

The purpose of this study is to determine whether gender stereotype effects promotion of female employees in organizations. To test the hypothesis, Oil and Gas Development Company Limited is chosen. This study is conducted to find the reasons women being promoted less as compared to men. It will also highlight the reasons behind gender discrimination in organizations.

Chapter 2

LITERATURE REVIEW

Heilman, (2001) proposed that gender stereotypes and the expectations they produce about both what women are like (descriptive) and how they should behave (prescriptive) can result in devaluation of their performance, denial of credit to them for their successes, or their penalization for being competent. Research has shown that despite producing the identical work product, a woman’s work is often regarded as inferior. In fact, there have been many investigations in organizational psychology that attest to the fact that unless the quality of the work product is incontrovertible, women’s accomplishments are undervalued as compared to those of men.

Stereotypes form an image of a certain type of people due to conventional image in society, their opinions, beliefs or appearances. Due to this conception, stereotype treats all those who fit the criteria in the same way. Gender stereotype treats people according to his/her image of that gender. A stereotype that obstructs women’s career advancement in the workplace are of the opinion that women’s role is to supplement man’s work. Women are supposed to take care whereas men take the charge (Dodds, 2006).

Gender identity theory:

Gender identity theory was presented by Sigmund Freud (Bland, 2003) believing that gender identity develops during phallic stage of development, a person’s inner feeling of being male or female, usually developed during early childhood as a result of parental rearing practices and social influences and strengthened during puberty (Hetherington, 1965). Gender role is defined as the behaviors, expectations and general functions defined by society as masculine or feminine, which are embodied in the behavior of the individual male or female and culturally regarded as appropriate male and female.

Theories about gender identity:

Psycho dynamic theories

Psychoanalytic: emphasizes inner psychic conflict of children instead of external pressure e.g. Freudian concept of Oedipal conflict (Mitchell & Black, 1995)

Cognitive-developmental: emphasizes stages of mental development. E.g. Lawrence Kohlberg’s theory states that “children are almost inevitably led by their own cognitive processing to choose gender as an organizing principle of social rule that governs their own and their peers’ behavior (McManus, 1999).

External theories: emphasizes on what culture does to individuals

Socialization or social learning theory: emphasizes the difference of different learning environment especially of children but sometimes adults as well

Imitation of models and examples they see in society

Response to rewards for gender appropriate behavior and criticism or punishment for gender inappropriate behavior(from peers as well as adults) (McManus, 1999)

Gender-schema theory: merges cognitive- development and social learning theory. Schema are internal cognitive networks (shaped by socialization) that organize and guide individual social perception, gender schema are cognitive networks associated with concept of masculine and feminine. High gender schema individual tend to organize many of their thoughts, perceptions and evaluation according to gender stereotype and symbols.

Research shows that three years old child have already begun figurative or metaphorical meaning of gender (McManus, 1999)

Social – structural or situational theories; emphasizes structural constraint on children and adults (fact that men and women are different and unequal positions in social structures)

Conscious discrimination

Unconscious discrimination: people may not be aware that they are discriminating or being discriminated against- it is quite difficult to approve discrimination has occurred (McManus, 1999).

Identity construction theory: emphasizes individual personal and conscious commitment to a self-image of self. Cassell (1996) says that women generally lack traits of leader, as they endorse values like relentless, cooperative, and dependent. According to Loden (1985) they lack the need for control. Due to the kind and selfless nature of women, they are unable to make a good manager.

Ornstein (1997) talks about two major modes of consciousness: analytical and holistic. Analytical is to view each aspect of the situation. All parts of the situation are considered in sequence, whereas, holistic means seeing the whole situation at once. Analytical suits men better and holistic suits women better.

Any female co-worker is left alone in the business network as well as social network. It is difficult to overcome this ‘old-boy network’. However, since globalization is at its peak now so, businesses who adapt global leadership theory are able to break the ‘old-boy network’.

As the “Doctrine of two spheres” by Lewin says that men and women diverge in interests. Men have their separate areas of interest and women there. Men are supposed to do manly outside works and women stay at home and manage it.

Deficit theory

Deficit theory says that female deficit characteristics disallow them to play traditional masculine roles. Changing global scenario has also influenced the acceptance of females as economic partners but still they have largely been forgotten as associates of the economic decision making process.

Their work recognition is negligible while their participation is encouraged in the labor force as females are considered more suitable for supporting staff.

In Developing countries like Pakistan male managers perceive females as weak creature, less capacitated to handle stress at workplace (Akram, Padda, Khan, & Husnain, 2011).

Stereotypes are said to have a traditional image toward a certain object, person or phenomenon etc. and these beliefs, about characteristics of man and women are permanent and are proved to be resistant to change.

According to Dodge, Gilroy & Fenzel, 1995; Leutow, Garovich, & Leutow, 1995) Male and females are thought to be different both in terms of achievement-oriented traits referred as agentic and in terms of social-and-service oriented traits referred as communal.

Bakan (1966) said males are characterized by aggressive, forceful, Independent and decisive traits whereas females are characterized as kind, helpful, sympathetic and concerned for others

Heilman, Block, & Martell, (1995) during study they found female managers efficient and more decisive than general females but still they were rated lower than their counterparts. It was only when female mangers were considered as highly successful that this gender difference in trait characterization was found to abate. But, increased presence of female in the workforce and their assumptions of new roles do not appear to preclude gender-stereotype perceptions.

According to Medline E. Heilman (2001) Gender stereotype can hinder females from going up the ladder as the executive level jobs are always considered to be masculine. It means these jobs are considered for people who are tough, authoritative with more decisive powers and more achievement oriented which are considered male characteristics. So the top level job description is invariably defined as masculine based upon factors like work domain and specific area of management. Certain findings and research indicate that a description of a good manager is attributed by Masculinity.

