Author: Andre Coleman

What shapes your self-concept of who you are? Discuss in relation to theories of the self in a social world.

The question of what actually shapes the self-concept of a person is one of the most complex topics in Psychology. The self and the development of the self-concept can be broken down in a series of explanations, which also depend on a number of characteristics such as social norms, gender roles, culture and many more. The essay will comprehend a number of explanations of how theories try to analyze the driving force or reasons behind the formation of the self-concept.

According to Murphy (1947) the self is “the individual known to the individual”. The perceptions and attitudes one holds towards oneself is what would define the self-concept. Psychologists have proposed various explanations of what the self-concept in fact is and what forms it. Higgins (1987) put forward the self-discrepancy theory which states that the difference between the actual, ideal and ought self forms the self. The actual self is the current self we are at present, whereas the ideal self strives to achieve the goals we think of as ideal and the ought self represents the self of how others would like us to be. The aim is to make ourselves feel good about us by erasing the differences between the actual self and our ideal/ought self (Dunning and Hayes, 1996). Higgins (1998) also suggested that the ought self also acts as a prevention of what not to do, therefore not expected by others. Merton’s self-fulfilling prophecy (1984) showed that other’s expectations can indeed change our behaviour, supporting the idea of the ought self. It is also supported by research out by Steele and Aronson (1995) who found that African-American students actually reduce effort and did not perform as well as they could have, because of less academic expectations put into them. Stainton Rogers (2003) presented a similar theory to Higgins (1987) but suggested that the self can be divided into three parts which mainly are: the personal self (an individual’s own conscious of oneself), the social self (classified by the social background the individual is in) and the relation self which relates to the relationships others have with the individual.

On the other hand, the explanation of possible selves by Markus and Nurius (1986) state that self consists of 2 parts: the vision of the self you dream of becoming i.e. the rich, successful etc. and the one you fear of i.e. the unemployed, the poor etc. This helps in having a specific goal to motivate us and to work towards to in order to achieve it. Lockwood and Kunda (1999) carried the idea further and found that models can inspire us to choose who we would like to be but also one should make sure that the model representing is indeed achievable. The image of a future model can also motivate us to make changes to one self e.g. quit smoking. However, Baumeister (1991) feared that not succeeding in who we want to be can have a negative effect on oneself, such as high levels of alcohol consumption.

Introspection is also put forward as an explanation to learn about oneself in which one privately thinks of who they are. Nisbett and Nilson (1977) emphasized on the fact that in reality we do not know why we act in a particular way in a specific situation but after the deed, we create logical theories explaining why we acted that way. It is misleading as Wilson and Kraft (1993) found that by creating reasons for their actions changed their behaviour, to match their stated reasons. As when introspecting we do not focus on the main driving force for the actions so it is likely to mislead our predictions about our actions in future.

Another distinctive theory put forward by Festinger (1954) relates the formation of the self-concept to something more complex rather than the theories explained so far. The social comparison theory proposes that in order to form one’s self-concept, individuals self-evaluate their behaviour by comparing their own behaviour to either a similar or dissimilar individual or to one’s own behaviour in the past, which in turn helps feeling affirmative about their own behaviour therefore reinforcing it. The temporal comparison describes the comparison of one’s present condition to the past. In social comparison, on the other hand, the individual compares their behaviour to others, referred to as the reference group. People mostly compare themselves to similar people to get approval for their own behaviour and to protect and boost one’s self esteem (Leary, 2001). It consists of two parts: downwards comparison and upwards comparisons (Bunk and Oldersma, 2001). Downwards comparison happens when one compares oneself to someone who is not doing as well as the individual, which as a result makes the individual feel better oneself. Upwards comparisons though occurs when the reference group is someone who is doing better, but also making the individual feel better, in a way to try and improve their own situation. However, Taylor and Lobel (1989) goes against this as they said that the individual will feel depressed and anxious if the reference group will always have someone more successful, rich, clever etc. in it.

Social identification theory (Tajfel and Turner, 1979) proposing that the membership of social groups affects our behaviour and relates to who we are contradicts the social comparison theory as it states that we are mainly representing our social group of how we interact and identify ourselves rather than relating each other to individuals on a one-to-one basis. Furthermore, Tajfel et al. (1979) state that identifying oneself with a social group gives one positive self-esteem. Self-esteem also plays an important part in forming the self-concept, discussed in following research.

Higgins (1987) found that people with low self-esteem often give up quickly and are more likely to be depressed if they fall short of their hopes. Also, people are more likely to be anxious if they feel they fell short of what they ought to be. Similarly, low and high self esteem can be linked to low and high self-efficiency, respectively. The self-efficiency theory (Bandura, 1989) states that it is not only determined by past interactions of what we are able to accomplish but also current interactions to the environment and people. This idea is supported by Collins (1982) as he looked at children with varying mathematical skills and either were low or high self efficient. He asked them to do a mathematical task and found that those who had a high level of self-efficiency performed better and did not give up if stuck, whereas this was less true for the children with low self-efficiency levels as they gave up quickly and were slower in solving the problem regarding their skills they had.

Furthermore, Weinberg et al. (1979) carried out a study in which they raised or lowered participants’ self-efficiency beliefs by giving them fake feedback on how well they performed on competitive tasks. They found that in following physical endurance tasks, those with a higher feedback did clearly better and tried to succeed even if problems aroused, whereas in the other group participants gave up much quicker and were not so enthusiastic about succeeding. This supports the self-efficiency theory and also supporting the belief that the levels of self-efficiency we have can give us a mental image of what we are and how we will act or perform.

Nevertheless, the self-perception theory (Bem, 1972) suggests that we learn about ourselves by observing how we act and that self-concept is developed through social impact behaviour. If there is no force to choose a particular behaviour and one does it with their own consent, one draws conclusions that this is what we are like and therefore the behaviour reflects us. However, Markus (1977) said that it is the reflection of past experiences, which form through the self-schema model, that are useful in processing information relevant to the self. It also proposed that information learned from the treatment of people towards us, makes us perceive specific behaviour about ourselves, e.g. being funny because people laughed wherever I go. This process is called reflected appraisal. Cooley (1902) put forward the looking glass theory suggesting for developing oneself it is crucial to get feedback from others. Also, Mead (1934) called this process the ‘reflexive self’, as one observes, reacts to and plans subsequent behaviour.

An important part of how we perceive ourselves also relates to gender differences, which none of the theories above mentioned. Guimond et al. (2007) stated that gender is not only important for differentiating between genders but gender also plays an important part in determining for we respond, interact and most importantly perceive ourselves. In addition, Cross and Madson (1977) noted that one of the most basic gender differences relating to self-concept is that women are more likely to develop as being interdependent, whereas men are more likely to develop independence. However, a weakness of this model is that it does not state a specific reason to why men and women differ in self-construal.

Last but not least, one could argue that behaviour vary mostly among cultures so theories or explanations for the self described so far are not taking culture into account so it cannot represent everyone. As Marsella et al. (1994) argues that “despite much the psychological research into the self, it is still irrelevant to a large part of the world.” G.H. Mead (1934) expressed the importance of social interaction in developing the self as he belies that social interaction does form the self-concept, however, it is not only the interaction that helps, but also the social norms, personal beliefs and cultural patterns.

Moreover, research carried out by Simpsons (2000) found that 85% of people believe that it is possible to be whoever one wants to be in American culture. American culture which is an individualistic society gives more value to independence and freedom, which gives it more freedom to choose how you want to see yourself. But this is less true for a collectivist society as in Korea, people rate tradition and shared practices as being more important in contrast to developing a unique self-concept (Choi and Choi, 2002), supporting the belief of how cultural differences can affect the formation of one’s self-concept.

Likewise, Markus (2001) supported the idea as well, as Korean ads are more likely to feature people together rather than giving importance on a personal choice or uniqueness of oneself. Also emphasizing the differences, Boneva and Frieze (2001) found that people from individualistic culture value work and achievement more, thereby giving more importance to forming a self-identity and uniqueness, when resettling in a new country rather than being interested for relationships and family. In addition, self-esteem, which leads to the formation of one’s self-concept, does also vary among different cultures. Gray-Little and Hafdahl (2000) carried out comparisons of 261 studies of more than half a million of people and found that black people had higher self-esteem scores than for people. However, high levels of self-esteem can also cause problems. Baumeister, Campbell, Krueger and Vohs (2003) emphasized on the fact that low self-esteem can lead to aggression and negativity towards others whereas, however high self esteem can lead to bullying, narcissism etc. (Baumeister, Campbell, Krueger and Vohs (2005). Such behaviour triggered by the levels of self-esteem can result in what we are and how we perceive ourselves, thus forming our self-concept.

Compare and contrast any two theories of social disorder in contemporary UK society

In UK’s society, like in many other Modern society’s Life is ordered in a certain way, They live in what is called a democratic society where everyone in theory has a voice and is heard and everyone gets to help pick who is in power or rather they get the freedom of making a choice. Those that are placed in power by the majority of the society in theory help maintain the social balance and laws that will govern that society in a certain way. This type of society is arranged in a certain order and those that live in this society are accustomed to life having an order and an acceptable set of rules in which they live within. This is social order an accepted Group belief on the ways of life in the society. The people who live in these society’s are accustomed to its order and anything or anyone that disrupts their order are seen as a threat to their beliefs and on their ways of life these people are a seen as a disruptive or called and disruptive element and are said to bring disorder. This behavior can be categorized as antisocial or Social Disorder. But who gets to decide on what is actually classed as order and what is classed as disorder?”

To be able to provide an answer to the question about theories of disorder in contemporary UK Society. An understanding of social order and where it comes from needs to be understood. Then looking at why social disorder is, and how it affects society on a whole.

By doing so a better idea of UK societies is gained and why order is so important and why disorder can become such an issue to society. Looking first at Social order and how people get accustomed to order.

People get used to their society working in a certain way it becomes a natural accepted way of life to them. But who decides on this way of life and what the order should be. An attempt can be made to try to show this by comparing and contrasting the works of two social scientists Erving Goffman and Michel Foucault (Silva pp.316).

According to Geoffman’s Apotheosis people come together in many ways. Society is not a separate entity with needs of its own but rather instead, society is a construction of many individual parts these parts made up of actions and interactions of many parts. Society is like a vast network of individual parts and that social order is caused by action put together by its individual parts. These are not repeated the same every time, as actions are made remade, worked and reworked all the time. This can simply best be summed up in saying. Interactional order creates social order (Silva pp 317).

In comparison when the work of the social scientist Michel Foucault is looked at, He examined how the social order is organized and shaped. Foucault claimed society is made and remade through, power of discourses and authoritative knowledge. His apotheosis was that the dominant ways of thinking, Came from ether an authoritative entity, professionals and experts in positions of authority and that the order in society is made from alterative power and discourse. Foucault says that “in any given historical period, ways of thinking and talking are organized in systems of discourses”. These discourses can be seen as what determines the dominant ways of thinking and subsequently what the order in the society will be (Silva pp.319-324).

In the comparison between the work of Geoffman and Foucault, They both have different apotheosis as has been shown earlier and both gave a strong explanation on how order is created in society and where it comes from. Both had their own merits but Foucault Seems apart from lacking to take the creative process of the individual into account uses a scientific basis to his apotheosis which helps to add to the validity of his claims and this builds a stronger apotheosis than the one put across by Geoffman.

Now that a basic idea on what social order is has been gained its now time to take a look at what social disorder is, who creates it. To gain a better a basic idea of social disorder the works of the two social scientists Stuart Hall and Stanley Cohen, have been used and will be compared and contrast.

So let’s first look at what is social Disorder? Social disorder can be said to be any thing differing from ‘normal’. There is no universally recognized definition as to what contributes social disorder, disorderly/anti-social (which people are identified as anti-social or disorderly) or essential definition of certain things being ‘right’ and others ‘wrong’. The definition of disorderly or ‘anti-social’ is actually constructed in specific societies and therefore differs between places. Indeed, the very term ‘anti-social’ is of relatively recent origin (Kelly, Toynbee.pp367-368). And such definitions are potentially an issue of conflict and power. This leads to the issue of the value-laden nature of defining disorderly/anti-social behaviors’ and people via law, social policy and media. A definition of disorderly/anti-social behavior is also a concept invoked by communities, an imagined ‘we’ who judge some activities and people as disorderly/anti-social in the separated, yet overlapping, social space, Toynbee.pp368). Antisocial behavior’ has now become a catch-all term to describe anything from noisy neighbors and graffiti to kids hanging out on the street. Indeed, it appears that almost any kind of unpleasant behavior can now be categorized as antisocial or Social Disorder.

Stanley Cohen puts forward the Apotheosis on social disorder that society’s media over reacts to an aspect of a group or individual’s behavior which may be seen as a challenge to existing social normality. However, the type of media response and the way it deals with the representation of that behavior will actually helps to define it, communicate it and portray it to society as a model for others to observe and adopt in their own way. He puts forward that the way group or individuals behavior represented in the media causes moral panic and that the fears generated are out of all proportion to the scale of the actual behavior which is the subject of the panic by society and will arguable fuel yet further sociably unacceptable behavior. (Kelly, Toynbee.pp378)

Stuart Hall and his colleagues employing Cohen’s definition of moral panic theorized that the “rising crime rate equation” has an ideological function relating to social control. Crime statistics, in Hall’s view, are often manipulated for political and economic purposes. Moral panics (e.g. over mugging) could thereby be ignited in order to create public support for the need to “police the crisis.” this was the creation of a ‘Law and Order society’.

The media played a central role in this new law and order Society “in order to reap the rewards of lurid crime stories. After a period of stabilized consent the government relationship to the British society was starting to begin to crack and was coming to an end, in the form of social and political dissent. This dissent ranged from strikes and industrial unrest, intense political and military conflict in Northern Ireland, to the emergence of new social movements trying to promote or provoke social change. (Kelly, Toynbee.pp371)

The British state those that are those in authority the most rich or powerful in society e.g. government, police, judges, politicians and lords used a crack down on crime and violence, particularly among young men of ethnic origin. This changed the status and the state it became a definer’ of disorder. The media then taking the cue from those in power made use of terminology, for instance the word ‘mugging ‘and extended it in society eyes, giving them a popular ring. This helped cover the deep-seated causes of social conflict, chiefly inequality, and the original social issues were now masked and turned into a moral and legal struggle e.g. violence’. This was the birth of a ‘Law and Order society'(Kelly, Toynbee.pp380)

In conclusion in this essay it was shown what social order was and how it works and how disorder is made and used examples of how order works and about disorder was used to build a full picture. First by Geoffman who saw society as a network of individuals interacting. Then by Foucault who saw society as controlled and dominated by the powerful and authorities. Then we looked Stanley Cohen theories about media manipulating and escalating disorder in contemporary UK society and in part causing grater disorder in society. Then finally, Stuart Hall theory that social disorder was used as a way of manipulating issues and discord in society and that the media was used as a tool to suit there means.

So to conclude society in UK is a democracy where we vote for who has the power then those who are in power use the media to manipulate and escalate to cover deep-seated causes of social conflict and they become the definers of what social disorder is and use it as required to keep stability in their society. They become the definer of social disorder and can change it to suit there political and social needs.

