Author: Andre Coleman

As difficult as it can get to define religion, it gets even harder to explain its parameters. There has not been a general consensus on the definition of religion although social scientists have long tried to provide clarity to the definition of religion as it fits best to justify their work. Belief is at the core of Religion (Jeff Haynes, 1997). According to Jeff, Bellah termed religion as, “a set of symbolic forms and acts which relate man [sic] to the ultimate conditions of his existence”. Jeff interprets these ultimate conditions of existence in two ways, in material and spiritual sense. I will be modifying the material sense of conditions as those pertaining to the political, social and economic factors defining the sophistication of modern world. Empirical and theoretical researchers have long stressed on only the instrumental factors affecting the development of society. It is important to understand that these instrumental factors are insufficient to reflect true results without the inclusion of qualitative factors such as religion. The effect of religion on the economic development of an economy cannot be fairly established without defining economic development. This concept has been a popular one among the economic and social scientists throughout the history of economics. However, the inclusion of terms to define this concept has varied. The concept of economic development lies beyond the conventional boundaries. It is not just a mere calculation of income levels per person in an economy. As noted by Amartya Sen in his book Development as Freedom, “it is not simply adequate to take the maximization of income or wealth as our basic objective. Rather than quantifying economic development as a function of wealth or income it should be more focused with its relevance in enhancing the lives being lead and the freedoms being enjoyed”.

The concept of economic development is far younger than that of religion. Religion and prosperity have often been seen essential to exist side by side. The presence of one has serious implications on the other. The inclusion of religion in economics was first introduced by Adam Smith, who is also known as the Economist of Religion. He viewed religion from a public finance perspective. Adam Smith argues about the idea of increased competitiveness under the presence of different religious institutions in an economy. His approach towards religion and its role in economics was rather a neglected one but he raised some broader questions that have been centre of research by many contemporary economists. These questions pertain to whether competitive religions or established (state) monopoly churches or both are a fundamental requirement in achieving “optimality” in religious markets. Many economists have worked on making a statement about Adam Smith’s stance on religion in economics. Gary Anderson (1988) extended the argument to the farthest reach. According to him, Smith argues in favor of free-market anarchism stronger than in any of his works. Adam Smith regarded the notion of moral sense as tied with the concept of self-love, altruism and the right to interact with others on a contractual basis.

It was Max Weber who dealt with the impact of religion on economic forces by stressing the effect of religion on economy through its direct influence on the individual traits of the economic agents. According to Weber, religion affected individuals by making them more or less productive hence indirectly effecting the operation of an economy. Robert Barro and Rachel McCleary were the ones who found religion to have a positive effect on economic development. The parameters defining development were cooperation, government, working women, legal rules, thriftiness and per capita income levels. The effects of religion differ between and across religious denominations, but overall, their studies found that Christianity based on the attendance level in churches and belief in life after death is associated positively with attitudes conducive to economic growth. However, there have been economists like John L. Perkins who have criticized the existence of religion as a sole determinant of economic retardation in the developing country. He is one of the few contemporary western economists that have tried capturing the effects of religion particularly Islam on the socio-economic evolution of a society. However, there has not been much work done on Pakistan and its development in the context of religion.

Thesis Statement

The main hypothesis is to find if the economic failure of Pakistan is self inflicted or caused by political and socio economic forces beyond control. Is it the growing religious fanaticism that is hindering the growth and development of Pakistani society as projected by the world nowadays?

Approach and Development

The paper addresses some crucial questions that need to be answered in the wake of the past decade’s events. There is a growing dissent towards the role of Pakistan in the modern world. The concerns are not only raised by international community but also by the moderate citizens within the country. The cries to bring about a change have been raised by people who are being victimized by the internal situation of the country, majority of them being women, minorities and the educated middle class. The paper intends to focus on addressing a vital question. Can religion play a role in the retardation of the economic development or wellbeing of the society? How have the so called Islamic laws such as Hudood Ordinance left a devastating impact on women and minorities? What is the future of Pakistan in terms of its economy and the level of prosperity? Is it time to review the extent of religious interference with the matters of the government? These questions will be addressed by conducting a research and analyzing the influence of religion on economic progress and development. Religion and economic development will both be defined in terms of certain factors based on the amended definitions presented in the early part of the proposal.

The paper will focus on religiosity as an empirical determinant of economic development in Pakistan. Robert R. Barro and Rachel M. McCleary in their working paper, “Religion and Economic growth” captured the effect of religion by considering the effect of church attendance and religious beliefs. This paper will provide as a starting point for this research paper. The empirical model used in their paper can be amended and adopted to cater to the needs of a developing country, in this case Pakistan. However it is important to note that the motive here is not to capture the effect of the typical dictionary term ‘religion’ on economic development of a society. The events happening around us do not require an answer to this question anymore. It is the extent of the adoption of religion resulting in religious extremism that requires the attention of economists. The data used by Barro in his paper has a few drawbacks when modified for the case of Pakistan. As the approach to assessing the possible effects of Islam on the economic growth of Pakistan has to cater for the changes in the way religion is defined nowadays, the two fundamental variables used in his work are not applicable here any more. The inclusion of attendance to church (mosques in this case) does not signify anything about the evident ‘extremism’ in the country. It is therefore important to base the research on the right questions. These sample questions are compiled from a variety of questions pooled in for ‘The measurement of Family Religiosity and Spirituality’ for Indicators for Child, Family and Community Connections. These will help answer the vital questions presented earlier. Variables that can define religiosity in Pakistan better can possibly include like:

Religious school enrollment in Pakistan. These schools are the madrassahs that focus on the religion as mode of teaching. There is a clear distinction between private and public schools which follow a regular curriculum with the inclusion of knowledge of religion only.