Queen bee syndrome: designed by G.L Staives in 1973 describes women in position authority who views and treats subordinates more critically if they are female. This has been documented by several studies. In another study scientist from university of Toronto speculate that queen bee syndrome maybe the reason women find it more stressful to work with a women manger. No difference was found in stress level of male workers

Women carving out a career in a male-dominated environment might expect there is one thing guaranteed to work in their favor – a female boss. But surprisingly it is more likely to wreck a woman’s promotion prospects. Instead, women who do break through the glass ceiling are more likely to help out their male subordinates than female ones. Research shows men who report to a female manager get much more mentoring and support than their female colleagues.

In business environment a queen bee may also refer to women in upper management who advanced in ranks without the help of any type of affirmative action plans. Many of these women tend to be politically conservative. They chose not to publicly identify with feminism. They often see others usually young women as competitors and will refuse to help them advance within the company preferring to mentor a male instead of a female employee. Some queen bees may actively take steps in hindering women’s advancement as they see her as a direct competitor.

The findings, published in the journal Social Science Research, add to previous evidence that the so-called Queen Bee syndrome can be a major obstacle to women climbing the managerial ladder (Weiss, 2009).

Hiring and promotion decisions in an organization are based on test scores, credentials and seniority. However, in some cases it is based on subjective criteria such as an interviewer’s impression that the employee is fit for job or not and manager’s/ supervisor’s recommendation. Objective criteria show less gender discrimination. If selection is based on validated tests of cognitive abilities then it shows that usually men and women are hired at the same ratio. Subjective criteria show a significant difference in the ratio of male promotion against female promotions. (Cleveland, Stockdale, Murphy, & Gutek, 2000).

The most common stereotype about women are that they are less efficient and have inferior negotiation ability. Stereotypes in organizations disregard omen and do not consider them worthy of a higher position in the organizational hierarchy (Galinsky & Thompson, 2002).

Managing diversity in workplaces requires middle and top management to create an environment where all employees can succeed and grow. Even if the organization succeeds in hiring non-prejudiced managers, stereotype in the broader society will still exist. Every job and employee are ranked by others. If it is judged by a stereotype, the evaluation will be clouded by gender discrimination. As a result, women will not be given certain type of tasks such as related to Mathematics because they are thought to perform poorly in Mathematics. Stereotypes are unwilling to rethink their attitude towards others,. They justify their prejudice and prevent people of stereotyped groups from succeeding in activities and fields (Roberson & Kulik, 2007).

RESEARCH FRAMEWORK

The research study aims to find the how gender stereotype effect promotions in an organization. This effect of gender stereotype has only been observed for the female employees working in the organization. Generally, it is perceived that women are more affected by the gender stereotypes in any organization.

In order to understand the relationship of gender stereotype and promotion, variables have been defined. Variables are qualitative. Variables are categorized into independent and dependent variables (Kumar, 2005).

Promotions

(Dependent Variable)

Gender Stereotype

(Independent Variable)

Gender Stereotype is the independent variable and promotion is dependent variable. However independent factor is not completely independent, there are many sub factors that affect gender stereotype. Similarly promotion of employees is not solely dependent on stereotyping.

Gender stereotyping reflects behaviors and beliefs, gender role attitude and judgment of abilities. Several factors considered as a stereotype in typical organizations have been observed. For example, people especially males in the organizations think that women are not capable of making effective decisions so that’s why they are not promoted to higher levels of management. Similarly, women are not considered good in team-work, analytical skills, openness, etc.

The hypotheses have been developed as follows:

H0: Gender Stereotype effect promotion of women in organizations.

H1: Gender Stereotypes don’t effect promotion of women in organizations.

Chapter 3

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Purpose of Study:

Both dependent and Independent variables are known, and the purpose of research is to explain the factors which affect the dependent variable. The research is thus descriptive in nature.

Research Approach:

There are approaches for the research; one is deductive (testing theory) and inductive (building theory). This research is based on deductive approach in which reasoning is processed through general statement. A theory is confirmed through hypothesis; which is proved true through observations. The theory is proven by statistical estimation made by outcome-oriented questioned asked from sample population.

Type of Investigation:

As the purpose is identification of the relationship between dependent and independent variables, this a correlation study which attempts to describe the relationship between variables.

Extent of Interference

The research study is correlation and has been conducted in natural environment. The researcher interference has been minimal.

Unit of Analysis:

The study is based on gender stereotype among organizational employees. For this purpose the units of analysis are “Individual females” working in OGDCL regardless of the gender.

Time Horizon:

As the data have been collected just for one time, this is a cross-sectional study.

Sampling & Sampling Procedure

The research has been conducted in “OGDCL” head office. Respondents under the main focus of research were employees from different cadres of the organization which can represent the whole organization. Thus, Non-Probability “Convenience” Sampling has been adopted for the sample selection. Convenient sampling was used to identify the sample easily available to provide relevant information. Number of employees selected are 18.

Data Collection:

The methodology used for collection of data from giving sample was through “semi-structured interviews”. Saunders et al., (2009) explain that in Semi-structured interviews the research will have a list of themes and questions to be covered, although these may vary from interview to interview. The order of questions may be varied depending on the flow of the conversation. During the interviews for research, along with changing the sequence of questions based on conversation, additional questions were also asked to probe further into the issue. These interview conversations were recorded and then narrated for analysis. A copy of the interview questions has been attached in the appendix-c.

Questionnaire development

The questionnaire was developed on the basis of topic of research. First and foremost, the questions revolve around gender discrimination. They were designed in such a way that they can provide substantial and meaningful data. The questions were not general, they were company specific.

Data collection procedure

Data was collected by using interviews and questionnaires. Interviews were scheduled with the selected sample of employees from different departments. The employees were selected from seven different departments and designations to collect a reliable data. Questionnaires were distributed among employees of different departments. Purpose of the study was also explained to them.

Chapter 4

DATA ANALYSIS, FINDINGS & RESULTS

Most employees of OGDCL find the working environment of the organization to be comfortable and non-threatening. 38.8% employees find the working environment to be very comfortable to work. According to the analysis, 72.2% employees agree that they have equal chance of career development in OGDCL regardless of their gender. But, 27.7% are of the opinion that male and female staff does not have equal chance for the growth of their career due to discrimination.