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Self Reflection

On reflection I have totally enjoyed this assignment I found it has given me a large challenge translating the information given into an acceptable essay. Through putting this essay together I have learned a lot. The hardest thing was actually putting my essay together. The research into how to achieve the required results was the best bit

Introduction

Who am I? What makes me the person I am today? We might have thought about these questions at least once in our life and yet, we are still figuring out the answer. To explain oneself about identity is not a simple task. A lot of internal and external factors should be considered in the making of our identity. Identity is important in our life as it represents how we are being accepted or rejected in a society. Is it the differences that brought us together in the world we live or the similarities? Basically, we as the species of Homo sapiens are made from the essence of biological structures. Our ancestors (Barker, 1999) are always becoming the parameter to determine ourselves as who we are as it indicates our origin and how we live our life since from the beginning of our descendant throughout the history as an ‘unchanging truth’ (Woodward, 1997: 12). This outlook of identity is supported by the essentialist theories, which suggested that identity is seen as a set of fixed characteristics, which do not change over the time (Woodward, 1997). In understanding the sexuality and gender identities, essentialism claims that our physical body sets a boundary of who we are and provide the basis of our identity (Woodward, 1997). However, does that mean it gives us the true meaning of identity? Every human being is so unique to one another. Even the biologically twin siblings have different DNAs and possess extremely opposite characters. This can lead us to the question, does our identities developed by the nature or against the nurture? As one’s identity of a member in a particular marginalized group is being undermined, it becomes a major turning point for the political movements (Woodward, 1997). It is argued by many theorists that identity can be seen in a wider perspective rather than the essentialist identities for example identity as an ongoing process (Barker, 1999), identity as constructed with the ‘natural closure of solidarity and allegiance established foundation’ (Hall, 1996: 2) and identity as social construction (Butler, 1990). Until today, the viewpoints of identity between the essentialist and non-essentialist remain collide in academics debates.

The Concepts of Essentialist Identity

Identity is so crucial in one’s life and exists at many stages, as it may be located in the ‘global, national, local and personal levels’ (Woodward, 1997: 1) Without identity, one might feel being estranged within the society, treated differently from the others and that could bring problems afterwards. But does by possessing an identity is adequate enough to be considered as part of the society? What kind of identity is recognized as ‘the one’, which fits within?

In his article, ‘He moves about in Wonderland: Theories of identity and strategic essentialism’, Eduardo Barrera suggested essentialist identities are ‘theoretically dead’ and non-essentialist identities are ‘exhausted’. He criticized that essentialist identities are often characterized by ‘stability, that is, it already implied a fixed identity’. He prefigures this critique in Alice’s response to the Caterpillar and his implicitly Cartesian question taken from Alice in the Wonderland story:

“Who are you?” said the Caterpillar. Alice replied, rather shyly “I-I hardly know, Sir, just at present – at least I know who I was when I got up this morning, but I think I must have been changed several times since then.” “What do you mean by that?” said the Caterpillar, sternly. “Explain yourself!” “I can’t explain myself, I’m afraid Sir,” said Alice, “because I’m not myself, you see.”

Here in this example, it can be understood that the Caterpillar is representing the essentialism where he seeks to find the fixed identity which ‘do not alter across the time’ (Woodward, 1997: 11) in Alice’s answer. Alice on the other hand represents the non-essentialism where she explained that she has been changed several times, which means her identity is unstable and thus it is hard for her to identify herself. She focuses on the differences of the characteristics (Woodward, 1997) she had across the time. This is only an example to reflect one aspect of essentialism concept of identity.

Apart from this, essentialism claims on different foundation as such ‘political movements can seek some certainty in the affirmation of identity through appeals either to the fixed truth of shared past or to biological truths’ (Woodward, 1997: 13). That shows identity is viewed as ‘historical truth about identity’ (Woodward, 1997: 19) passed from one generation to another within the culture and across the centuries without any changes taking place. For example, the Chinese people have been using chopsticks as their utensils for eating purposes since the era of its Emperor more than hundreds of years ago and even now in the twenty-first century, where everything has been modernized, they are still using those utensils as part of their eating style. That is how the Chinese consume their food and that makes their identity as the Chinese remains the same over the time. But does by using chopsticks as your eating style is enough to make you a real Chinese? Then what do we call those people for example from the Middle-East, who use chopsticks as well but they have nothing to do with the Chinese, historically or biologically? Are they considered to have the Chinese identity? Woodward (1997: 19) in her example of English identity questioned “Could there be one, authentic English past which can be used to support and define ‘Englishness’ as a late-twentieth-century identity?” If identity according to essentialism is fixed and transhistorical, then whose history is more valid to conform the identity? For instance, the history of Dutch as one of the colonial powers who conquered a few parts of the world but what about the history of those people who have been colonized? How the colonized people view or have the ideology of Dutch? Both views about the identity of Dutch are historically true but whose ‘historical truth about identity counts’ (Woodward, 1997:19)? As Woodward (1997: 20) mentioned, “Histories are contested, not least in the political struggle for recognition of identities”. The recognition of identities is continually being explored by looking at the differences in the concepts of cultural identity and seeking the traits of authentication identity under the same past. This is supported by Stuart Hall in his article, ‘Cultural identity and diaspora’ (1990) where he acknowledges two main key points of thinking about cultural identity. The first one exhibits the position where a community try to find the truth about its past in the same shared history and culture which then be represented through languages, symbols, artifacts, discourse and so on. The second concept of cultural identity as Hall suggests it as ‘a matter of “becoming” as well as of “being”‘. It is noted that Hall does not deny that identity has its past but this kind of past endures continuous alteration and that we eventually recreate of what it is known as the historical identities. This recreation of identities may vary from one another and takes a long time to reach from one structure to another and occurs within the culture. Hall argues that in order to recognize the difference, the meaning is never fixed or complete. Thus, there is always a fluidity of identity (Woodward, 1997: 21).

Interestingly, Chris Barker (1990: 3) also suggests the same idea about identity in which he quoted, “By identity project is meant the idea that identity is not fixed but created and built on, always in process, a moving towards rather than an arrival.” This project is based on what we think of our identity of the past that reflects in our present time and afterwards make us think of how we would like to be in the future. For example, it is clear that Asian teenage girls are more reserve and polite as it is what they should become according to their ancestors tradition which has been passed from mother to daughter. In certain point, they cannot challenge or give out their opinion against the elders in their family and if they do, they are considered to be rude. In simple words, they are not allowed to voice out their opinion unless they are becoming adults and hold a responsibility. However, that fixed identity of Asian teenage girls is less likely to be seen in today’s society. It is undeniable that in certain part of Asia, this kind of identity is still being practice but there is some progress in another part of Asia that this identity has evolved where in certain families, the teenage girls’ voice is also being considered important. Besides, they are even encouraged to speak up their mind when there is a situation in the family. This kind of new identity might be adopted and influenced from the television through globalization as Barker (1990) points out identity is becoming more complex when we have more resources. That is Barker (1990: 4) suggests, “The process of globalization provides us with just an increased level of cultural resources.” Though television might not be the main factor that can construct and change one identity, it is unquestionably that it gives us the ideology of how one can have some particular identity for particular reason by representing the meanings and messages of the others (Barker, 1990). We tend to make sense of what we see in the television with our real daily life and television has been a major resource since then. It is therefore the concept of cultural identity according to Barker (1990: 7) “Does not refer to a universal, fixed, or essential identity but to a contingent, historically and culturally specific social construction to which language is central.” Further, identity can also be argue as not a single but multiple identities one can have where it is being ‘cross-cut and dislocate’ (Barker, 1990: 8) within time and space. For example, the black identity referred to essentialism would be those people who are born in Africa but what about the people who their national identity is not African but American or British? The black American or the black British might have different experience from the white American and British where their identities are much more complex and vary. Thus the meaning of American-ness, Britishness, blackness and so forth are not subject to be fixed and single but instead it is ‘a process that will never finished or completed’ (Barker, 1990: 28). Identity can be viewed as different forms of categorizations such as nationality, gender, social status, race, religion, ethnicity and many more. Indeed, there is no specific ‘essence’ to what identity is (Barker, 1990: 28).

Sexuality and Gender Identity

Identity according to essentialist is seen as being inherited and passed from one generation to another. It is made up from the internal element rather than the external influences. That is, what runs in your veins is the primary fundamental nature of becoming who you are. It suggests we are how we are because of the genetic composition we undergone when we were in the womb (Woodward, 1997).

Generally, in our common sense knowledge we see our body as a ‘natural, biological entity’ (Woodward, 1997: 73). In this point of view, naturalistic claim that our body is simply base on biological unit in which the structure of one self and society are founded (Woodward, 1997). The sex of a newborn child is determined whether ‘a penis is present at birth’ (Woodward, 1997: 75). It is the male sex chromosome, XY, which form the penis. If the ‘Y’ component is not there, then it will turn out to be a vagina, which comprise of XX component known as the female sex chromosome. When the body reached puberty, the hormonal changes will take place governed by the sex chromosome genotype and develop the sex characteristics of our body (Woodward, 1997). However, the external factors such as the lifestyle can also contribute to the development of sexual characteristics (Woodward, 1997). Woodward (1997:73) stated, “Naturalistic views hold that inequalities are not socially constructed, contingent and reversible but are given by the determining power of the biological body.” This lay on the matter of sexuality and gender inequalities (Woodward, 1997). Giving a situation, women are always being seen as weak and vulnerable because biologically, their body system is structured with the hormones that have strong relations to emotions and feelings. The estrogen level in female body which is higher than the estrogen level in male body has always become the reason for that. Thus, in nature, women are always being treated unequally as compared to men. To one extent, women are seen or deem as dirt. Besides, women also have been located in a very low status. For example, it is always accepted for men to be playful and ‘sleeping around’ with women but it is always wrong for women to do the same thing because as expected, it is not in the women’s nature to have that kind of behavior. Instead, for women who do the same thing like man in that matter, they will be considered as cheap or even worst will be labeled as the slut. It is normal for men to have that behavior but a bad thing for women to do so. Men on the other hand, are viewed as strong and dominant, again, by the nature of the biological system men possessed. Their hormone which is the male hormone known as testosterone (Woodward, 1997), somehow seem to relate them less with ‘vulnerable emotions’ and focuses more on the physical ability. Physically, the body differences between men and women do exists and cannot be denied thus make men looks or perceived as more stronger than women. Both female and male have the testosterone and estrogen hormones (Woodward, 1997: 75) but the level of differences of each hormone divides the obvious characteristics of female and male. Thus, would it be possible for both sexes to overlap? Does the overlapping process will establish the sexual and gender identity of one? Hence, do sex and gender constructed by the biological process or by social construction? As Butler (1990: 9) argues, “Originally intended to dispute the biology-is-identity formulation, the distinction between sex and gender serves the argument that whatever biological intractability sex appears to have, gender is culturally constructed: hence, gender is neither the casual result of sex nor seemingly fixed as sex. The unity of the subject is thus already potentially contested by the distinction that permits of gender as a multiple interpretation of sex.” That is, whatever sex the children had when they were born, that does not guarantee what gender they may become in their adolescence stage and finally adulthood. The journalist, author and novelist John Colapinto tells the true story of John/Joan case in the book entitled, ‘As nature made him: The boy who was raised as a girl’:

David Reimer was one of the most famous patients in the annals of medicine. Born in 1965 in Winnipeg, he was 8 months old when a doctor used an electrocautery needle, instead of a scalpel, to excise his foreskin during a routine circumcision, burning off his entire penis as a result. David’s parents (farm kids barely out of their teens) were referred to Johns Hopkins Hospital in Baltimore, home of the world’s leading expert in gender identity, psychologist Dr. John Money, who recommended a surgical sex change, from male to female. David’s parents eventually agreed to the radical procedure, believing Dr. Money’s claims that this was their sole hope for raising a child who could have heterosexual intercourse-albeit as a sterile woman with a synthetic vagina and a body feminized with estrogen supplements.

For Dr. Money, David was the ultimate experiment to prove that nurture, not nature, determines gender identity and sexual orientation-an experiment all the more irresistible because David was an identical twin. His brother, Brian, would provide the perfect matched control, a genetic clone raised as a boy.

David’s infant “sex reassignment” was the first ever conducted on a developmentally normal child. (Money had helped to pioneer the procedure in hermaphrodites.) And according to Money’s published reports through the 1970s, the experiment was a success. The twins were happy in their assigned roles: Brian a rough and tumble boy, his sister Brenda a happy little girl.

The reality was far more complicated. At age 2, Brenda angrily tore off her dresses. She refused to play with dolls and would beat up her brother and seize his toy cars and guns. In school, she was relentlessly teased for her masculine gait, tastes, and behaviors. She complained to her parents and teachers that she felt like a boy; the adults-on Dr. Money’s strict orders of secrecy-insisted that she was only going through a phase. Meanwhile, Brenda’s guilt-ridden mother attempted suicide; her father lapsed into mute alcoholism; the neglected Brian eventually descended into drug use, pretty crime, and clinical depression.

When Brenda was 14, a local psychiatrist convinced her parents that their daughter must be told the truth. David later said about the revelation: “Suddenly it all made sense why I felt the way I did. I wasn’t some sort of weirdo. I wasn’t crazy.”

David soon embarked on the painful process of converting back to his biological sex. A double mastectomy removed the breasts that had grown as a result of estrogen therapy; multiple operations, involving grafts and plastic prosthesis, created an artificial penis and testicles. Regular testosterone injections masculinised his musculature. Yet David was depressed over what he believed was the impossibility of his ever marrying. He twice attempted suicide in his early 20s.

David did eventually marry a big-hearted woman named Jane, but his dark moods persisted. He was plagued by shaming memories of the frightening annual visits to Dr. Money, who used pictures of naked adults to “reinforce” Brenda’s gender identity and who pressed her to have further surgery on her “vagina.”

When David was almost 30, he met Dr. Milton Diamond, a psychologist at the University of Hawaii and a longtime rival of Dr. Money. A biologist by training, Diamond had always been curious about the fate of the famous twin, especially after Money mysteriously stopped publishing follow-ups in the late 1970s. Through Diamond, David learned that the supposed success of his sex reassignment had been used to legitimize the widespread use of infant sex change in cases of hermaphrodites and genital injury. Outraged, David agreed to participate in a follow-up by Dr. Diamond, whose myth-shattering paper (co-authored by Dr. Keith Sigmundson) was published in Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine in March 1997 and was featured on front pages across the globe.

This is a story about a boy who didn’t have the choice to choose what gender he supposed he’d like to have. It is clear that the female sex characteristics as well as the gender identity were asserted and injected into his body in order to change him from a boy to a girl not just physically but mentally. He had to undergo psychological process to affirm him that he is a girl and the way his parents treated him as a girl. However, his body kept on resisting those projections. It turned out to be the other way round and everything went wrong. He even experienced identity crisis where he felt that he was trapped in someone else’s body but could not find the solutions for that entire crisis he had. He went through all the ‘construction process’ without even had any slightest idea that he was born a boy. Hence, this case is different from the case were the transgendered, who undergone surgical treatment to transform their sex, by chance, had the choice to choose in which they make their own decision and thus socially constructed their identity by that process. It is remarkable that this case is relevance in supporting the essentialism theories about identity explicitly about sex and gender identity. The social construction process had failed to shape him as a girl. Instead, when he reached puberty and when he knew the truth about his original sex identity, he finally can appear to relate and make sense of the nature of his body. Referring to this case, the question of ‘nature vs. nurture’ has finally found the answer.