This might be due to dissatisfaction of employees about their performance evaluation. Only 61.11% employees from sample population were familiar with the criteria on the basis of which their performance is measure. Whereas, only 16.6% are of the opinion that they are satisfied with the performance evaluation criteria of their organization. However, 77.7% employees of sample population responded that promotions id OGDCL is based on test scores, seniority and credentials. Trainings play a very essential role in the progress of any employee’s career. 50% of the sample population agreed that OGDCL provide equal training opportunities to both male and female whereas 27.7% employees said that they neither agree nor disagree to this statement and 22.2% employees disagreed.

Motivation is very essential for efficient performance of the employees. When employees their feedback, they try to improve performance because feedback tells them what they did right and what went wrong. According to the research, 44.4% sample population said that feedback of their perforce is shared with them to increase motivation but 38.9% say that no feedback is provided.

Due to absence of feedback, employees do not believe that the employee who is promoted is promoted on the basis of his or her performance. Survey also shows that 38.8% employee say that male employees openly show their disliking for female employees who promoted. Also, 38.8% employees believe that male employees do not behave in this manner. Though, significant percentage (22.2%) of employees neither agreed nor disagreed with the statement.

In this male-dominated society, it is seems very difficult for male employees to work with female employees as their superiors or boss. Research shows that 33.3% employees believe that rate of promotion of women in their company is as compared to men whereas 55.5% employees think otherwise.

83.3% employees believe that OGDCL provide a very favorable environment for female employees to progress in their field of work. Half of sample population also says that managers support female employees who are competent and promote on the basis of their capability and skills. Research also shows that 38.8% employees agree and the same percentage disagree to the statement the men do not hesitate to show their disliking if a female employee is promoted instead of male employee.

50% employees showed neutral response when asked about employees refusing to take orders from a female boss. On the contrary, 61.15% of the sample population says that female boss or supervisor is more respected by her employees than the male supervisor. They also believe OGDCL does not have gender discrimination issues.

aˆ?

Chapter 5

CONCLUSION & RECOMMENDATIONS

The gender gap exists in the corporate world and women suffer from gender-based stereotypes. Based the theoretical framework, research and analysis we conclude that gender stereotype regarding females does exist to some extent. It’s due to implicit stereotypes that employees step in the work force with a mindset that a man is always the one who leads. (For instance, a child learns from childhood that father is the head of the house, or elder brother does most of the decision) The interview session and observation concludes that females do fall victim to gender stereotyping in regards to promotion. Although such cases are not on the record, however, many facts were collected through research that males are promoted more vs. females because they are thought to be more analytical and task oriented as opposed to females who are considered to be intuitive, communal, and collaborative. Due to the male dominated work environment, females face hurdles in their promotion. They need to be prominent and break into the old-boy network, in order to take a step closer to their promotion.

Recommendations:

In order to have a positive productive environment at workplace, there must be an equal status for women and men. Therefore, they both work towards achieving goals of the company rather than focusing on how not to be stereotyped. Following are the suggestions:

Device a fair performance analysis method for employees

Encourage female employees with supportive environment

Take action against complains of gender discrimination

Provide feedback to employees after performance evaluation

Supportive Environment for females

Diversity training is precisely the type of intervention and conscious effort needed to promote changes in gender stereotypes. Not only did diversity education lead to a decrease in directly reported, explicit stereotypes are thought to be more stable and enduring associations because they have been learned through years of environmental influences (kawakami & Dovidio, 2001). If such associations can be unlearned through diversity training then it is possible that gender stereotypes may be changing as a result of direct interventions.

In 1990’s the corporate world started using diversity training in order for a better acceptance of women and minorities in the work place. (Erick Erickson). It basically includes lectures, videos, role-playing games, etc. Diversity training should be a permanent part of the corporation. OGDCL should also implement such measures through which stereotyping against women is eradicated. The top management needs to be the part of these activities and training so the the employees take this matter seriously.

Training and Development sessions:

Training and Development sessions should be held regardless of any managerial responsibilities. These sessions could be helpful for OGDCL’s staff in changing perceptions, attitudes, and behaviors that are learned through prior learning or through external cultural aspects.

T&D sessions are collaborative, thus it involves team tasks. Working in teams would make employees learn how not to be biased towards women. Employees would acknowledge females and their knowledge of staff in their field of work. These sessions do not only discuss gender stereotyping, but additional tools are also discussed so that employees learn about overall a positive work environment. Additional tools could be communication skills, listening skills, etc.

It is imperative for the host of T&D sessions to create a positive first impression of the sessions. According to a study, the initial impact of the first five minutes will tend to remain throughout the training session. The whole session will go positively if the first five minutes turned out be a positive influence and vice versa. (Michael Moskowits). First impressions are created the first time, thus there is no second chance to it, and thus OGDCL must choose a trainee thoughtfully and wisely.

Breaking the ice between employees

We really need to educate employees that a woman can be a better leader. All the employees who were interviewed, at different levels at different designations, shared the view that they would prefer to have a male boss. This would fall under “breaking the ice”. Breaking the ice implies getting to know each other in a better way. The focus is to give the opportunity to the employees to get to know each other and to break down interpersonal communication barriers, and eventually accept each other on the designations or to-be designations. This could be enhanced by describing each other’s qualities and positive traits that each employee carries. Hopefully, this leads to a positive outcome and employees learn that technical skills can place men and women on an equal footing

Women need to display an attitude of ‘I don’t care’. Women need to realize that being women it is strength. They should go with a ‘go to hell’ attitude. Women should take it as a war if needed in situations of stereotypes. They should learn how to be daring enough to take a step for themselves. But then, the argument arises as this is east and priorities are set forth based on culture, religion, prior learning etc. in order to incorporate that attitude we have got to do tutorials on women too so they should know how to stand up for themselves. Thus, career oriented women should be daring enough to fight when they fall victim to gender stereotyping.

Monitoring and Evaluation:

There should be adequate gender-disaggregated monitoring and evaluation. This implies that employees should practically apply all the learned behaviors, through sessions and tutorials, to the corporate world. In order to be sure that they are incorporating the positive attitude there should be a proper monitoring and evaluation. For instance, employees could be evaluated through tests. A sample test could be if a picture of women is shown then do employees click the ‘strong’ button or the ‘weak’ button vs. if a picture of a man is shown then do they click the ‘strong’ button or the ‘weak’ button? Usually people tend to hit a weak button when shown a picture of a female.

Furthermore, there should be an evaluation as well on regular basis after some time intervals to see if there has been improvement in the attitude, behavior, and perceptions.

“When a man finds a job, his problems end. When a woman finds a job, her problems start”

Many countries have experienced very significant changes in patterns of family formation and family structure. Great Britain is one of the countries where these changes have been particularly marked with the result that British families have become less stable . The roles of women and men with the parents or within the family have also changed. The last 100 years have seen changes in attitudes and expectations. Bruner, J. (1985) Vygotsk, the last 100 years have been seen in the structure of technology, attitudes and expectations. Families are mix of cohabiting parents, stepfamilies, single parent families, those living apart together and civil partnerships, as well as the traditional family. it was necessary to prove that in one of five ways such as unreasonable behaviour, desertion, adultery, two years separation with consent, five years separation without consent.

J. (1985) Vygotsky, the public are divided into their views in which relaxation of societal attitudes towards marriage means it is no longer seen as unusual to be involved in a ‘complicated’ family structure. Families are no longer just made up of married parents living with their children. Although seven in ten households are still headed up by married couples, this proportion has been declining for some time. Families are now a mix of cohabiting parents, stepfamilies, single parent families, those living apart together and civil partnerships, as well as the traditional nuclear family.

The changes in marriage, divorce and cohabitation have contributed to the growing number of new types of family. Two in five of all marriages are now remarriages, which makes stepfamilies one of the fastest growing family forms in Britain. In the decade to 2006, the number of single parent families also increased to 2.3 million, making up 14% of all families. Consequently more and more children are now growing up in single parent families, and in stepfamilies. A growing number of couples are also now living apart together, often following failed marriages or cohabitations. Initial estimates suggest that around two million people have regular partners in other households excluding full-time students and people who live with their parents. In most cases this is due to working in a different location to the family home or because the relationship is still in the early stages . However, women’s focus on their career may also be a factor. As women choose to focus on their career before settling into a committed relationship, they are getting married and having children later in life. Finally civil partnerships between same sex couples have created a new type of family. By the end of 2007 there had been 26,787 civil partnerships since the law was introduced in December 2005.

Teenage motherhood is one of the most distinctive features of British Demography. Without teenage pregnancies, Britain’s rate would fall from 1.8 to 1.68 (Coleman and Chandola, Chapter 2; also Coleman 1997). Teenagers throughout Europe both East and West now engage in sexual intercourse at earlier ages than their parents or grand-parents. In disapproval pre-marital

sex . Marriage was broken, little remained to prevent young people who are physically ready to have sex from doing so. The analysis of European social attitudes data (Chapter 3; also Scott, Alwin, and Braun 1996) provides information about attitudes to pre-marital sex in various countries in 1994. In these information ,52 per cent were opposed to men, and 63 per cent opposed to women, having any pre-marital sex. Only a small number believed that pre-marital sex was ‘natural’ (McKibbin 1998: 296)

For teenage men and women in Britain today, the average age at i¬?rst intercourse is 17. But whereas in most of Western Europe, rates of teenage motherhood have fallen as teenage sexual activity has risen. Demographically, Britain more closely resembles to Eastern Europe, where a tradition of marriage has long meant high teenage fertility rates (Coleman and Chandola, Chapter 2; also Coleman 1996b: 23).Almost all of the East European births are inside marriage while all of the Western are outside marriage with a large number being outside partnership as well. In Britain, teenage births account for just over one-i¬?fth of all non-marital births 21 per cent while 80-90 per cent of teenage births are outside legal marriage.

In 1996, there were 44,700 babies born to women aged 15-19. Although this represents a rise over the previous year. However, it is also the case that the number of teenage girls in the population was falling from the early 1980s onwards and that the rate at which 15-19 year olds become pregnant and remain pregnant .The conception rate and the abortion rate was stable or rising throughout the period and into the late 1990s (ONS 1997d: 62). Figure shows changes in the abortion rates for selected years since 1974.There was a large drop from 1974-84 when teenage births fell steadily. From 1984 onwards, however, conceptions have i¬‚uctuated around 60 and abortions around 35, per 1000 women aged 15-19. The stability of both the conception and abortion rates gives few grounds for thinking that in the short term at least . British teenagers will behave different than they have in the past. And as their numbers in the population are set to rise over the next decade and number of babies born to teenagers (Craig 1997).

Britain is also distinctive for its high divorce rate. Thirty years ago, there were two divorces for every 1,000 marriages. Liberalization of the divorce laws in the 1970s was sharp rise in divorce and by the mid-1980s about 1,000 marriages ended in divorce a rate (Pullinger 1998). The rate of increase is slower now than in the 1970s and early 1980s largely because the married population contains fewer of those at high risk (Murphy and Wang, Chapter 4). Nonetheless, 40 per cent of marriages will end in divorce measures of divorce per 1,000 marriages or per 1,000 population. Moreover, people are divorcing after shorter periods of marriage. One in ten marriages which took place in 1981 ended in divorce within 4.5 years, compared with one in ten divorcing within 6 years in 1971 and after 25 years in 1951 (Roberts 1996: 2). Early marriage have long been understood to be strongly associated with marital breakdown. The younger the age at marriage, the greater the likelihood of the marriage ending (Kiernan and Mueller, Chapter 16). Between 1971 and 1996, people under age 25 experienced the greatest growth in divorce rates with rates increasing for men and women (Pullinger 1998).