Identity Politics

According to Woodward (1997:24), “Identity politics involve claiming one’s identity as a member of an oppressed or marginalized group as a political point of departure and thus identity becomes a major factor in political mobilization.” The hope and aspirations for these groups of oppressed people lies in the new social movements that have been emerged in the 1960s in the West where they can either celebrate their uniqueness as well as analyze any particular oppression occurred (Woodward, 1997). In understanding this uniqueness, it engages biological trait of identity and also the historical fixed truth (Woodward, 1997). For example, how many women are there who been given positions as CEOs in companies or at least in the top hierarchical management? Mostly, the men dominate these positions in corporate world as well as in the public service. Why does this situation occur? It is true that there are women who possess these high statuses but still, it is just the minority. Is it because women’s biological role as mothers which makes them intrinsically more soft and serene (Woodward, 1997) become the grounds for men to suppress women’s right in holding those positions? Feminism might have been fighting for women’s right about this issue since ages. In contradiction within feminism itself, there is also Black civil rights where they defend against the acknowledgment of women’s assumption in the movement categorization of women where that category is seen as white women (Woodward, 1997). Besides, sexual politics gives impact in the life of gay and lesbian as well. As they are perceived as ‘immoral and abnormal’ (Woodward, 1997) by society, it is difficult for those who openly declared their sexual orientation, to be given a particular job fairly or even accepted within peers or colleagues or even worst, in the family itself. In fact, they have to keep their sex orientation a secret and struggling in their daily life not to expose their true identity while the more so called normal heterosexual can easily and openly live their life as opposed to homosexual.

Conclusion

In conclusion, there is no clear-cut definition of what identity is. It can be seen there are arguments from two distinctive points of views in between the essentialism and the non-essentialism. There are two key points from essentialism perspective. First, identity is naturally biological fixed and seen as biology entity one possesses. Second, identity is culturally unchanging across the time within the history that brings the concept of belongingness. Non-essentialism on the other hand argues that identity is more fluid and contingent. Thus, identity is seen more likely to be constructed within the society as an ongoing process. It is the byproduct of many interventions and ‘intersection of different components’ (Woodward, 1997: 28). However as Woodward (1997:28) argues, “Contingent identity poses problems for social movements as political projects, especially in asserting the solidarity of those who belong.” In determining one’s sexuality and gender, it is crucial that every decision made fits within the capability of oneself. That is, the body belongs to whom it possess. It is not in anyone’s position to decide who should become ‘male or female’ but lies within the owner of the body. The consequences of both theories may give great impact in our life. According to Freund’s work (1982, 1990) focuses on the body’s inferior in, “There is evidence to suggest that being in stressful situations, which contradict our sense of who we are, can have neuro-hormonal consequences that adversely affect blood pressure and our immune systems. Overwhelming emotional episodes such as anger and hostility, anxiety and depression, and feelings of hopelessness and helplessness have also been linked to damaging physiological changes – primarily concerned with our nervous and endocrine systems (the latter referring to glands that secrete hormones directly into the bloodstream)” (Woodward, 1997: 85). This, can relate to the case of John/Joan, where he at the end of his life, committed suicide for the burden he carried by going through different phases of gender confusions in his life.

Bibliography
Barker, C. (1999) Introduction: Television, Globalization. In C. Barker. Television, Globalization and Cultural Identities. Buckingham: Open University Press.
Butler, J. (1990) Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. London: Routledge.
Colapinto, J. (2000) As Nature Made Him: The Boy Who Was Raised As A Boy. Great Britain: Quartet Books.
Hall, S. (1996) Who Needs ‘Identity’. In S. Hall and Paul du Gay (eds) Wuestions of Cultural Identity. London: Sage.
Rutherford, J (1990) A Place Called Home. In J. Rutherford (ed) Identity. London: Lawrence and Wishart.
Woodward, K. (1997) Introduction and Concepts of Identity and Difference. In K. Woodward (ed) Identity and Difference. London: Sage.
Barrera, E. In an article He moves about in Wonderland: Theories of Identity and Strategic Essentialism. El Paso: University of Texas.

There have been a number of theories put forward by various Institutions, Organizations, Authors, Scholars, Researchers, and Development practitioners, somehow to explain the problem why the issue of gender varies from region to region and why implementing gender equality, and female empowerment is lower than expected in SSA. Amongst these theories are the Inequality and the Modernization theory used in this project to explain the wide gender problems existing in SSA. Borrowing from the words of John Martenussen, most of these theories have been propounded by Western and North American authors and have been termed growth and development theories. (Martenussen, 1997; p.51) As far as this project is concern, I am going to use the parts of the theories that are relevant to the project.

The Inequality Theory:

The origin of gender Inequality between men and women has been one of the most intellectual debates after the rise of modern feminism. Great thinkers in the history of ideas such as Aristotle and Thomas Quinas suggested speculative interpretation of gender differences. Continuously, nineteenth century evolutionary theorist such as Bachofen and Karl Marx consider various possible evolutionary sequences in organization kinship and gender relations. Some early efforts aimed at justifying existing institutions and others to question them sound like contemporary standard. The argument behind the origin of feminist analyses is the ideological implication of female subordination over the centuries. Also, there have been a high superior prevalence of male status across time, space and social circumstances that are beyond denial especially in SSA. Therefore the pervasiveness of male dominance is the absolute aim of analyzing gender differences. The question that arises is that “how can the apparent universal subordination of female be reconciled with equality in SSA with it strong traditional background? (Robert Marx Johnson 2005 p; 30).

Assumptions of the Inequality Theory:

Firstly, Inequality theory explains the biological difference between men and women which is inescapable, amongst race, class, culture and tradition irrespective of being developed or underdeveloped. According to Linsey 2007, sex is the biological difference between men and women while gender is the social construction of sexes considering race, politics, social, economic, culture and traditional background. This cultures and traditions vary from place to place and from culture to culture. These cultures that are learned change with time within and between cultures. (Linsey 2007, P; 97)

Following this sex distinction between male and female, some advanced societies (Western and North American societies) have tried to narrow down the gender gap by empowering females, by redefining laws and ignoring others to enhance development. That notwithstanding, the distinction still persists and would always be there because no matter all the feminist analyses on sex and gender, humans would never revert nature on this perspective. Research have proven that no amount of theorist thinking can subtle the simple fact of biological distinction, therefore inequality would persistently exist no matter what. The question that ponders my mind is, why Sub-Saharan Africa is still lacking behind to comprehend culture and tradition to reduce the wide gender gap, thereby empowering females to enhance development?.

Secondly, content and expression of this biological difference is exaggerated in the situation in SSA. Tracing back from history until date, most of the hardest and most commanding jobs are carried out by men therefore inequality is bound to exist between sexes. The fact that men are a stronger sex to resist extreme hash conditions makes them dominant irrespective of sex division. Complex cultural societies are build up by institution that keeps men at a dominant position. This make the female sex constantly relegated at the background. The norms and values that govern these complex societies (SSA) procure men at the forefront. By respecting this norms and values women would be hardly seen in the public spheres. (Sushama Sahay, in king and Hill Anne. p; 89)

Thirdly, Inequality theory try to make some kind of biological differences that are sufficient and necessary to persistently cause inequality between sexes and puts men at a commanding and dominant position. There are three imputed biological differences that have received much attention by the inequality view, such as reproduction by females, physical capacity and predisposition toward violence. “Anthropologists largely agree that women have hardly occupied position of higher status or political power than men in any society anywhere, anytime” (Buthler 2006) Some feminist theorist argue that, reproduction everywhere is done by females that subordinates their position to men, others say that men are physically dominant in their actions and activities and set rules that are of their own advantage. Some theorist argue that men are very aggressive than women, that put them at a dominant position thereby creating inequality between the both sexes. (Buthler 2006 P; 78)

Lastly, apart from huge gender inequality and female empowerment sluggishness in SSA, inequality can also be traced amongst races and class. There have been and there are still traces of inequality amongst the white race and black race as well as amongst the upper and lower class group. There are two different kinds of historical inequality, example that can illustrate this point. First of all, I will want to look back at the history of colonialism and neocolonialism in SSA by the west that alone speak volumes of inequality and domination over a continent and makes a particular race dominant over the other. The history of racial inequality amongst the blacks and whites in the United States of America also illustrate an example of inequality amongst races.

On the other hand, there have been inequalities within races and cultures. The upper and noble classes in SSA have been dominant over the lower and powerless group. This means that a superior culture is imposed and forced on to the weaker group that makes them not equal. Just like the history of European nobility over the commoners in Europe. Yet the nobility have remained a powerful and privileged class in most European nations. From biological and racial distinction on the inequality theory, inequality is a fact amongst genders, cultures, class and race, although times have changed and things must change, this pushes us to criticize the inequality theory with changing times.

Critique of the Inequality Theory:

There have been a lot of theorists to critique speculative accounts on gender differences and female empowerment in SSA which creates inequality, but very little progress have been made to prove one theory over the other in their speculative analyses on gender issues. To a large degree, inequality theories have not gained grounds because societies have distinctively evolved and disproved the speculative ideas of inequality theorist. In SSA today, traditional institutional arrangement have distinctively changed in respect of both genders not too much subordinating women like in the past. Looking at a typical traditional African society, where farming is the only source of income, the man do the clearing of the farm while the woman do the planting and if harvest is good the subsistent crops are sold to maintain the family and educate their kids, both live in complementary way without gender distinction. Although traditional institution still exist and persist today in SSA, but most if not all operate in the interest of both genders.

Scholars argue that theories sometimes formulate persuasive speculative accounts which might fit what we already perceive or know. Therefore we must depend on the biological evidence provided by the inequality theory based on the reconstruction of inferences in well known societies to argue the inequality theory. Critics of Inequality theory also argue that, professional speculations of postmodern feminist by generalizing theories and with the political confusion by giving equal weight to every woman irrespective of race, class, sex orientation, culture and historical background makes origin of inequality theory to lost it attraction.

The biological distinction of sex and gender roles as ascribed by the origin of the inequality theory is almost becoming baseless in SSA societies today. My argument is that inequality theory relies on female reproduction, the strength of men and the predisposition of men in violence situation as a prerequisite of being unequal. This was true to an extent tracing the origin of the theory, but today societies have evolved with changing times, no society in the history of mankind is static. Reproduction have just become a female experience and also a sex difference which has little impact on gender roles today. In the other hand, today in SSA men are only dominant in specific jobs as that they are specialized in, not that specific jobs are ascribed for men although the both sexes co-exist in a traditional way, but there is rational distribution of resources and labor so that girls and women can be empowered in this communities and families.

The problems that arise sometimes are how to comprehend this inconsistent inequality that continues to persist with changing times. Theoretical efforts must be accepted to a certain degree and also the theory can only predict the future and to a larger extent crudely reconstruct the origin of inequality. There is evident that the system of inequality like any other social institution is becoming self sustainable today in most SSA societies. “Individuals are born sexed but not gendered; they have to be taught to be masculine or feminine. One is not born; but rather becomes a womanaˆ¦aˆ¦, it is civilization as a whole that produces this creatureaˆ¦aˆ¦, which is described as feminine” (Simone de Beauvoir 1952 p; 267)

The idea of inequality between men and women is created in the gender process following the way cultural institutions are arranged. Therefore inequality in itself does not exist between sexes but created in the act or reaction in each society. Butler 1990, argues that “gender as a process creates the social difference that defines “man” and “woman” in social interaction through their live, individuals learn what is expected, see what is expected, act and react in expected ways, thus simultaneously construct and maintain the gender order in each society” (Butler 1990 p; 145) In a typical African society, though still primitive and traditional the inequality do not actually exist but it is the gender roles that differ from family to family and from community to community. Take for example within the Muslim religion or culture in SSA; women are actually distinctive in their socially constructed roles ascribed by the religious laws. This does not mean that they do not live in a complementally as opposed by the inequality differences basing on sex division. I therefore argue that the issue of gender is a matter of understanding within families and communities, who should do what at a given time irrespective of the sex backed by norms and laws of that community. West and Zimmermann, holds that “in humans there is no essential femaleness or maleness, femininity or masculinity, womanhood or manhood, but once gender is ascribed, the social order constructs and holds individuals to strongly gender norms and expectations”. (West and Zimmaman 1989, P; 146)

The origin of the inequality theory have been attacked by it critics seriously in recent times. Recent studies also indicate that inequality would eventually lose it content as time evolves. The debate is centered on race and class subordination of inequality that existed in the past, but is currently loosing it value. It is clearly evident that racial inequality is gradually disappearing between and within races and class. I will like to illustrate this point on the colonial history of SSA. Africa have longed been colonized by Europeans to maintain a superior race and keep the African race subordinated under their control just like gender and sex. But because inequality is gradually loosing it originality in history, racial inequality have gradually faded away with changing times. Although some traces of racial inequality persistently exist between races. (Gramsci 1971, P; 165)

Another example that has made inequality lose it originality have been between whites and black Americans as well as European nobility. Whites and blacks have faced a long history of racial segregation in the United States, but because of time factor and new institutional arrangement the racial differences have almost disappeared. In the other hand, European nobility class use to be a more armed, politically and economically powerful class to the commoners in Europe but with the coming of decentralization of leadership and democracy this superior class have gradually disappeared thereby melting away the idea of inequality and subordination of commoners since everybody have an equal opportunity.

Well as much as SSA is concern there have been inequality in class division irrespective of the gender differences. Inequality have been gradually disapproved since the old traditional institutions are disappearing and new wants sees everybody the same. In SSA, apart from gender inequality, there have been upper and lower class inequality as well as people from the royal fondoms, are always seen differently with high esteem. The upper class have been people who generally enjoy high social amenities in the big cities of SSA, they have little or no gender differences between their families since almost everybody have a good education as compared to the rural poor who cannot even provide for a daily meal. They are not much educated so definitely they believe in traditional laws that puts the men at the forefront. But with changing times and the fight for global poverty reduction, development in these local areas in SSA is gradually improving making gender inequality to extensively disappear. On the other hand, Fondomites in SSA have maintain an extensively unequal powers in every aspect in SSA, this is because most traditional laws do respect and give special consideration to everyone from the fondom. But with the coming of democracy and the respect for human right and dignity, this traditional superiority is extensively disappearing there by making the class values to loss it weight. Today whether from the fondom or not, everybody is the same because of democracy. Though there have been a mixture of traditional laws to democratic values to combat the aspect of inequality amongst fondomites and common citizen. (Foucault 1972, P; 223)

Importance of the Inequality Theory to the project:

To begin with, inequality theory is essential in this project because it explains the origin, history and persistent pre-domination and domination of males in almost all aspects of life in SSA. Through this theory, I understand that socialization, tradition and biology are interwoven to explain the persistent male domination in most SSA societies. To better understand the importance of the theory to this project, I will like to examine each role played by each of these concepts to understand the role of inequality theory to the project.

“Men and women yesterday and today think and act differently and achieve differently in the varying regions in SSA” (Banque and Waren 1990, P; 90)

Connecting inequality theory to socialization, it helps me to distinguish between the upper and lower class socialization in SSA. To understand the importance of socialization in this project, it has to be treated differently with divergent identities and expectations. Socialization has helped me to understand why there is little or no gender inequality and more female empowerment in the urban than rural families in SSA. I have used socialization to compare inequality in urban and rural areas, which further makes me to understand class division in the two areas. It is certain that gender equality and female empowerment is higher in urban than rural milieus, because in the urban areas, generally, individuals and families are exposed to high social amenities and high standard of living. Social interaction is generally more modern than in the local interior in SSA. The upper wealthy class is found in urban areas while the lower poor and primitive class is found in the local areas. Therefore, as a result of this social division, inequality theory through socialization has helped me to distinguish and understand this phenomenon in details and further explains why there is persistent inequality in class and socialization in SSA.

Connecting inequality theory through tradition, it has helped me to understand why there is still a wide gender gap and low female empowerment in typical traditional SSA societies today. “People honor traditional established ideas and teach them to their children. But what is the source of the gender traditions by which women are made everywhere subordinate”. (Drage 2003, P; 23) From the origin and history of inequality theory, men have established ideas and institutions that have always kept them dominant letting females at a subordinated position. The theory is therefore important in this project because it lets me understand why some primitive ideas are still led down from generation to generation in sub-Saharan Africa. Take for example, in most local communities in SSA, male inheritance have been a long established traditional belief and have been passed down to generations for centuries. These practices have become stronger so much so that even a male unborn child is celebrated before delivery. Women are regarded as properties and sold out for marriages, since bride price is been paid on them. Females have also been considered as products because they are forced into early marriages to reduce poverty since they are been bought by paying a bride price to their parents.

Tradition is held at high esteem and has been a led down idea and still exists today in most of the local communities in SSA. By believing that only a male child can inherit property, has placed male sex dominant over females. This established idea have retarded development because resources are not rationally distributed by both sexes thereby making the female sex subordinated. As a result of this established believes, inequality persistently exists in this primitive areas that are reluctant to accept new changes because of illiteracy and poverty. Inequality theory is therefore important in this project because it has deepened my understanding of the continuous male domination because of these established ideas that have been passed down to generations. Inequality theory is also relevant because it explains these beliefs in such ideas and goes a long way to increase gender inequality and reduce female empowerment in SSA.

Although there have been some changes in this traditional beliefs, but these changes mostly affects exposed families that is families that have acquired good education and have been exposed to more valuable cultures. Inheritance in these situations goes with responsibility and how you can manage the resources irrespective of being a male or female, though most often it ends up with problems from males since it has always been like that in most of the societies in SSA. Giving authority or property to a female is just like depriving a male from his traditional right. But with continuous realization on how these have been affecting the societal development, I personally think it is going to disappear with changing time. Thanks to the inequality theory that I am able to explain this primitive belief in most of SSA families and societies.

Connecting inequality theory through biology, it is relevant in this project because it has made me understand male domination in biological distinction of both sexes. This is because women and men are physically different in ways that make men to feel dominant. Through biological distinction in inequality, I came to understand why there is inequality in labor division. This is so because the theory persistently insist on the physical strength of men to occupy certain jobs. That is why there has been persistent gender discrimination in organizations and job opportunities because men think that some jobs can be physically carried out by them. For instance in SSA, it is hard to hear that a woman is a military general, bus driver, engineer, carpenter, technicians and or family head. Biological explanation also emphasize on the predisposition of men in extreme dangerous situation so to speak. In SSA men have always been involved in warfare and critical traditional decisions that involves sacrifices are carried out by men. Therefore, as a result of this, inequality is bound to exist and that is why I have employed it in my project to understand this in greater details.

However, with the advent of feminist theorist, and changing time, biological arguments for inequality in gender is gradually fading away. Technological improvement have made most jobs to be operated by machines and intellectual based not physical fitness. Therefore, both males and females can be trained to manipulate these machines to have a gender balance in job markets. However, since traditional African societies are still very backward and have not yet attained some level of technology, most jobs are still based on physical strength to acquire them. That is why biological explanation of the origin of inequality in gender is still very visible in SSA. Inequality theory is therefore useful to this project to understand the biological explanation of persistent inequality in physical strength, predisposition of men in dangerous situations and the reproduction of females that have made them subjugated and subordinated position since the beginning of time immemorial.

The modernization Theory:

According to (Deutsch 1961; Rostow 1960; Ruttan 1959), “modernization theory evolved from two ideas about social change developed in the nineteenth century: the conception of traditional vs. modern societies, that viewed development as societal evolution in progressive stages of growth” (Deutch 1961, Rostow 1960, Ruttan 1959) Following a modernization tradition, problems that have held back the development and empowerment of females in SSA have been irrational allocation of resources. Modernization theorist believe that for traditional African societies to become developed, there should be a rational distribution of resources for both sexes and the elimination of traditional, institutional and organizational roadblocks that have made Sub-Saharan African societies underdeveloped. Therefore, the society must pass through transformational stages to become modern.

General Assumptions of the theory:

Following Rostows modernization assumption, there have been five circular stages a society must pass through to become modern such as traditional society, precondition for take-off, take-off, the drive toward maturity and the age of high mass consumption (Rostow 1963, p; 127)

The stage of traditional society is characterized by primitive technology, pre-Newtonian science and spiritual behaviors in the material world. There is traditional gender inequality and no idea of female empowerment since the society is too primitive and recognizes male superiority. The traditional economy depends soly on primitive methods of farming and limited productivity. There is limited mobility in the traditional society and most agricultural lands are owned by men limiting the female powerless and have absolutely no say in land ownership. That is why development is still imbalance today in SSA because resources are irrationally distributed and there is no female inheritance of property. Since it is a linear pattern, for a society to move to a pre-takeoff stage it has to do away with some ideas in the traditional stage so that there should be a regular growth. (Peet and Hartwick 1999, P; 81)

The pre-take off society stage is characterized by development of modern technology and it application to agriculture and industry. Gender inequality is very high and there is little or no female empowerment because most machines were believed to be operated only by men. The idea of modernity was seen to develop sectors like educations, banking, commence, manufacturing and investment. This means that there was still very high gender discrimination in education and labor in SSA. Traditional African women could not own accounts according to traditional institutions and cannot be exposed to the public spheres. This was injected in a society that was still is primitive. (Ibid)

The take-off stage as assumed by the modernization view as the stage for technological expansion, socio-political structures of society including gender rules in the distribution of labor in most urban areas in SSA. There is a little economic growth and a period to begin industrialization. In this stage, the discourse on gender and empowerment to modernize and enhance development increases in the urban and still very dormant in the rural sectors of SSA. (Ibid)

The drive toward maturity stage is characterized by the spreading of technological expansion on economic activities and also there is sufficient entrepreneurship to practically fabricate heavy machines and equipment resulting from heavy industry. In this stage, the discourse on gender and participation have somehow gained grounds in most advanced societies and some prominent African cities. Women get more and more involved, the fight for economic growth and political dialogues and participation increases. (Ibid)

The stage of mass consumption is characterized by the production of durable consumer goods and services. The rate of production of goods and services surpasses the need of consumption and employment is very high at the urban milieu in SSA. At this level there is little gender gap and female empowerment is high in most urban centers. This means that most families are exposed to western education and enjoy high standard of social amenities in the big cities. There is capability to invest in social welfare and social security on both genders, therefore cultural values comprehend modernity. (Ibid)

Research have proven that most traditional African societies are at the take-off stage and at this level of development gender inequality is still very high at the rural sector and the society is very reluctant to any social and developmental changes. This means that the society is still very traditional, primitive and reluctant to social and development changes due to strong traditional and cultural beliefs. Also the theory explains why development has not made any significant progress in SSA especially in the rural communities where there is still a very wide gap between gender and female empowerment in SSA.

Modernization theory can be seen as the legacy of the ideas of progress developed in Europe in the eighteen century. This means that progress and evolution was viewed as an irreversible, natural and systematic path toward modernity. The idea of traditional vs. modern society propped up in the different stages of growth and development in each society. This evolutionary progress of society was seen as a transformational stage from the simple to the complex. Therefore SSA being in the third stage according to the modernization vision, female empowerment and gender equality is very low, since the society is somehow very primitive and

pre-occupied by male domination. Traditional beliefs which support female subordination is very high at this stage of development. (Latham 2000, p; 37)

According to Nick Cullather, the idea of natural pattern of progress and development, as assumed by the modernization theory is a set of ideas and discourse used as a strategy by US to try to differentiate the US from former colonizers in their actions toward third world countries. (SSA). It was in the interest of the US as they also think that it was in the interest of the third world countries (SSA) to elevate third world countries to engage in the transformational steps toward modernity, this means that both sexes were to be involved in the stages of development thereby reducing the gender gap and empowering women in the process of development. The American idea could help assist third world countries avoid “wasted steps” in transition. This was seen as the Americanization and westernization of third world countries which was not more or less than the policy of assimilation by the French. (Black girls could eat and dress like French girls in French colonies to be assimilated and modern) (Nick Cullather, 1997; 94)

The modernization theory advocates two fundamental concepts universalism and linear process. Both concept had and have huge impact on gender and female empowerment in SSA. This means that girls and women in Sub-Saharan Africa have the same cultural and identical background to move from a traditional stage to a modern stage in universal and linear order of development. (Redfield quoted in Cullarther) Supported by the same vision, all societies in SSA were seen as taking the same pattern toward modernity through recognizable stages, without considering other historical background, origin and geographical conditions. In the same light, following a modernization vision, all cultures were seen in a trajectory way. Therefore the theory never considered cultural institution, tradition, and customs and viewed as obstacles to female empowerment and gender equality. (Cullarther). By classifying the society in a one pattern way of development, the theory was therefore criticized by other prominent development theories such as the dependency theory, power theory and the rise of feminist thinking in SSA.

Critique of the theory:

“Modernization theory has received criticism in recent years from political scientists and political economists since it neglected cultural, historic, and socio-structural factors in it analysis” (Chirot,1986; Black, 1991; Wallerstein, 1980) The modernization theory has witnessed a lot of critiques from varying development theories to scholars, researchers, institutions and other development practitioners. Most prominent development critique of the modernization theory hold that cultural values would still continue despite the shift from a traditional to a modern society. Therefore the argument is that despite the modern values of the modernization theory to transform traditional African societies to become modern by reducing the wide gender gap and encouraging female empowerment, African values still persist despite the values of modernity to enhance development in SSA. “There is evidence that the broad cultural heritage of a society leaves imprints on values that endure despite the forces of modernization in other words cultural change depends on a societyA?s cultural heritage.” (Inglehart 2000c)

Sub-Saharan Africa is made up of diverse cultural backgrounds, origin and history of migration. Though jointly colonized by the West, the fact that the society is culturally divided in origin and history, the values of modernization cannot hold at the same pace in the African societies respectively. This means that linear and universalism of the modernization theory could not work effectively in SSA and considering the fact that societies give different respects to their cultural heritage as considered by the modernization theory as an obstacle for development. Take for example the Islam religion, practices and beliefs is very strong in the Muslim society in SSA, therefore the issue of gender and empowerment of Muslim women can be a serious disorganization of religious rights since the later is very stiff in it traditional religious claims. The modernization theory had never taken traditional religious beliefs into consideration as ascertain by many of it

Sigmund Freud was an Austrian neurologist and the founder of the psychoanalytic school of psychology. I intend to explain Freud’s theory about the libido and how it changes its object, a process designed by the concept of sublimation. He argued that humans are born “polymorphously perverse” (AROPA, 2010), meaning that any number of objects could be a source of pleasure.

Lawrence Kohlberg is known for writing “The Six Stages of Moral Reasoning” (Crain, 1985, pp. 118-136). These stages are planes of moral adequacy conceived to explain the development of moral reasoning and why these stages can lead to deviant behavior. I intend to scope all six stages and explain them in detail. In the end, from my explanation, one should be able to identify certain behaviors and where they stem from.

Cesare Lombroso popularized the notion of the born criminal through biological determinism, claiming that criminals have particular physical attributes or deformities. If criminality was inherited, then the born criminal could be distinguished by physical atavistic stigmata. I intend to explain this theory in detail along with a few other concepts in order to properly broaden the topic so one can grasp its true meaning.

Robert Merton’s theory on deviance stems from his 1938 analysis of the relationship between culture, structure and anomie. Merton defines culture as an “organized set of normative values governing behavior which is common to members of a designated society or group” (Crain, 1985 pp 118-136). I intend to relate this theory to other theorists related to this field of study. I will define how one can become deviant through his/her surroundings.

Each theorist has stated that “deviance provides a way in which some individuals and groups can introduce their agendas to the rest of society, and elevate their own personal status while doing it” (AROPA, 2010 pp 1-2). If that is the case then deviance is a violation of a norm; while crime is defined as a violation one specific type of norm, a law. By definition then, it would seem that society considers all crime to be deviant behavior. However, members of society may not consider a specific crime to be deviant at all.

Sigmund Freud

Stages of Development

Freud advanced a theory of personality development that centered on the effects of the sexual pleasure drive on the individual psyche. At particular points in the developmental process, he claimed, “a single body part is particularly sensitive to sexual, erotic stimulation” (Stevenson, 1996 pp 2-3). These erogenous zones are the mouth, the anus, and the genital region. The child’s libido centers on behavior affecting the primary erogenous zone of his age; he cannot focus on the primary erogenous zone of the next stage without resolving the developmental conflict of the immediate one.

A child at a given stage of development has certain needs and demands, such as the need of an infant to nurse. “Frustration occurs when these needs are not met; overindulgence stems from such a meeting of these needs that the child is reluctant to progress beyond the stage. Both frustration and overindulgence lock some amount of the child’s libido permanently into the stage in which they occur; both result in a fixation” (Stevenson, 1996 pp. 2-3). If a child progresses normally through the stages, resolving each conflict and moving on, then little libido remains invested in each stage of development. However, if he/she fixates at a particular stage, the method of obtaining satisfaction which characterized the stage will dominate and affect his/her adult personality.

The Oral Stage

The oral stage begins at birth, when the oral cavity is the primary focus of libidal energy. The infant preoccupies themselves with nursing, with the pleasure of sucking and accepting things into the mouth. The infant who is frustrated at this stage, because the mother refused to nurse him/her on demand or who ended nursing sessions early, is characterized by “pessimism, envy, suspicion and sarcasm” (Stevenson, 1996 pp 4-5). The overindulged oral character, whose nursing urges were always and often excessively satisfied, is “optimistic, gullible, and is full of admiration for others around him/her” (Stevenson, 1996 pp.4-5). The stage ends in the primary conflict of weaning, which both deprives the child of the sensory pleasures of nursing and of the psychological pleasure of being cared for and mothered. The stage lasts approximately one and one-half years.