The problem of lone motherhood is poverty. Research suggests that, as a group, lone mothers have few chances of obtaining other than low-paid work, often because they enter the labour market disadvantaged by their low level of qualii¬?cations (Bryson, Ford, and White 1998). The majority, however, have young children to care for and thus need jobs which provide enough income to meet the costs of child care. Consequently, lone mothers in Britain are less likely to be employed than in most other case countries and in the 1970s and their employment rate has declined. The difference in economic activity between married and lone mothers is particularly sharp between women with children under age 5. In the 1970s, lone mothers with preschool children were more likely to be in work than married mothers This changed during the1980s, and during the 1990s married mothers with young children have been twice as likely as lone mothers to be economically active. During the1990s one in two married mothers with pre-school children have been in employment compared with fewer than one in four comparable lone mothers (Kiernan, Land, and Lewis1998: 128). Most of the fall in employment among lone mothers has come in full-time work while the full-time employment of married women has risen with part-time work remaining stable. People live alone for a variety of reasons. For example, living alone may be a permanent choice and for others , it may be a temporary. While there are more people living alone at all ages and the largest increases since 1971 have come among men and women under retirement age, particularly those aged under 40 (Hall and Ogden 1997). The increase in solo living among people under pension age rejects the way in which household change is some-times linked to economic change.

Since 1970s ,the number of lone-parent families has been increased in Britain and also the proportion of children raised in such families (Coleman and Chandola, Chapter 2). In the late 1990s, 1.6million families in Britain with dependent children. During the 1960s, divorce overtook death as the primary source of lone-parent families while in the 1970s and 1980s, sharply rising divorce rates and falling remarriage rates furthered their growth (Kiernan, Land, and Lewis 1998; Murphy and Wang,Chapter4). From the mid-1980s, however, most of the growth in lone-parent families has come from never-married mothers as changing attitudes towards pre-marital sex. Nonetheless, there has been a substantial increase in the number of single women who become mothers while not living with a partner (Berthoud, McKay, and Rowlingson, Chapter 15).

Since in 1990s, women who had never married before becoming mothers (Pullinger 1998).

The parents who were working and busy of whole day to day responsibilities, grandparents could spend more time with their grandchildren and develop a special bond (Weissvourd, 1998). Children and their grandparents each were close to each other and were able to offer mutual support for each other. There were lot of facilities on the parents to teach their children even that grand parents played important role in this situation. This gave scope for reciprocal social relationships and joint interaction in learning and contrasts with the role of the parents as well as grand parents in learning (Bruner, 1985). In the context of the family, mutual trust and respect for each member’s perspective (Rommetveit, 1974, 1979) was a important to this process.

Government has moved away from financial support for marriage towards families. Legislative changes have given families more flexibility to maintain their home and work lives and have a degree of choice in their options. The public would like to see support made available to families and delivered to the service provider and providing additional cash. In recent years the amount of money spent by government to support families has increased significantly but it has also been dramatically re-targeted which has the effect of shifting support from one type of family form to others. Up until 1999 the three key family benefits were Child Benefit (which began in 1975), Family Credit for low-income working families, ‘Married Man’s Allowance’ (it became the Married Couples’ Allowance in 1990). Family benefit as it is available to all those in employment with a low income including single people with no dependants. However, couples and single parents do get additional credit and there is a childcare element for those that have children.

“We are what we consume.” To what extent does consumption contribute to the construction of identity in contemporary British society?

In order to understand the extent to which consumption contributes to the construction of identity in contemporary British society, and thus be in a position to comment on whether or not “we are what we consume” is a valid statement or simply hyperbole, it is important to first understand the sociological concepts behind the question being asked.

“Consumption” in sociological terms does not simply mean the buying and consuming of goods and services. In particular, sociologists are interested in consumption as a means of conveying meaning. “Conspicuous consumption” is a term that was originally coined by Thorstein Veblen and it refers to the ways in which people convey the extent of their wealth to others in a society in which the traditional means of conveying meaning have largely disappeared. Veblen argued that in society, a person’s standing was directly related to their wealth. The manner in which this wealth had been accumulated was also important, with old wealth being more highly esteemed then new wealth. The wealthy individual had two ways in which to proclaim their social standing; conspicuous leisure and/or conspicuous consumption.^[1]

It is important to understand the historical background that has led to the current consumption patterns in contemporary Britain. The industrial revolution was a time of massive social upheavals. Historical bonds of servitude and deference were shattered and millions of people streamed into the UK’s cities. A consequence of this mass upheaval was that wealth creation was no longer tied to the land. Suddenly a person who owned a factory could potentially have the same amount of wealth as someone who considered themselves to be part of the upper classes and whose wealth came with status. Wealth, by itself, was no longer a sufficient means of separating the upper classes from the pretenders. This was especially so in the large towns that had been created in which people were constantly interacting with strangers who were unaware of a person’s social status. As such, conspicuous consumption came to be an increasingly important means of differentiating oneself from others.^[2]

The aspirational dreams unleashed during the industrial revolution meant that, in general terms, people belonging to a lower class could now potentially overcome the wealth divide simply through hard work. Overcoming the class divide was a little more difficult and it was achieved by essentially copying the consumption habits of that class to which a person aspired. Whether consumption drove the industrial revolution or whether the industrial revolution drove consumption may never be answered. The one thing that is certain is that each fuelled the other. The more people consumed the greater the flames of industry. The more exotic and fashionable the items produced, the greater the frenzy of consumption.

However, what is clear is that traditional attitudes to work and consumption had to be overcome. Weber gives a interesting example that illustrates this point;

“a man… who at the rate of 1 mark per acre mowed 2.5 acres per day and earned 2.5 marks when the rate was raised to 1.25 marks per acre mowed, not 3 acres, as he might easily have done, thus earning 3.75 marks, but only 2 acres, so that he could still earn the 2.5 marks to which he was accustomed. The opportunity of earning more was less attractive to than that or working less. He did not ask: how much can I earn in a day if I work as much as possible? But: how much must I work in order to earn the wage, 2.5 marks, which I earned before and which takes care of my traditional needs?”^[3]

In the above example Weber seems to be lampooning this simple person who fails to understand that by working longer hours they can earn more money. In contemporary British society, it almost seems as though leisure time cannot be enjoyed without having first purchased the means of enjoying that time. Thus wide screen televisions, games consoles, international holidays, books, dvds, etc are all things without which people are made to believe they could not enjoy their leisure time. This should be contrasted to the person in Weber’s example who believed that simply being away from work was enough of a reward in itself.