Anal Stage

At one and one-half years, the child will enter the anal stage. “The act of toilet training becomes the child’s obsession with the erogenous zone of the anus and with the retention or expulsion of the feces. This represents a classic conflict between the id, which derives pleasure from expulsion of bodily wastes, and the ego and superego, which represent the practical and societal pressures to control the bodily functions” (Stevenson, 1996 pp 5-6). The child will meet the conflict between the parent’s demands and the child’s desires in one of two ways: Either he puts up a fight or he simply refuses to use expel the waste. The child who wants to fight takes pleasure in expelling maliciously, often just after being placed on the toilet. “If the parents are too lenient and the child manages to derive pleasure and success from this expulsion, it will result in the formation of an anal expulsive character” (Stevenson, 1996 pp 5-6). This character is generally messy, disorganized, reckless, careless, and defiant. However, a child may choose to retain feces, thereby disobeying his/her parents while enjoying the pleasurable pressure of the built-up feces on his/her intestine. “If this tactic succeeds and the child is overindulged, he will develop into an anal retentive character” (Stevenson, 1996 pp. 5-6). This character is neat, precise, orderly, careful, stingy, withholding, obstinate, meticulous, and passive-aggressive. This stage lasts from one and one-half to two years approximately.

Phallic Stage

From ages three to six, the setting for the greatest sexual conflict happens in the phallic stage. With the genital region becoming the weapon of choice, as the phallic stage matures, boys experience the Oedipus complex whereas girls experience the Electra complex. “These complexes involve the inherent urge to remove our same-sexed parent so to possess our opposite-sexed parent” (Psychosexual, 2010 pp 1) In boys, the father stands in the way of the increasingly sexual love for his mother. What controls this urge to eliminate the father is the fear that his father will remove their common appendage, the penis. The easiest way to resolve castration anxiety of the phallic stage is to imitate the father, which in the long-term acts as a voice of restraint in his adult life. The female counterparts in the phallic stage suffer from penis envy. The female child holds her mother accountable for not sharing the appendage that her brother wants to remove from their father. Unlike the male counterparts, Freud remained unclear how the phallic stage is resolved.

“Fixation at the phallic stage develops a person who is reckless, resolute, self-assured, and narcissistic and is excessively vain and proud. The failure to resolve the conflict can also cause a person to be afraid or incapable of close love; Freud also hinted that fixation could be a root cause of homosexuality” (Psychosexual, 2010 pp 1).

Id, Ego, and Superego

Freud saw the human personality as having three aspects, which work together to produce all of our complex behaviors. These are described as the t Id, the Ego and the Superego. All three components need to be well-balanced in order to have reasonable mental health. However, the Ego has a difficult time dealing with the competing demands of the Superego and the Id. According to the psychoanalytic view, “this psychological conflict is an intrinsic and pervasive part of human experience” (Wilderdom.com, 2008, pp. 1-2). The conflict between the Id and Superego, negotiated by the Ego, is one of the normal psychological battles all people face. “The way in which a person characteristically resolves the instant gratification vs. longer-term reward dilemma reflects upon their character” (Wilderdom.com, 2008, pp. 1-2).

The id can be described as the functions of the irrational and emotional part of the mind. This part of psychology is very self-serving and uncaring towards others’ needs. This is very true of an infant since their only desire to be satisfied and served. In addition, this phase can be applied to childhood since children are also very self-serving and seek constant gratification.

The Ego functions with the rational part of the mind. The Ego develops out of awareness that one can’t always receive what they desire. The Ego operates in a world of reality. The Ego realizes the need for compromise and negotiates between the Id and the Superego. “The Ego’s job is to get the Id’s pleasures but to be reasonable and bear the long-term consequences in mind.” (Wilderdom.com, 2008, pp. 1-2) The Ego denies gratification but the ego must cope with this conflicting force. “To undertake its work of planning, thinking and controlling the Id, the Ego uses some of the Id’s libidinal energy” (Wilderdom.com, 2008, pp. 1-2). Typically, adults fit into this category since maturity also aides in recognizing reality and compromising. However, if the ego is too strong one can become well-organized and rational but extremely boring and cold.

The Superego is the last part of the mind to develop. It is often called “the moral part of the mind” (Wilderdom.com, 2008, pp. 1-2). The Superego becomes a structure of parental and societal values by storing and enforcing rules. It constantly strives for perfection and its power to enforce rules comes from its ability to create mental anxiety.

“The Superego has two subsystems: Ego Ideal and Conscience. The Ego Ideal provides rules for good behavior, and standards of excellence towards which the Ego must strive.” (Wilderdom.com, 2008, pp. 1-2). The Ego ideal is basically what the child’s parents approve of or value. So, a parent’s proper guidance is greatly needed for one to possess these values. Therefore, these values will serve as their conscience throughout life. However, if one’s superego is not balanced may feel guilty most of the time and feel the need to be perfect beyond reality.

The social world that we inhabit comprises of several peoples, groups, communities, relations, etc. Those who are interested in comprehending the social world around them and trying to make sense of the same, make use of reason and logic to clarify, label and develop ideas about who we are. These commonsensical notions about the world around us are different from ideas informed by logic and reason. Logical understanding of society finds expression in the ordering of ideas into concepts and the careful arrangement of concepts into hypotheses to be tested, validated and tested for reliability in order to arrive at universal generalisations of social phenomenon.

The central purpose of this essay is to understand two interrelated questions: What is theory? And why do we need theory? We will explore the aforementioned questions by examining two different models of conceptualising society: Naturalistic and humanistic. While examining this point, we would also seek to clarify the need of social theory to exist in a separate domain from commonsensical and lay knowledge. This would be followed by bringing to light the methodological premises on which theory building rests and its implications on the production of sociological knowledge. The argument would attempt to clarify the case for finding a middle ground between methodological individualism and methodological collectivism in methodological situationalism for production of social theory. But before moving to these arguments, we would begin by understanding the relation of theory and concept, as one the most widely used definitions of theory uses concept.

Social Theory and Concept

We begin with the proposition that theories can be described as sets of inter-related concepts and ideas that have been scientifically tested and combined to magnify, enlarge, clarify, and expand our understanding of people, their behaviours, and their societies. A theory is a unit of knowledge that comprises facts, assumptions and hypotheses. This unit shows how facts can be subordinated to general principles or laws and how they relate to them. Theories can be verified by experiments or by methodological observation. Usually theories focus on one selected aspect of a phenomenon under consideration. This means that several or even many theories can be constructed dealing with the same phenomenon. Blumer highlights the issues concerned with using concepts in social theory. ‘In terms of both origin and use, social theory, seems in general not to be geared into the empirical world’. This is problematic because theoretical formulations rely heavily on concepts as means of capturing the empirical world. It is quite evident that the concepts in social theory are vague because the objects of study include social values, norms, institutions, etc which cannot be grasped in their entirety, but can only provide a rough identification of attributes that can be included in the study. There is thus, a need to have clear concepts which can be used for social theory. The difference that Blumer points out is that there is a distinction between definitive concept and sensitising concept. A definitive concept refers to what is common to a class of objects, by the aid of fixed benchmarks of empirical science. A sensitising concept on the other hand gives a general sense of reference and guidance in approaching empirical instances. Concepts used in social theory largely belong to the latter category. They lack the precise referent and benchmark which can be used to grasp the concept. The empirical world of our discipline is a social world of every day experience. Every object can be subjected to consideration for social theory. This distinctive character of the empirical world and its settings make our concepts sensitising in nature. This is not to say that these concepts are unscientific in any way. Sensitising concepts can be tested, improved and refined. Their validity can be analysed through careful study of empirical references that they seek to cover.

Dealing with questions of Agency through an exploration of the Naturalistic and Humanistic perspective

The next section of this essay we will begin with the naturalistic model of social theory. The naturalistic model with its focus on developing a true and valid science of society aimed to align social theory along the lines of empirical science. An empirical science of society analyses the world abstractly as composed of objects and attempts to establish relations among these classes of objects. It is this analytical scheme of empirical science which influences research and also methods of data collection, classification and its implications on formulation of new theories. Social theory finds its fundamental problem, in such a scheme of analysis, as the relation between the empirical referent and the concept used to denote the referent in theory as social theory is largely made of well defined concepts and the relational value attached to them. The concepts that are used in social theory can be vague in nature, in the sense that they may not be able to determine with exactitude the precise specification of attributes to be studied. (As mentioned before)

The domain of sociology has at its centre the analysis of society, and all its related components. The subject matter of sociology becomes problematic because we inhabit the world we seek to analyse. The most critical question that presents before us is to understand how does a member of society become an objective observer of social phenomenon, while being a part of the social model, and thus produce scientific sociological theory.

The task therefore is to delineate general phenomenon from sociological phenomenon. This brings us to the difference between common sense knowledge and sociological knowledge. There are different ways of approaching this question. We begin with the proposition that all the knowledge that we possess about the world may not have the element of truth in it. Human agents as concept bearing actors are aware of their actions and attribute certain meanings to them.

‘To be a human agent is to knowaˆ¦ what one is engaged in and why. There is a sense in which we cannot be wrong about what are actions are..’ Giddens (1987:5). As actors, individuals operate out of their own understanding of what is true knowledge derived from social conventions and is contextual in nature. This knowledge at all times is contested knowledge. While there may be acceptance of different points of view, there could also the possibility of ideas being borne out of false premises or slanted beliefs. ‘Our presumed knowledge about institutions (maybe)aˆ¦ inclined to error’ Giddens (1987:4). The point is that knowledge can be false in the sense that it can be contextual, holding validity only for a particular cultural and social setting. Our actions are always oriented in a setting and a significant part of what a sociologist does is to uncover these premises and lay them bare for an outsider to grasp in the same manner as the actor. This non-discursive side to our activities is of relevance to social theory and forms an important aspect of sociological analysis. This is where the role of social theory then begins to take shape.

Social theory has the task of clarifying the generally held beliefs about social institutions and society at large. In fact, as pointed out by Giddens, our understanding of the social world owes a lot to sociological studies and researches. One should not underestimate the contributions which social research and theory can make to identify false or slanted beliefs widely held about social phenomenon. For such beliefs may often take the form of prejudices and hence contribute to intolerance and discrimination or might inhibit social changes that would otherwise be seen as desirable. Thereby to assert the difference between sociologically true and valid concepts from commonsensical notions, social theory makes use of its own conceptual metalanguage in order to grasp aspects of social institutions which are not described in lay terms.

The study of the non-discursive aspect of social action reveals to us what we already know about the social world but also re-emphasises the need to know what we do and why we do. This also calls our attention to the category of unintended consequences of our action. Actors may perform certain actions being cognisant of only the intended results, while the unintended consequences may remain obscure. Social theory reveals these unintended consequences to help us understand the course of development of any sociological phenomenon as it takes into account what we know and intend to produce as well as the consequences that we are not aware of since they are not intended. This analysis is critical since, there is interplay between society and agency and that although agency creates social life in individual and personal experience and biographies, and it also reproduces the larger social history which exists independent of an individual actor. In performing duties as a daughter, sister or mother, women in any society reproduce the social institutions of family and kinship which they did not bring into existence. ‘The activities are thus embedded within, and are constitutive of, structured properties of institutions stretching well beyondaˆ¦ time and space’ Giddens (1987:11).

While Durkheim argued that the domain of social phenomenon is largely the ‘ways of acting, thinking and feeling, which possess the remarkable property of existing outside the consciousness of the individual’ Durkheim (1982:51), he did not give enough recognition to individual freedom, volition and autonomy. This reduction of the individual as a mere reproduction of society makes the study of larger social institutions the object of analysis. This would not hold true in micro-sociological analyses, which give due importance to interaction between actors to understand basic features of larger social institutions.

Methodologically, the study of sociology can either be informed by the concerns of the naturalist model or can follow a humanistic approach. The 19th century sociologists were advocates of a science of sociology and therefore, adopted a natural science model for the study of society. The natural laws however could not suffice in their explanation of social phenomenon. The humanistic approach, with its focus on, Verstehen as propounded by Weber found its ground as a methodological tool to take into account the meaning of social action. This contrast between explanation and understanding represented by a choice of either model becomes problematic for social theory. The point is that social theory is bound in what Giddens called ‘double hermeneutics’. Anthony Giddens (1982) argued that there is an important difference between the natural and social sciences. In the natural sciences, scientists try to understand and theorise about the way the natural world is structured. The understanding is one-way; that is, while we need to understand the actions of minerals or chemicals, chemicals and minerals don’t seek to develop an understanding of us. He referred to the above as the ‘single hermeneutic’. In contrast, the social sciences are engaged in the ‘double hermeneutic’. Sciences like sociology study how people understand their world, and how that understanding shapes their practice. Because people can think, make choices, and use new information to revise their understandings (and hence their practice), they can use the knowledge and insights of social science to change their practice.

In outlining his notion of the ‘double hermeneutic’, Giddens (1987: 20) explained that while philosophers and social scientists have often considered the way “in which lay concepts obstinately intrude into the technical discourse of social science” that “Few have considered the matter the other way around.” He explained that “the concepts of the social sciences are not produced about an independently constituted subject-matter, which continues regardless of what these concepts are.

Social theory studies human beings who are concept bearing individuals, engaged in social interaction which produce and reproduce larger social structures. The understanding of social actors and theorising about the same, is also appropriated by the same actors who reflexively reflect upon their actions. ‘The ‘findings’ of the social sciences very often enter constitutively into the world they describe’ Giddens (1987:20).

Social Theory and its Methodological Concerns.

The development of social theory cannot be understood completely without taking into account the methodological premises on which the production of social theory were built. We begin by categorising the theories as macro-sociological theories and micro-sociological theories. Macro-sociology can be understood as dealing with social phenomenon and institutions on an aggregate level. Such an approach entails the use of both theoretical concerns on a system level and the use of aggregate data to arrive at generalisations. Micro-sociology deals with smaller groups as the object of analysis focusing on cognitive order and social interaction between actors, significance of meanings, etc.

Theories which can be categorised as macro-sociological in approach have at their core, the study of normative order. This proposition can be further explored by looking at Durkheim’s view of society. Durkheim was one of the chief proponents of a normative-functional integration model of society. For Durkheim, individual actors acted out of social norms which had been internalised by the individual through socialisation and education. These norms informed all the actions and contributed to the overall functioning of the society in perfect equilibrium. The social facts existed independent of the individual, were external and coercive in nature while being collective and general. For Durkheim, the pre-established harmony of society through individual agents was internally controlled and imposed. Micro-sociological approach has brought a remarkable shift in theorising where cognitive order has become the object of analysis. The methodological structure on which micro-sociological theorising is based takes into account cognitive processes that represent and interpret the relevance of values and obligations. It begins with the premise that the actor is a knowing, active subject. Micro-sociologists like symbolic interactionists view actors and meanings attributed by actors in social interaction as ways of understanding the larger macro issues of order. Mead’s conception of the self has the underlying notion of the individual as a composite whole of selves and also the notion of interior audiences where men attribute motives to each other from the perspective of the generalised other which can also be seen as an internalised reference group for giving meaning to action. Such a social theory then recognises the significance of a knowing and acting agent, and the study of related phenomenon not as coerced human action, but as informed human action, to study the manner in then social phenomenon is produced, contested, repaired, organised and displayed in social situations.