One suggested definition of a consumer culture, put forward in order to encompass conspicuous consumption in Third World countries, but also useful as a general starting point, is one, “in which the majority of consumers avidly desire (and some noticeable portion pursue, acquire, and display) goods and services that are valued for non-utilitarian reasons, such as status seeking, envy provocation, and novelty seeking.”^[4] As such, any society in which consumption involves more than simply subsistence living (ie living to survive) will involve to some extent a degree of conspicuous consumption.

Likewise, the concept of “identity” in contemporary sociological terms has developed beyond simply looking at a person’s occupation and class.^[5] This move away from employment constituting the main source of a person’s identity splintered sociological thought. Whereas previously a person’s identity fell into several reasonably clear sociological categories and sociological theorists could hypothesis on the “macro” topics of relations between these groups, the shattering of the nexus between work and identity meant that sociologists now had to turn their attention to areas which had to that point been somewhat overlooked.

The study of consumption by sociologists has relatively recent origins. While Marx and Veblen touched on consumption, their focus remained on class and occupational identities. That said, their early work in this area should not be discounted. Marx argued that by separating workers from ownership of the goods they produced and the means of that production, they were essentially being “estranged from their labour.”^[6] As we will see below, this estrangement can lead to disillusionment in employees. However, it should be noted that consumption, being aspirational, actually thrives on feelings of disillusionment. As Weber’s example above illustrates, it is difficult to sell a person who is content an illusion.

In their pioneering text on consumption, “The World of Goods”, Douglas and Isherwood noted with incredulity that, “it is extraordinary to discover that no one knows why people want goods.”^[7] They went on to put forward the argument that “consumers use goods to construct an intelligible universe and to make and maintain social relationships.”^[8]

One could perhaps argue that in contemporary British society identity and consumption have become one and the same. As the wealth of society as a whole has increased and family bonds have slowly eroded, people look to advertisements, their peer group and celebrities to assist them in identifying themselves. However, by creating an identity which is outside of themselves and which relies on imported meanings, they run the risk of the identity they present to the world being itself an illusion. When such an illusion is shattered, it can have serious consequences for that person and those around them.

Historically, British society has always been extremely class segregated. However, in modern British society, class wars have been to a large extent been replaced by battles of consumption. A particularly good example of this was the recent news that the Labour minister Ruth Kelly had made a decision to send her child to an expensive private school when a suitable state alternative existed. The arguments surrounding her decision clearly illustrate the extent to which choices about consumption can clash with a person’s public identity. The fact that Mrs Kelly is a Labour minister and former Education Secretary means to some people that she should not make decisions about her consumption of services which are contrary to party lines.

A clear example of this thinking is set out in Simon Jenkins recent article in the Guardian.^[9] He argues that:

“To remove a child from the state school system is rarely an educational choice, whatever euphemism is customarily applied. It is a social statement. Across class-bound Britain, the exclusive school, whether state or private, reinforces the great divide.”^[10]

Other commentators from within the Labour party went on record to state^[11]:

“I think it goes against the principles of the Labour Party. I am saddened by this and it makes me wonder about the sort of people who achieve high office who are in New Labour” (Birmingham Selly Oak MP Lynne Jones).

“I think we should expect Labour ministers to put their children through the state system. I deplore others transferring their children out of the system to go private” (Austin Mitchell, MP for Great Grimsby).

What underpins these statements is the underlying belief that a person’s true identity is revealed by their consumption decisions. Furthermore, if one believes in a certain cause, not to support that cause through consumption decisions is akin to betray. While the Labour party may no longer be the “worker’s party”, it is still the party that most fervently advocates the role of public services and those less well off. The difficulty then for Labour ministers is that with their own increasing affluence, they are more likely to want to make consumption decisions which are more akin to the upper middle classes as opposed to their traditional support base. This naturally causes friction and inevitably calls of hypocrisy when the illusion is discovered.

It should be noted that conspicuous consumption crosses divides of culture, race, age and religion. An interesting case in point is the Muslim Hijab which some women wear. These have now become “hot fashion items” for young Muslim women branded with for instance, Calvin Klein, Burberry, L’Oreal and Chanel logos. In this way, a Muslim woman can make the statment that while her religion is Muslim, her identity is Western.

Likewise, Fulla dolls have replaced Barbie dolls in many Middle Eastern countries where the doll is a best seller.^[12] The fact that Fulla’s popularity is about identity is clear in Mr Abidin’s (the brand manager behind the doll) statement:

“This isn’t just about putting the hijab on a Barbie doll. You have to create a character that parents and children will want to relate to. Our advertising is full of positive messages about Fulla’s character. She’s honest, loving, and caring, and she respects her father and mother.”

While one may question what relevance the sale of a doll in the Middle East might have in contemporary Britain, the point is that in a global, inter-dependant marketplace, the West no longer dictates the consumption agenda as it once did. And as new ideas and aspirations emerge, these then filter back into the consumption patterns of British society as people in Britain seek to communicate those aspirations through their consumption. The interesting irony is the way in which a consumer society has managed to incorporate all these conflicting and competing ideas, some which even argue against consumerism, into nice, consumable packages. This is perhaps what is at the heart of the statement “we are what we consume”; that even if we identify ourselves as being anti-consumer, the only way to communicate that message to others is through consumption itself.