Social theory then stands to reconcile both macro and micro approaches to the study of social phenomenon. Taking the above example, social order can be redefined by moving away from the traditional normative-functional-integration model to a cognitive model of micro social action which would take into account the actor not as a puppet in the hands of society but as an active agent in society.

The distinctive feature of micro sociological approaches is the fact that they accord a privileged status to small scale social situations. These social interactions also have their place in macro sociological theory where they may be considered as building blocks for larger systemic conceptions. The point to be made is that social theory must find its ground between methodological individualism and methodological collectivism. Methodological individualism demands that all aspects of social theory be analysed in terms of the interests, activities, etc., of individual human beings. Methodological collectivism holds the view that the society is a whole which is more than just a sum of its parts and that society moulds individuals in socialisation so that they must be seen as dependent upon social institutions rather than their active constituents. An alternative to the dominant approaches of methodological individualism and methodological collectivism is methodological situationalism. Methodological situationalism replaces the model of the actor as the ultimate unit of analysis and leads to the production of knowledge that takes into account the practice through which members reproduce and acquire a sense of order while at the same time searching for order of rules and resources which presumably underlie and generate social conduct. We can summarise this section with the following remarks. Macro sociological theories have focused primarily on interrelations of social action. Micro sociological theories on the other hand, look at micro-social situations for theory building and theory formulations.

Concluding Remarks

The aim of sociological theory is not limited to understanding conceptual ambiguities but to reason systematically and scientifically about some of the major social problems that we face, to illuminate which values are relevant to the context and why, and to give some direction to what we should do. The general goal is to accomplish an understanding of reality. The importance of studying theory can be discerned by understanding the possible functions of theory- descriptive, analytical or explanatory, and to a certain degree predictive as well, and inherently prescriptive. Theory enables the researcher to make sense of the world around him. They guide and give meaning to what we see and observe. Theory helps in orienting the researcher’s mental framework to an established and accepted base from which the researcher can extract an understanding of the social reality around him, and proceed to develop his own hypothesis. Theories are often used to orient the mind of the reader to the purpose of the research study. A strong theoretical background helps in introducing and justifying the need for undertaking a certain research study. When a researcher investigates and collects information through observation, the investigator needs a clear idea of what information is important to collect, which could be solved by using a theoretical tool to dictate the research enquiry.

Theory and empirical research are intrinsically interrelated in the scheme of sociological enquiry. Following the scientific model of sociological enquiry, theory and research are linked in the both the inductive and deductive analysis of social reality. In the deductive model research is used to empirically test the validity and reliability of theory, while in the inductive model theories are developed on the basis of careful understanding and analysis of research data. If theory answers the question of what, why and how, research helps in indicating the purpose, object and end of what a particular theory is aiming to achieve. The significance of social theory can therefore, never be undermined.

What kinds of questions do the different theoretical frameworks encourage you to ask about the Bradford ‘riots’? Which of these questions do you find useful and worth pursuing? Why? What are the limitations of the theoretical frameworks you have considered? What questions do they neglect?

The following is a brief discussion of how some of the different theoretical frameworks of sociology can be used to gain an understanding of social events and structures, with the Bradford riots as the selected case study. The different theoretical frameworks of sociology offer us the structures to carry out and then evaluate social research on particular events or issues, although the differences in these theoretical frameworks need to always be taken into account. The different theoretical frameworks of sociology in fact emphasise differing actors such as individual choices / freedom of action, the impact of economic, political, and social factors, as well as social institutions and social structures. Several research questions are put forward for discussion and evaluation to assess which ones will fit in best with the different theoretical frameworks of sociology that are discussed. The reasons for selecting the final research questions will be explained. Finally the potential shortcomings of the selected research questions as well as the chosen theoretical frameworks will be discussed.

There are arguably various kinds of questions that the different theoretical frameworks of sociology would encourage us to ask about the Bradford riots, or any other social event for that matter. The different theoretical frameworks of sociology are after all meant to give people the ability as well as the capacity to evaluate and therefore to understand general societies as a whole and indeed specific social events in isolation. The shared purpose of the different theoretical frameworks of sociology is to analyse and to comprehend contemporary societies, the asking of pertinent questions being a widespread and also a sound means of determining the direction and the results of sociological research into specific events or areas. The different theoretical frameworks of sociology would in all probability encourage us to ask probing and open ended kinds of questions to find out more details concerning the Bradford riots. Of course the different theoretical frameworks of sociology would then probably go on to provide differing explanations of why the Bradford riots happened, as well as the main causes of what took place. For example questions like the following ones would be highly useful for the different theoretical frameworks of sociology to ask in order to evaluate what happened:

Could the Bradford riots have been accurately predicted?
Did the Bradford riots have long-term social and economic causes?
Did the Bradford riots have short-terms social and economic causes?
Could the Bradford riots have been averted at all?
What role did social factors such as alienation, racial discrimination, and poverty play in causing the Bradford riots?
Why were the local authority, the West Yorkshire Police, and the central government unable to prevent the Bradford riots from taking place?
Are there any lessons that the local authority, the West Yorkshire Police, and the central government can learn from the Bradford riots? And if so should changes be made to prevent further riots in the future?

All of the questions mentioned above would certainly prove to be useful in the provision of a meaningful analysis of the Bradford riots within the context of the different theoretical frameworks of sociology to ensure that important and accurate conclusions are reached about the causes of the violent outbursts. To a large extent all of the questions that could be asked would provide pertinent answers and research for a full analysis of the events surrounding the Bradford riots. However some of the questions would undoubtedly provide more complete levels of data as well as relevant information than other questions concerning the Bradford riots. If answered in full some of the questions would provide enough information to answer the other closely related questions. Indeed some of the less important questions could be used as follow up or secondary questions to the main questions actually being asked.

The main questions chosen to gain the most useful information about the Bradford riots would be the following ones:

Did the Bradford riots have long-term social and economic causes?
Did the Bradford riots have short-terms social and economic causes?
(With a possible follow up question of ‘Could the Bradford riots have been accurately predicted?).
What role did social factors such as alienation, racial discrimination, and poverty play in causing the Bradford riots?
(With the back up question of ‘Why were the local authority, the West Yorkshire Police, and the central government unable to prevent the Bradford riots from taking place?).
Are there any lessons that the local authority, the West Yorkshire Police, and the central government can learn from the Bradford riots? And if so should changes be made to prevent further riots in the future?

These questions have been chosen as theoretically at least they offer the best prospects of gaining as a wide a perspective of possible of the social and other possible causes of the Bradford riots. The selected questions depending upon how they are actually answered would allow functionalists, Marxist, and structuralism sociologists for example to come up with highly diverse conclusions based on the same data and research information about the Bradford riots. The answers given in response to these questions could and will undoubtedly be interpreted in various ways that may or may not fit in with the different theoretical frameworks of sociology already studied such as functionalism, Marxism, and structuralism.

Of course there is a long tradition of the adherents of functionalism, Marxism, and structuralism interpreting data and research information in ways that make their theoretical frameworks appear to be the best method of understanding social events such as the Bradford riots. Thus the proponents of the different theoretical frameworks of sociology would almost certainly argue that their preferred theoretical framework is better than all the other alternative frameworks in explaining and subsequently understanding the Bradford riots. They would also be arguing that their preferred theoretical framework would be the best for analysing entire societies as well as highly specific social events.

If answered in full the questions to be asked in relation to the causes of the Bradford riots should provide enough evidence to draw up research findings and also conclusions that fit in with the different theoretical frameworks of sociology such as functionalism, Marxism, and structuralism. However the conclusions would of course vary depending upon which of the different theoretical frameworks of sociology was actually being used at the time. Although there might be some similarity with the social and economic factors believed to have contributed to the causes of the Bradford riots, even if the different theoretical frameworks of sociology will rank such factors in different orders of over all importance. At the centre of the theoretical differences between the different theoretical frameworks of sociology is the issue of causation. Basically deciding whether or not individuals are free to act as they wish, or whether social structures, or indeed whether social and economic factors have the greatest influence in causing or worsening social events such as the Bradford riots.

In many respects the Bradford riots are a very pertinent example of a social event that could be used as a case study to enable us to understand the ways in which the different theoretical frameworks of sociology use data and information to come up with evaluations of society. Although the different theoretical frameworks of sociology would all claim to have the ability to fully analyse and also to evaluate whole societies in general as well as specific social events in this case the Bradford riots. For those academics and sociologists that fervently believe in the accuracy and the validity of any specific one of the different theoretical frameworks of sociology then it is harder to accept criticism about those frameworks. Criticism and comments that their preferred theories and the other theoretical frameworks do in fact have shortcomings that can adversely affect the validity of research findings based upon their concepts and theories.

Functionalism was one of the different theoretical frameworks of sociology that has the ability to analyse and evaluate the causes of the Bradford riots despite having some serious shortcomings from theoretical perspectives. Functionalism contends that when taken as a whole and also in the case of specific social events are shaped as well as heavily influenced by the inter relationships between individuals, social groups and also social institutions. Functionalism contends those individual beliefs and also social groups such as families or religious communities and social institutions like the West Yorkshire Police, the local authority, and the central government heavily influence their actual behaviours. Functionalism does have the capacity to analyse and to also evaluate the consequences of the interaction between individuals, social groups, and also social institutions. There is a very serious weakness when it comes down the suitability of functionalism for examining the Bradford riots. Functionalism as such does not recognise the possibility of the conflict between individuals, social groups, and also social institutions taking place. A social theory that does not recognise social conflict or struggles is certainly limited in its scope to understand violent events, like riots for instance.

Marxism as a theoretical framework does provide some useful methods for analysing and evaluating the Bradford riots, yet it has obvious drawbacks. Marxism generally contends that class divisions as well as social heavily influence societies and economic inequalities that increase the prospects for conflict. Using Marxism as a theoretical framework allows us to understand the part that social and economic inequality as well as poverty played in causing the Bradford riots. Marxism unlike other theoretical frameworks does not recognise racial discrimination as a direct cause of social conflicts, which ignores the possibility that the Bradford riots were partially or completed caused by issues related to race relationships inside Bradford itself. The Bradford riots were also linked with religious issues, most notably the increased levels of alienation and aggression found within young Asian Muslim men in Bradford that felt isolated due to their race as well as their religion.

Whilst Marxism is useful because it acknowledges that alienation can be a significant cause of social conflict, it tends to over emphasise the importance of class conflict. In the case of Bradford the issues of race discrimination and race relations are more relevant to the situation leading up to the riots, due to the high ethnic minority population within the city. In those circumstances Marxism’s emphasis upon class conflict does appear to be relevant at all.

The theoretical merits of structuralism are that it has the capacity to evaluate as well as examine the various structures and also institutions within contemporary societies, and theoretically at least their impact on specific social events such as the Bradford riots. Over all structuralism actively contends that it is social structures and also social institutions that under normal circumstances the position of individuals within their own societies. The supporters of the structuralism theory go on to contend that individuals within their own societies do not actually have any influence as well as meaningful power over the main decisions and events within their lives.

Structuralism as a theoretical framework does tend to stress how important social structures and institutions such as the emergency services, local authorities, education services, and most importantly of all the central government are responsible for providing individuals with opportunities as well as maintaining social stability. The central government and all the institutions and social structures it controls have the capacity to positively improve peoples lives alongside the negative function of punishing those that attempt to overturn existing social structures. It is thus a theoretical framework that stresses the overwhelming importance of structures and institutions in contemporary societies, and how they can solve social problems. Perhaps more importantly how social structures and social institutions can solve social problems if there is the political The main practical and also theoretical shortfall of structuralism is that it underestimates the influence that individuals and linked small social groups can have over specific social events including the Bradford riots. Individuals and linked small social groups, especially the most alienated and angry ones can cause a great deal of destruction as well as disruption within their local area, or indeed beyond it. Alienated individuals and small groups may be particularly destructive and disruptive when social institutions and structures fail to understand them or underestimate the threat to law and order that they actually pose.

Bibliography

T. Bilton et. al., Introductory Sociology, 4th edition (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002).

J. Macionis and K Plummer Sociology: A global introduction (Pearson), 3rd edition, 2005

James Fulcher and John Scott’s Sociology (OUP, 2nd edition, 2003)

Kenneth H. Tucker, Classical Social Theory. A Contemporary Approach (Oxford, Blackwell, 2002). John Hughes, Peter Martin and W. Sharrock, Understanding Classical Sociology. Marx, Weber, Durkheim (London: Sage, 1995). Pip Jones, Introducing Social Theory (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2003). K. Morrison, Marx, Durkheim, Weber. Formations of Modern Social Thought (London: Sage, 1995). Steven Seidman, Contested Knowledge. Social Theory Today, third edition (Oxford, Blackwell, 2004). Rob Stones (ed.), Key Sociological Thinkers (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 1998).

While the concern of sociology with childhood is far from new, what is noticeable is the remarkable surge in the sociological interest and attention in this area commencing in the last decade (Brannen 1999). What clearly stands out and is novel in this sociological interest and attention is the determination to make childhood itself the locus of concern rather than seeing it subsumed under the umbrella concepts of family or schooling which has been the trend in such studies (Scott 2005).A rise in this view of the child is attributed to the systematic move to re-democratize modern society and to disassemble all the remaining covert forms of stratification (James et al 1998:21). Whereas classical sociology attended primarily to the stratification wrought through social class, modern sociology has begun to address all those areas that have been treated as “natural” or only “human nature” (Jenks 2001). Thus, race, sex, sexuality, age, physical and mental ability, all have come under scrutiny and have all been shown to derive their meanings from their social context (Jenks 2001). Childhood is rather late in gaining the fashion and attention but it has finally arrived (James et al 1998:31). In reaction to the deterministic concept of socialization and the developmental paradigm of children as a state of becoming (Frankenberg 1993), the new approach views childhood as a status rather than a transitory period and considers children to be reflexive social actors (Jenks 2001). This constitutes a new development termed as a new sociology of childhood, one which entails seeing children as active agents and distinctive groups in their own right.

The Socialization theory

Theories of social order, social stability and social integration presume a uniform and predictable standard of action from participating members. Following from this assumption, sociological theorizing begins with a formally established concept of society and works back to the necessary internalization of its norms and values into the consciousness of its potential participants (James et al 1998). There are always children and the process of this internalization is known as socialization. The direction of influence is evident – the society influences the child (James et al 1998:23).

This is not to imply that sociologists are unaware of the biological character of human organisms. As a matter of fact, the model of the “socially developing child shares chronological and incremental characteristics with the naturally developing model”(James et al 1998:23).However, to concentrate on its development within a social context, explanation in terms of natural propensities and dispositions are resisted in the sociological account. The socially developing model is focussed on what society naturally demands from the child rather than focussing on what the child naturally is (James et al 1998:23).

Socialization is a concept that has been thoroughly employed by sociologists to delineate the process through which children, in some cases adults learn to conform to social norms (Elkin &Handel 1972). In this respect, sociologists’ understanding of social order, its reproduction and continuation has largely depended on the effectiveness of socialization to ensure that societies are able to sustain themselves through time. This involves the successful transmission of culture from generation to generation (James et al 1998:23).