Ritzer^[13] suggests four changes that have occurred within society as a result of the process of consumption. These changes are first, that people no longer have to go to different shops to obtain the goods they wish to purchase but can instead go to supermarkets or shopping centres which cater for all their needs under one roof. While this does on doubt create a more convenient shopping experience, it also creates a more sterile one as everything is controlled and there is little chance of anything out of the ordinary occurring.^[14]

Second, many of what he calls the “cathederals of consumption” such as Disney Land and Las Vegas, have become destinations in their own right. People are just as likely to go there to enjoy the sites for what they are/represent as they are to go there to consume the goods and services offered by them.^[15]

Third, customers are more likely to do more of the things employees previously did for them, for themselves for no pay. Clear examples of this are the checkouts at supermarkets, with many British supermarkets now having some type of self-checkout service, self-service petrol stations, and cash points.^[16]

Finally, the process of consumption has altered social interaction to such an extent that a consumer is more likely to interact with the sites as opposed to any other people.^[17]

In many cases, the people with whom a consumer is interacting during the consumption process are so scripted in their role that interaction on a human level is close to impossible. To a certain extent, those employers are trying to break down the roles that their employees perform to such an extent that they can eventually be replaced by machines. In circumstances such as these, it is hardly surprising that many workers feel disillusioned and seek, in their leisure time, to escape from the monotony of their unfulfilled lives through consumption. In this case, perhaps consumption isn’t conspicuous but rather innocuous.

Ratneshwar^[18] looks under the illusion created by many of these “cathedrals of consumption” and in a scathing indictment argues that the “underlying rationality and sheer manipulativeness of these places are more likely to remain hidden from consumers.” However, people who work in these places quickly become disillusioned and come to see them as places “largely devoid of meaningful content.” ^[19]

The interesting thing about modern consumption is that a person’s presence is never permanent. At the end of every day, everything is put back the way it was and when the shop/amusement park/cinema reopens the next day it is almost as if the previous day never happened. These places of consumption lack any historical or human dimension. They rely on people to give them meaning and yet, perhaps ironically, they themselves claim to be the givers of meaning. One could perhaps say that they sell back the meaning they have stolen from their customers (no doubt this would be Marx’s view).

That said, it would be difficult to argue that a middle class person living in Britain today is worse off, or would willing trade places, with a person living in the middle ages. Even though that person in the middle ages may have had a clear identity about themselves and their position in the world, that certainty constrains them in a way in which a modern person would not be willing to be constrained (although it is arguable that this is slowly changing and that people are becoming more constrained). The fundamental feature in a society of consumption is that we are all complicit in the illusion taking place. As Ruth Kelly has shown, our consumption habits make hypocrites of us all.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bourdieu, P. (1977), Outline of a Theory of Practice, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge

Belk, R. W. (1988), Third World Consumer Culture, in Goodwin, N. R., Ackerman, F. & Kiron, D. (1997), The Consumer Society, Island Press, Washington DC, pp.311-314

Bocock, R. (2001), Consumption, Routledge, London

Corrigan, P. (2006), The Sociology of Consumption: An Introduction, Sage Publications, London

The Daily Mail, Ruth Kelly named as Labour minister sending a child to private school, 8th January 2007, taken from http://www.dailymail.co.uk/pages/live/articles/news/news.html?in_article_id=427179&in_page_id=1770

Douglas, M. & Isherwood, B. (2005), The World of Goods, Routledge, London

Goodwin, N. R., Ackerman, F. & Kiron, D. (1997), The Consumer Society, Island Press, Washington DC

Jenkins, S., Introducing the minister of no faith in communities, in Guardian Unlimited, 10th January 2007, taken from http://www.guardian.co.uk/Columnists/Column/0,,1986631,00.html

The New York Times, Bestseller in Mideast: Barbie With a Prayer Mat, 22nd September 2005, taken from http://www.nytimes.com/2005/09/22/international/middleeast/22doll.html?ex=1285041600&en=72bb8cc089bf9435&ei=5090

Ransome, P. (2005), Work, Consumption and Culture: Affluence and Social Change in the Twenty-first Century, Sage Publications, London

Ratneshwar, S. & Mick, D. G. ed. (2005), Inside Consumption: Perspectives on Consumer Motives, Goals and Desires, Routledge, New York

Ritzer, G. (2005), Enchanting a Disenchanted World: Revolutionizing the Means of Consumption, Pine Forge Press

Smart, B. & Ritzer, G. ed. (2003), Handbook of Social Theory, Sage Publications Ltd, London

Storey, J. (1999), Cultural Consumption and Everyday Life, Arnold Publishing, London

Veblen, T. (1994), The Theory of the Leisure Class, Dover Publications, Ontario

Woodward, K. (2003), Social Sciences: The Big Issues, Routledge, London

1

It appears that educational success generally rises with family income, many sociologists see material deprivation as the major cause of inequality in educational success. Halsey, Heath and Ridge (1980) examined the education careers of males, and found that those from higher social backgrounds were much more likely to stay in education past the minimum leaving age than those from working class backgrounds. They pointed out that a major reason for this was the cost of staying in education, and this denied many working class people from gaining higher-level educational qualifications. Douglas (1967) also believed that poor living conditions in the home were major factors in educational failure. In a survey, he divided his sample into two groups: those who had sole use of household facilities, such as bathrooms, and those who did not. He found that the children living in ‘unsatisfactory’ condition scored much more poorly on tests that those in ‘satisfactory? conditions. Reason suggested for this include poor housing conditions and diet leading to ill health, leading to absence from school, and underperformance while there

Of course, sociologists from different schools of thought have very different opinions on such divisions within schools. Functionalists would argue that the inequalities that exist within the education system do so for positive reasons. Talcott Parsons argued that schools take over from the family as the primary source of socialisation, transmitting society’s norms and values and preparing children for their role in adult life. School provides the future workforce with the basic skills required to “enable them to respond toaˆ¦constantly changing occupational requirements” (Bilton, Bonnet, Jones, Stanworth,

Sheard & Webster, ‘Introductory Sociology’, 1987, Pg.308). Parsons believed that school is a meritocracy and, regardless of class, those with the ability to do well will flourish, entering the workforce at a more specialised level and those without that ability will do less well, entering the workforce at a more menial level. Thus, both will be prepared for their future role in society and the appropriate places within the labour market will be filled.