Ritchie and Kollar (1964:117) define socialization as:

“The central concept in the sociological approach to childhood is socialization. A synonym for this process may well be acculturation because this term implies that children acquire the culture of the human groupings in which they find themselves. Children not to be viewed as individuals fully equipped to participate in a complex adult world, but as beings who have the potential for being slowly brought into contact with human beings.”

James et al (1998) argue that the process of socialization has been conceived in two ways by sociologists. First is what they have termed as “Hard way” or what Wrong (1961) referred to as the “over socialized conception of man in modern sociology”, socialization is seen as the internalization of social constraints, a process occurring through external regulation. This conception is majorly derives from structural sociology and Parson’s systems theory, who defines socialization as:

“The term socialization in its current usage in the literature refers to the process of child development…However; there is another reason for singling out the socialization of the child. There is reason to believe that, among the learned elements of personality, in certain respects the stablest and most enduring are the major value- orientation patterns and there is much evidence that these are ‘laid down’ in childhood and are not on a large scale subject to drastic alteration during adult life”(1951:101).

What Parsons achieves in his theory of the social system is a stable, uniform and exact correspondence between individual actors and their particular responsibilities and the society itself. They are both cut to a common pattern. What he also achieves is the universality in both the practice and experience of childhood, because the content of socialization is secondary to the form of socialization in each and every case (James et al 1998). The potential for the expression of the child’s intentionality is thereby constrained through the limited number of choices that are made available in social interaction. These Parsons refers to as pattern variables. In this way the model achieves a very generalized sense of the child at the level of abstraction and one that is determined by structure rather than pronounced through the exercise of agency(James et al 1998). And, as this model is also based on developmental scheme, the child is necessarily considered to be incompetent or to have only incomplete, uninformed or pro-competencies. Therefore, any research following from such a model cannot attend to the everyday world of children, or their skills in interaction and world-view, except in terms of generating a diagnosis for remedial action (James et al 1998:24-25).

The second and somewhat ‘softer’ way in which socialization process has been conceived by sociologists is as an essential element in interaction, which is a transactional negotiation that occurs when individuals strive to become group members. This is the version of socialization that stems from the symbolic interactionism of G. H. Mead and the Chicago school and involves a social psychology of group dynamics. This is really, however a perspective on adult socialization. The median analysis of child development is much more a thesis in materialism (James et al 1998). The basic theory of the acquisition of language and interactional skills is based very much on an unexplicated behaviourism, and the final resolution of the matured relationship between the individual and the collective other (that is the ‘self’ and the ‘other’) is a thinly disguised reworking of Freud’s triumph of the super ego over the Id. Thus, generating a wealth of sensitive ethnographic studies from the baseline of adult interactional competence. At this level, it falls in line with the socialization theory espoused by Parsons and the structural sociology.

To a large extent, this accounts for sociology’s neglect of the topic of childhood and also demonstrates why children were only ever considered under the broadest of umbrellas, namely the sociology of family. In all the manifestations of the model of the socially developing child (that is, socialization theory) as they have appeared in many forms of sociology, little or no time is given to children.

Children as the developing unit

The above section elucidates that sociology has viewed chidren’s socialization deterministically, often within the functionalist framework (Silva &Smart 1999: 146). This trend is visible in the childhood studies that have been done. Ambert’s (1993) survey of classical sociological texts and North American journals revealed an absence of children, while post war texts on the family proved hardly better. They make only passing reference to children themselves, subsuming them under the heading of Socialization, Child Rearing or Education. The concepts of family socialization and childhood “are moulded together into one piece that cannot be broken into parts for separate consideration” (Alanen 1992:91).In any discussion of family of course, children are deeply implicated, they are the defining feature of familial ideology, the quintessential blood tie (Makrinioti 1994).But, as such, children are on the recieving end of family values. They are objectified as the rationale for the (adult) “doing of family life, rather than seen as ‘doers’ of family life in their own right. Young and Willlmott’s (1997) classic study of family and Kinship in east London, for example explores relationship between spouses and their wider kin and the respective roles of adult family members, including the work on child rearing. The parents talk of gendered nature of parenting, their methods of discipline and their aspirations for their children’s high schooling and their future careers. The children themselves are brought into picture only as raison d’etre for family life, the ‘project’ around which the families cohere. This tendency to submerge children in their families has been called ‘familialization’ of childhood (Makrinioti 1994: 268-71).Children, it seems are presumed to belong to their parents. Their social identity is thought to mirror that of their parents and when they have become the targets of social approval or criticism, despite numerous intervening influences on their lives, their parents receive the credit or blame. The concept of family seen in functionalist or essentialist terms is often equates with parental agency alone. It is commonly said for example that the family sit her to care for children and if the children were a mere extension of their parents. Statistically speaking, children do not seem to count either. In both research and policy context, talking to children about family life has been conventionally seen as inappropriate. Children are rarely asked to speak for themselves for it is presumed that their parents can speak for them (Brannen 1999). They are described and examined as a by product of the family unit rather than treated as units of observation in their own right (Qvortrup 1997).In these ways children have been fused with their parents into an idealized , inseparable family unit. The studies based on this model of childhood have contributed to marginalization of children in family sociology.

Challenges to this model of childhood began to emerge in the 1970’s in anthropological, social historical and feminist writings and in the interactionist and phenomenological schools of sociology. Researchers from these varied disciplines sought to establish the social condition for children’s childhood to offer a new model of childhood based on the view of children as persons with agency (i.e. with the capacity to act, and influence their social worlds).These ideas were consolidated into new sub- discipline of childhood studies. This new sub discipline is not solely the preserve of sociologists of course. It is an interdisciplinary endeavour that has brought about developments in psychological, historical, pedagogical social policy and in legal thinking about children (Brannen 1999).Perhaps the overarching feature of the new discipline in the recognition that childhood is not simply a natural or universal state arising out of biological condition, but also a social construct which is culturally variable (Prout & James 1997).In the following section, I will discuss this new sociological thinking about childhood which is the contemporary trend.

Social Constructionism

Social constructionism is a new departure the understanding of childhood. This approach has three major landmarks in the works of Jenks (1982), Stainton Rogers et al (1989) and James and Prout (1990).The growth of this perspective complemented the growing liberalism ad relativism that were seeping into the academy in the wake of the 1960’s when the dominating philosophical paradigm shifted from the dogmatic materialism to an idealism inspired by the works of Husserl and Heidegger (James et al 1998: 26).

To describe childhood, or indeed any phenomenon, as socially constructed is to suspend belief in or a willing reception of it’s taken- for granted meanings. Though, quite obviously we all are know what children are or what childhood is like, for social constructionists this is not a knowledge that can be reliably drawn upon. Such knowledge of the child and its life world depends on the predispositions of a consciousness constituted in relation to our social, political, historical and oral context. Their purpose is to go back to the phenomenon in consciousness and show how it is built up. So, within a socially constructed idealist world there are no essential forms or constraints. (James et al 1998: 27).Childhood does not exist in a finite and identifiable form. Aries (1962), Margaret Mead and Martha Wolfenstein (1954) have demonstrated this in their work which move us to multiple conceptions of childhood. Social constructionism therefore stresses the issue of plurality and, far from the model recommending a unitary form; it foregrounds diverse constructions (James et al 1998:24).

This approach is therefore dedicatedly hermeneutic. It also erodes the conventional standards of judgement and truth. Therefore, if for example, as many commentators have suggested child’s abuse was rife in earlier time sand fully anticipated feature of adult child relations, then how are we to say it was bad, exploitative or harmful? Our standards of judgement are relative to our world view and therefore we cannot make universal statements of value. What of infanticide in contemporary non-western societies? Is it immoral criminal act or an economic necessity? Is it extensions of western belief of women’s right to choose? Such questioning demonstrates social constructionism’s intense relationship with cultural relativism and how, as an approach, it lends itself to cultural studies style of analysis, or the now fashionable analysis of modes of discourse whereby children are brought to being. (James et al 1998: 27).

Children within this approach are therefore clearly unspecifiable as an ideal type. Childhoods are variable and intentional. In direct refutation to the socialization model of childhood, there is no universal child with which to engage. Such a perspective demands a high level of reflexivity from its exponents. It is also the case that social constructionists, through their objections to positivist methods and assumptions, are more likely to be for the view that children are not formed by natural or social forces but that they inhabit a world of meaning created by themselves and through their interaction with the adults.(James a al 1998: 28).

The significance of social constructionism lies in its political role in the study of childhood. It is well situated to prise the child free of biological determinism and thus to claim the phenomenon in the realm of social. However it is important to emphasize that it is more than a theory of ideational. It is also about practical application of formed mental constructs and the impact that this phenomenon has on the generation of reality and real consequence. (James et al 1998:28).We shall now explore the studies done with this approach and the insights they give us.

Children as sociological agents

This new thinking opened up a wealth of possibilities. Once the social nature of childhood was recognized it became possible to think beyond the development/socialization framework for understanding children. This approach became one of the prominent approaches to conceptualize childhood. Children no longer had to be seen as empty vessels, but could be conceptualized as active and interactive practitioners of social life. A small but growing industry of research began to explore children’s agency in a variety of contexts, focussing on children negotiate rules, roles and personal relationships, how they create autonomy and balance this with their (inter) dependence, how they open as strategic actors in different contexts and how they take responsibility for their own well being an that of others. (Smart et al 2001:12).In the process, children have emerged as more than unspecified actors: they have become visible as workers, soldiers, consumers, carers, counsellors and clients of a whole variety of services (Brannen 1999).

Given such a climate, childhood researchers sought to explore children’s own social world’s concentrating on informal settings such as street or playground that children control for themselves and where they could freely exercise their agency (Brannen 1996).

Research on children as workers for example, has uncovered the substantial contribution that children make to modern domestic economies and to the labour market (Morrow 1994) and have reconceptualised children’s schooling as unpaid work that they are required to undertake on a daily basis( Qvortrup 1985).It may be the case that because of exposure to family disruption and family diversity, they perform more of emotional labour- for instance, in supportive roles such as parental confidante- at quite young ages. Certainly, the children of immigrants are often called on, in both routine and emergency situation, to act as “language brokers” on behalf of their parents (Scott 2005). In a study of home staying children in Norway (children who spend a great deal of time at home, unsupervised, while parents are at work), Solberg (1990) notes how by “looking after themselves” and by contributing to homecare children are able to negotiate an enhanced “social age”. Solberg puts a positive spin on children spending more time by themselves, suggesting that children can benefit from parental acknowledgment of their autonomy. Hochschild (1997:229) sees “home alone” children in a less positive light. She argues that rationalizing parental absence in the name of children’s independence is yet another twist on the varied ways of evading the time bind. Children in this instance are being asked to save time by growing up fast.

The child focussed research, described above in context of children’s work looks at children as beings in the present. In both US and UK, there has been an extraordinary output of work on the cause and consequences of child poverty. While most of the earlier research was couched in terms of “what works for children” (e.g. Chase-Lansdale and Brooks- Gunn 1995), now it has been recognized that children’s interests, family interest and societal interests may well be different (Glass 2001).For example, policies aimed to reduce poverty may not necessarily be consistent with the desire to strengthen family ties or to prioritize parental care for young children. One of the few studies done to look at household income from children’s perspective suggests that children as young as seven are good tacticians in persuading parents to buy things they want. Nevertheless, although parents are often willing to make financial sacrifices to protect children from some or more visible aspects of poverty, children like others suffer from relative deprivation. Children’s consumption ideas are shaped by affluent images portrayed in media and comparison with more fortunate peers (Middleton Ashworth, and Walker 1994).

Another study done by titled “children’s perceptions of family and family change” tends to explore children’s responses to the changes they are exposed to under the wave of second demographic transition. The researcher interviewed children on their feelings relating to parental separation, domestic violence, conflict, living in lone parent households and their views on marriage. The author concludes that there is a clear developmental progression in the understanding of children. Physical ways give way to of understanding give way to psychological bases. He also claims that children show a remarkable adaptability to survive the transitions in family settings. He suggests that informing children about the causes of disruption in family life, for instance, the letting the children know the reason of divorce or separation among the parents will help children better cope up with the situation than otherwise. His research also reveals that children find the source of support in grandparents when their own parents are too disturbed or ailing from the broken family.

Studying children’s lives in times of extreme social, economic and cultural upheaval can be a useful way of learning how external risks affect the vulnerability and resilience of children (Scott 2005).It can also help identify the factors that accentuate or minimize the risk. The study Children of the Great Depression done by Elder (1999) examined archival data on children born in Oakland, California. It showed the impact of economic depression during the depression was felt mainly through children’s changing family experience, included altered family relationships, and different division of labour and enhanced social strain.

Elder also took a comparative study, using a group of children from Berkeley born just eight years later in 1928-29.This showed marked differences between the way economic depression affected the children of the two birth cohorts. The Oakland children encountered the Depression hardships after a relatively secure phase of early childhood in the 1920’s.By contrast, the Berkeley group spent their early childhood years in families which were under extraordinary stress and instability. The adverse effects of depression were far more severe for the Berkeley group, particularly for boys. The Oakland cohort were old enough to take on jobs outside the home and they could enhance their status within families. This would have been particularly true under conditions of economic hardship, when children earning money could be vital to their family’s welfare (Scott 2005).

This study underlines the need to recognize children as agents of their own family experience and to take account of the multiple relationships which defines patterns of family adaptation in hard times.

This new paradigm of thinking has created a climate in which the insights of childhood and family research can be productively combined. This new field of research has been characterised as the study of ‘children’s family’ rather than families of children (Brannen and Obrien 1996) reflecting a new status that has now to be accorded to the perspectives and standpoint of children. Explorations have been made of children’s values about family life, how they conceptualize family structures, roles and relationships and engage with parents, siblings and wider kin, how in countless way they actively practise contribute to and influence family life (Smart et al 2001: 18).However, this approach has been critiques by some scholars to have led to blurring of boundaries between adulthood and childhood and also has methodological constraints.

Diminishing Childhood

Scott (2005) argues that viewing children as prospective adults – the workers, parents, citizens or dropouts of the future – can inadvertently diminish the importance of children as children. Interviewing children may also raise certain methodological issues that may impinge on the quality of the data. In particular, survey techniques might not be appropriate for very young children because of their cognitive and language limitations (Scott 2000).Young age may be a barrier to data quality.

Conclusion

The way childhood is conceived, in a particular time and place frames our knowledge and understanding. In sociology, until quite recently, children were subsumed under family and households and cot considered as actors in their own right. This is the socialization model which had its roots in the Functionalist theory of sociology. The post modernist view has led to the emergence of new sociology of childhood which rightly emphasises that children are agents. They are not passive victims of circumstance; they act and exert influence on the lives of others around them and they make choices, within that opportunities and constraint that contemporary life brings (Scott 2005).

These are the main themes emphasized in the essay along with the discussion of the studies that have been done by authors and researchers following this new approach and the insights that they have generated into the realm of childhood.

In this society, not many people can afford goods and education without working. Since we are not all wealthy, most of us must work in order to cover our living costs and other expenses (Borjas, 2008). However, our decisions on whether to work or not are based on many factors that motivate or discourage us to enter the labour force, then we need to decide how many hours to work. The first and second part of the essay will discuss about an individual’s work-leisure decision regarding to her decision to work or not, and the number of hours to work. In the third part, I will discuss about Clark’s report on job satisfaction of men and women. Although women had higher levels of reported stress in their life, they appear to be happier in work than men. Finally, the results which are recently reported by Booth and van Ours (2007) also support Clark’s conclusions.

The neoclassical model of labour-leisure choice is used to analyse labour supply behaviour and identify the factors in a person’s work decision and her decision on how many hours to work (Borjas, 2008). In this model, individuals’ satisfaction which is obtained from consumption of goods (denoted as C) and leisure (L) is presented by utility function (economists assume that both goods and leisure are normal goods):

We want to maximise our well-being by consuming as much goods and leisure as we can. However, there is a trade-off between consumption and leisure (Sparknotes, 2010). If we want to consume more leisure, then we have to give up goods and services because we cannot afford them since we work less (or do not work). In the other hand, if we spend more time to work, then we are wealthy enough to buy those goods and services; though we cannot consume as much leisure as before.

In order to understand an individual’s work-leisure decision, we use indifference curve analysis to explain their responses. Indifference curve analysis consists of two concepts: indifference curve and budget constraint (bized). A person will make her decision through the combination of the consumption of leisure and goods, in which we can analyse her work-leisure decision through a combination of her budget constraints and her indifference curves. The person’s budget constraint can be written as:

Where C: the value of expenditures on goods, wh: labour earning, and V: non-labour income (such as property income, lottery prises, medical insurance, disability insurance, dividends, retirements program)

The total time allocated to work and leisure must equal the total time available in the period, say T hours per week, so that:

Figure 1 illustrates the optimisation in utility of a person by combining her budget constraint and indifference curves. She will choose point P (as this is her optimal consumption of goods and leisure) because she is better off at point P. At point P, she will consume T1 hours of leisure and h1 hours of work per week. Note that in this figure, we assume that the indifference curves are convex to the origin, which is equivalent to assumption of diminishing marginal rate of substitution. It is the amount of consumption a person is willing to give up for an extra hour of leisure time diminishes as leisure time increases (lecture note).

We are interested in how many hours of work a person will choose when non-labour income (V) (may be because of higher investments return or inheritance money) or wage (w) increases. There are two types of effects which dominate in this model: the income effect and the substitution effect. When non-labour income increases (holding the wage constant), the income effect reduce hours of work (as people tend to take more leisure as they feel wealthier)

The worker’s opportunity set expands as non-labour income increases, thus leads to a parallel shift in her budget line. An increase in non-labour income also means that when holding the wage constant and the income effect generates, the worker tend to reduce hours of work (assume that leisure is a normal good).

When the wage rate increases, its total effect is the sum of the income and substitution effects. A person will reduce her hours of work if the income effect dominates (in this case, a person is effected only if she is working); instead if the substitution effect dominates, she will increase her hours of work. If both effects are equal, then there will be no change on individual’s hours of work or hours of leisure. In Figure 3, as the wage rate increase, the income effect generates lead to a decrease in hours of work (movement from point A to B), however, as the substitution effect has equal effect, individual will increase her hours of work (movement from point B to C). As we can see, the hours of work are still the same.

A person makes her decision to work or not to work is based on the reservation wage. It is said that when the real wage exceed reservation wage, the workers will enter labour market. Therefore, if there is a high reservation wage, people are less likely to work.

However, if we hold the reservation wage constant, high-wage persons are more likely to work.

The neoclassical model of labour-leisure choice has some limitations such as: it considers only leisure and goods and ignores home production; it has simple linear budget constraints as in fact, the budget constraints are nonlinear due to taxes, government benefits; labour supply decision may be affected by other members’ decision of a household; and finally, it is one-period model, whereas lifetime labour supply model is more complex and dynamic (lecture notes).

Women’s participation rate in labour force has been increasing due to: rise in real wage (encourages women to enter the labour market), decline in birth rate since the costs of having one more child are very expensive, technological advances (which are the convenient products to help women in household activities), social and cultural factors (feminism, religion), expansion of service industries, and low unemployment (lecture notes). Mammen and Paxon (2000) state that education levels, for women themselves and their spouses, is an important factor in women’s labour-decision. In a competitive labour market, women will consider the opportunity cost of her time and the income that “unearned” (non-labour income). A woman will withdraw from labour force if there is an increase in her non-labour income (may be because her husband’s income has risen). However, when women’s wage rises, it depends on whether substitution or income effect dominates.

One interesting finding which made by Andrew Clark (1997) is that women’s job satisfaction levels are higher than men. Firstly, he introduced his theory of four possible explanations for women’s higher levels of job satisfaction, which are: jobs and gender, work values, sample selection, and expectations. Clark used the individual and job characteristics as control variables in ordered probit regressions to test all the explanations, except for the sample selection explanation, in which he used Heckman sample correction in OLS regressions. His theory is presented as the utility function from working:

u = u(y, h, i, j) (1)

where y is income, h is hours of work, and i is individual’s feature and j is job characteristics.

He concluded that gender (i variables) should not enter the equation (1), for example: “an identical man and woman in identical jobs should report the same job satisfaction score” (Clark, 1997).

The data in this paper were collected from the British Household Panel Survey (BHPS) which interviewed 10,000 adults in 550 households in 1991. They were asked to rate their satisfaction levels (by the scale number from one to seven) with eight job aspects: promotion prospects, relations at work, job security, own initiative, total pay, the actual work itself, hours of work and something else.

Clark argued that job satisfaction has correlations with the gender’s differences such as: age, education, health, and different job characteristics: establishment size, union membership and hours of work. He found that good health has large positive effect on job satisfaction while renter, union membership, and hours of work have small negative effects (an increase in hours to 50 per week only reduces the predicted probability of reporting overall job satisfaction of 7 to 38% and 30% for women and men, respectively); moreover, higher levels of educations and longer hours of work are connected with lower satisfied workers. Especially, women’s overall job satisfaction is largely determined by renter, union, marital status and managerial status. However, these findings only justify which types of workers are satisfied, not why women are more satisfied than men.

The second explanation of this paper is work values (as men and women consider the work aspects differently). Men choose promotion prospects, job security and pay, are the most important job’s aspects; while women rank highly the aspects such as: relations at work and hours of work. Nevertheless, the results show that women who have same jobs, same personal characteristics and same work values, report a higher job satisfaction score than men do. Thus, work values do not explain why women are so happier at work.

The third explanation of women’s higher job satisfaction (sample selection tests how the individual feel about working) is not effective since it relies on men and women’s participation rate. Clark highlighted that men are more likely to be in employment than women; specifically, married women are less likely to be employed. Since the sample sizes are small (men’s participation rate is higher than women)

Expectations are the last explanation for women’s higher job satisfaction. Clark (1997) stated that women are happier at work than men, because they have lower expectations. Education and upbringing form a part of expectations. For the higher-educated workers, younger workers, those whose mothers had a professional job, those in professional positions, and those working at male-dominated workplaces are likely to have higher expectations about their job aspects. Clark suggested that there is only a temporary result in women’s higher job satisfaction which is explained by improved position of women in the society and labour market. He predicted that women’s expectations and job satisfaction would be the same as men, given that women’s pay only rise at the same pay rates of men.

(gender) used the pooled ordered probit models to show that in the past decade, women’s job satisfaction has indeed declined significantly (nearly by half), while men’s job satisfaction has slightly changed. This paper results support the theory that women’s higher job satisfaction is only transitory and Clark’s prediction of gender differences in job satisfaction.

Furthermore, the results found by Booth and van Ours (2009) are indeed supportive to Clark’s conclusions. Akerlof and Kranton (2000, cited by Booth and van Ours (2009)) stated that women’s improved position in society (such as the female suffragette movement) has made it more tolerable for women to work. This paper examines the relationship between part-time jobs and family well-being by using fixed-effects ordered logit estimation method on the panel data from the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA). Hours satisfaction is considered to be one aspect of both men and women’s job satisfaction. Women’s job satisfaction is said to be increasing follow their partners’ health. The results from pooled cross-sectional data indicate that men and women’s job satisfaction is higher if their family income and health are high, which is consistent with Clark’s findings. While full-time work reduces women’s hours satisfaction and job satisfaction, it increases men’s hours and job satisfaction. Booth and van Ours (20009) concluded that the male share of house work is always low even when the female spend enormous hours in marketplace. This finding proposes an explanation why women are happier with part-time work.

(developing) In contrast to Booth and van Ours’ findings, Boo (2010) states that in developing countries (as in Honduras), women do not have higher job satisfaction refer to part-time job. Alternatively, both women and men are more satisfied when they are working full-time. For the fact that working full-time increases individuals’ income, poorer women seems to value full-time jobs than non-poor women.

Seeing as the older era, a woman has been treated as inferior citizens of all across the world. The position is more or less the same universally irrespective of the urbanized nation. Women have been consigned to inferior position regardless of the fact that they numerically represent about 50% of the world population today. In perspective of sound and qualified ability, this situation has lowered the woman’s self-esteem, autonomy and pride as human beings. Therefore, women empowerment is a compelling issue in the present world. Women empowerment is the course of actions taken by women to have ownership and control of their lives through extension of their selections (Khan & Awan, 2011). Now this paper will discuss about the factors i.e.; gender inequality, lack of education and that hinders women empowerment and also several recommendations to promote it.

In the extremely commencement of evolution, women enjoyed a highly regarded position in society at equivalence with men. They dynamically indulged in social, religious dealings as well as in competition. Moreover, the traditional ceremonies were considered imperfect if women do not participate. Though, it was their considerable constitution which became hurdle on the approach of doing a variety of different complicated tasks. Gradually, they start becoming dependent on men for their food, work and other necessities. During the development of society, the position of women changed because of the establishment of patriarchy i.e; male dominancy. Gradually, male dominancy enters in society and the caliber of women is been thrown up, who surpass the skills on men. Women have made great progress in different areas of life and got achievements like teacher, doctor, engineer, pilots etc. This achievement should really appreciate as they have achieved these things by passing through highly worst situations and at the cost of severe social criticism.

According to the Fourth UN World Conference for Women, “men-controlled society, firm traditional standards and inflexible socio-cultural customs makes women to suffer” (Awan, 2012). Although, a lot of effort has been done by civil society organizations, microfinance institutes, governing bodies, different international bodies like CARE, UNICEF to uplift women but the status of women is more or less same in the present circumstances.

Women are discriminated and more subjected to problems in many aspects because of gendered social structure. The fact is evident that women are among the vulnerable segment in society (Naz, Ibrahim & Ahmed, 2012). Gender inequality influences women empowerment in a negative manner. In today’s world, although females are working in many fields of work but they are still considered weak in comparison with men. Many cultures and societies question woman’s ability to work in certain tasks. For instance; in Africa, politics and economics are believed to be fields for males. Moreover, in Nigeria, it is a tradition that males will not participate in domestic work but it’s only a responsibility of women. According to the Liberal Feminism theory, society believes that women are by nature less intellectual and physically less capable which excludes women from political, economical and academic domains (Bimolain, 2013). In Pakistan, women discrimination is very apparent in every aspect. As there is a male dominant society, women are restricted to have participation in jobs, properties and even they do not have the right to raise their voice. A study was done in Faisalabad and Rawalpindi to measure the empowerment level of women in study area and to identify the socio-cultural factors that influence women empowerment in domestic aspect. Results showed that majority of women had lack of resources and low education, their paid job involvement was negligible, low level of awareness about their rights, less decision making ability, less mobility and lower level of participation in family discussions (Khan, 2010).

The need for women empowerment came through minor position they were getting for so long. The empowerment is a tool that can bring change in their socio-economic condition. It has been known that no society can progress without the women lag behind. Empowerment needs to start on with women involvement in different aspects of life. Education contains a huge value in this view but education for promoting women empowerment is still not fully understood. To attain empowerment women have to have education about their rights with in a modern society. It is the education that can convey knowledge in them associated with their social status, prejudice and discrimination for them. According to International Center for Research on Women (2005), women with higher

education have more control over their destinies. Moreover, higher education also plays a pivotal role in reducing violence against women, female and infant mortality and risky behaviors. Studies done in Africa and Latin America showed that education lowers risky behaviors and risk of sexually transmitted diseases (“A second look,” 2005). Besides this, financial autonomy is the most important factor that contributes in empowering women. In Pakistan, women are getting educated but still there is a great discrimination. According to Islamic teachings; “It is a duty of every Muslim man and woman to seek knowledge” (Tariq, n.d.). Usually, it is observed that if the family affords to give education only to their one child, they always choose male to be their bread earner. In Pakistan, 69% men are literate whereas for females literacy rate is 45% only which indicates a great gender gap.

To improve women empowerment worldwide, people need to change their own perspectives, norms and values. Women and men are equal in all respect and there must be some effective work to be done to make women to work equally with men in every aspect of life. There should be some comprehensive framework for women on the national and international level and effective ways for its implementation and monitoring. Women right should be protected in every aspect on governmental level. For Instance, discrimination and abuse against women would lead to jail immediately and have to pay cash penalties. Health resources should be made accessible and affordable to reduce female mortalities but on the other hand women should be given enough freedom to go for their checkups without their husbands as well because humanity comes first irrespective of any culture. Western countries instead of raising voice for the violation of right of women in Pakistan should help them to make the standard living of women by building schools for their education and some vocational training should be there so that they can groom their abilities and to provide the opportunities of earning especially for the women living in rural areas. The main cause of violation of women rights is the lack of earning opportunities and education. If empowerment of women will be their then next coming generation will be more educated and then women will be secured and less hesitated to raise the voice against their rights. Moreover, effective higher education should be provided to poor women with low fees or there must some financial assistance from different governmental bodies. According to one study done in Egypt, it was found that women with post-secondary schooling were about 25 percent more likely to be formally employed (“A second look,” 2005). Participation in politics and decision making on broader level should be in cooperated so that women can raise their voices and opinions and fight for their rights. Biasness regarding sexes and stereotypes against women must be taken under consideration to save women from violence. There must be counseling sessions for women in both the rural and urban areas so as to make females aware of their rights, needs and risky behaviors and their consequences. This crucial insight suggests that strategies for change need to be targeted at specific groups of girls and women and significant others such as fathers, husbands and sons, taking into account their particular circumstances (David, 2012).

In Islam, women have given huge respect as it can be proved by the sayings of Prophet Muhammad that “PARADISE LIES UNDER MOTHER FEET”. Whether it is a Pakistani society or western, women should get equal rights and respect from every aspect. The chore is not too complex to accomplish. Two things that are honesty and sincerity on the element of those concerned are required. If the change occurs in lots of women then definitely it will provide a constructive impact on society. Hence, the women’s empowerment is the need of the hour. Word count: 1379

1328 Words Essay on Women’s Empowerment in India

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The task is not too difficult to achieve. The honesty and sincerity on the part of those involved is a must. If the lots of women change, definitely it will have a positive impact on society. Hence, the women’s empowerment is the need of the hour.