The functionalists view is a narrow one, and in this and other cases it has been accused of painting too rosy a picture of inequality – functionalists may argue that it is necessity for the success of society, that not everyone can achieve in school, go on to University

and consequently higher paid employment, but this offers little consolation to those who feel they are being or have been kept down by the education system. Parsons in particular has been criticised for failing to give “consideration to the possibility that the values

transmitted by the educational system may be those of a ruling minority rather than of society as whole” (Haralambos and Holborn, ‘Sociology Themes and Perspectives’, 1995, Pg.729). The fact that teachers are generally middle class themselves could mean that the

values being taught in school right away contradict those being taught at home, possibly leaving the child feel confused and unable to live up to conflicting standards.

Marxist Pierre Bourdieu argued that the role of the education system is to reinforce class differences. This, he believed, is achieved by promoting the ‘dominant cultureA? of the ruling classes in the classroom through the use of language, ensuring that working class

students will be less likely to understand and be understood. This disadvantages working class pupils, and by creating educational success and failure, reinforces class. Basil Bernstein expounded this theory with the notion that the different speech codes used by the middle and working classes causes divisions in itself. The ‘restricted codeA?, which is context bound and requires previous common knowledge between users, and the ‘elaborated code? which is not context-bound, and does not require previous common knowledge. He believed that middle class children are fluent in both codes, but that working class children are confined to the restricted code, and are therefore placed at a distinct disadvantage, because teachers use the elaborated code. Middle class children are therefore more likely to understand the teacher, and be understood themselves and consequently achieve more in school.

Marxists would generally argue that equality is impossible in a class-based society. As with functionalists, there is a belief in the link between education and the economy however, unlike functionalists – who see the link as a positive one, which serves to benefit industrial society – for Marxists, the education system exists in order to mould children into their class-defined roles in order to benefit capitalist society, thus it serves the bourgeoisie well and keeps the proletariat down.

Other factors inside the classroom can also determine educational success or failure. For example, concepts of labeling theory and self-fulfilling prophecy. These rely on the notion that if someone is labeled in a particular way, others will respond to their behavior in terms of that label, and the person will act in terms of that label, resulting in a self-fulfilling prophecy. This was illustrated in a study by Rosenthal & Jacobson, who selected a random sample of 20 pupils to take an IQ test and told the pupils’ teachers that they could be expected to show a significant intellectual development. After a year, the same pupils were re-tested and generally gained higher IQ scores. Rosenthal and Jacobson said that this improvement had occurred not just due to intellectual development, but because the children had been labelled in such a way that the teachers would have higher expectations of them, which they believed influenced pupils

performance – a self-fulfilling prophecy took place – pupils were expected to achieve more, so they did.

Similarly, in a study by R.C. Rist of kindergarten children, it appeared that teachers are more likely to perceive middle class children as being of higher ability than working class children (their class being judged by their appearance, use of language and previous

encounters the teachers may have had with the child’s parents), and treats them as such. He was also able to show, in keeping with Rosenthal & Jacobson’s study, that the children classified as being of higher ability performed better throughout their time in education. This suggests that because of labeling by teachers, working class

children may be placed at a distinct disadvantage.

In separate studies, Lacey and Hargreves examined the effects of streaming in schools, as was used in the tri-partite system in Britain in the post war period, and found that children from working class backgrounds were more likely to be placed in lower ability streams. They also found that in these classes, the children were denied high-quality teaching and knowledge, and that the teachers spent more time controlling behavior than teaching the class. This works to disadvantage those in the lower ability streams, thus, disadvantaging those from working class backgrounds.

It is worth pointing out, however, that none of these studies examined why teachers labeled working class students in this manner. As previously mentioned, the fact that most teachers are from middle class backgrounds themselves would seem to influence their impression of working class children – such personal preconceptions are unavoidably brought to the classroom, instantly putting working class children at an unfavorable disadvantage to their middle class peers.

However, it should also be mentioned that the methodology used in these studies has been brought into question. The afore mentioned study by Rosenthal & Jacobson in particular was criticized. Neither researcher had been present in the period that they suggested the teacher would have reacted more encouragingly towards the pupils, said

to culminate in the self fulfilling prophecy, meaning that the behavior of the teachers was mere speculation on the part of Rosenthal & Jacobson. Also, the quality of the tests they used was doubted, suggestions being made that their tests “were of dubious quality and were improperly administered.” (Haralambos and Holborn, ‘Sociology Themes and Perspectives’, 1995, Pg.764).

Unfortunately such accusations are often unavoidable in sociological research. Restrictions on funding, time etc. can often mean that lengthy research cannot be carried out in depth, resulting in, as in the case of the Rosenthal & Jacobson experiment, the researchers perhaps returning after a period to do further examinations, often having to choice but to make inferences about certain behaviors or actions. Ethical problems also place restrictions on some sociological research – again, in the case of Rosenthal & Jacobson, it could be said to be unethical to tamper with such an important thing as a

child’s education. It may have had positive results for the children in this case, but what if researchers wanted to prove that self fulfilling prophesies are also applicable in reverse – that if a child is though of badly, then they will behave badly? Such experiments undoubtedly have ethical implications yet the experiments themselves are important in sociology. How can society be studied without interaction with society? There are other ways in which research can be carried out – participants can be made aware of all aspects and implications of the experiment. However, this can cause an altered reaction in participants – they can become too aware of observations being carried out and modify their behavior accordingly. The sociological researcher must be aware of the possible difficulties and make a decision on whether or not the research should be carried out.

Through the studies and perspectives we have considered, it is undoubtedly the case that class division exists within the education system and even functionalists would not disagree that schools serve to reinforce such inequalities. It is in what harm or good these

damages do to society that sociologists must be concerned with. From what we have discussed here, it seems that there are many different explanations of class-based differences in educational success – the factors attributed to causing inequality in other areas can also be applied here. The reasons for class-based differences in education are

undoubtedly complex, as we have looked at here, and so it is difficult to determine a root cause.