Level of religious communication at home. This includes the frequency with which religion is preached at home.

The nature of religious beliefs. This focuses on distinguishing if the person is just spiritual and not religious.

Desire, willingness or involvement in religious training camps and activities.

Similarity in religious beliefs to one’s parents and partner. How comfortable does the person feel to be around people sharing strong beliefs?

Religion through media. To what extent are people trying to explore more of their religion through the use of different religious web-sites, chat rooms and religious programming on television?

The willingness to find opportunities to learn more about religion.

The willingness towards women achieving higher education.

The level of tolerance towards a secular state rather than a religious monopoly. Does the person view complete Shariah rule as a necessary step.

The paper will use survey data based on questions designed to capture the level of extremism prevailing in the society. Individual data will be collected for the survey applying to 1000-2000 respondents. The survey data will be used to form country-wide average of data which will be based on questions pertaining to the data compiled for Pakistan. The result of this research would help in highlighting the partial correlation between measures of religiosity and indicators of economic development. These indicators might be the women representation in the country, GDP per capita, percentage of people living under poverty line, capital and investment inflow, freedom to minorities, literacy rate and level of migration etc.

In compiling research data it has to be kept in mind that there are certain problems associated with the empirical data of this nature. A main limitation of this research is the possible reversibility of the causation effect of the data. This pertains to the problem of determining if economic growth is affected by increased religiosity or is this extremism an outcome of vicious economic traps faced by developing economies. Another limitation is the inability of economic development to take into account just the economic factors. Religion influences the development of not only the economic forces but also has serious political and social implications. Similarly there are other determinants such as culture that are closely linked with religion in countries with strong historical background. These determinants tend to create a bias towards the findings of how religiosity can influence development. This problem has to be dealt with very carefully when analyzing empirical work.

Implications of Research

The area of religion and economic development is a very sensitive and dangerous one to handle. It has been analyzed for years by social scientists but there has not been much done on Islam and its effect on Pakistan over the decade when it was much needed. There is a need for new set of parameters defining religion as there is a fine line between spirituality and religious extremism which has to be revealed in order to understand the mechanisms of a developing country with religious monopoly. This study will help overcome this gap and will assist in finding answers about the future of Pakistan and its role in the modern world.

The topic I have chosen to discuss is religion, as theorised by Emile Durkheim and Max Weber. Religion can be recognised in every culture around the world. Therefore, sociologists examine it in order to understand why religion and the beliefs and practices associated with religion, are so significant and the position they play within society (Macionis & Plummer, 2008, p610).

Durkheim and Weber both carried out their work around the turn of the 19th century. Both were gripped by the religion and its role in society (Nisbet, 1975). However, the both studied religion form two very different perspectives, although both thought in evolutionary terms (Parsons, 1964, p xxvii). Durkheim holds a collectivist view of society, exploring it from the perspective that religion has a cohesive effect on people through sharing values, symbols and social norms (Macionis and Plummer, 2008, p611).

Weber on the other hand, has a more individualist perspective. He focused on the sociology of religion, such as the relationship between religious ideas and commitments, with other sociological aspects, such as human behaviour in relation to economics Parsons, 1964, p xx).

Durkheim was born in 1958 in France. His work, centred around social change and industrial society, however, he became focused on social and moral order and how it was achieved and maintained in society. In particular, the transition between traditional society and modern society, and how this influences how social structures and relationships are adapted and maintained (Dillon, 2010 p79). Durkheim was interested in providing a scientific basis for sociology and defining sociology as field of study which he discusses in “The Rules of Sociological Method” (Calhoun, et, al., 2007, p 135). During his lifetime, he published extensively. “The Division of Labour”, where he examined social cohesion within the modern industrialise society. “Suicide” discussed diminishing social bonds in modern society, and this influences patterns of suicide. “The Elementary Forms of Religious Life” examines how the social origins and function of religion and beliefs associated with it, and how they are reinforced by rituals and ceremonies (Calhoun, 2007, p136). Durkheim, along with Marx and Weber, is now seen as an extremely significant classical theorist, and has had an influence across many areas, such as education, religion, and health (Calhoun, 2007, p 133).

Durkheim wrote extensively in the area of religion. He recognised that religion was a social concept that needed to be explored in and of itself, as a primitive and simple level. He looked to define religion which he concluded was “a unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things, that is to say, things set apart and forbidden – beliefs and practices which unite into one single moral community called a Church, all those who adhere to them” (Durkheim, 1976, p47). This definition suggests that religion is collective within society and should be examined in this way. He identified the functions of religion in society. According to Durkheim, religion is a social cohesive. If people share a religion, the shared beliefs values and symbols, they are united by these, therefore it religion as a cohesive among these people. He suggests that as a result of this, religion underlies our moral and emotional links with others. (Macionis & Plummer, 2008, p611).

He claimed that religion does not conflict with science. It is not there to enhance our knowledge, instead it is there in order to provide a guide for the way we act and live (Durkheim, 1976, p416). The primary intention of religion is to influence the moral of life (Durkheim, 1976, p420). Fundamentally, the task of religion is preserving a normal, positive life (Durkheim, 1976, p29). Durkheim also claims that we organize life into the sacred and the profane, and neither can exist without the other (Durkheim, 1976, p308). The sacred is defined as anything that is extraordinary and instils a sense of reverence and sometimes fear (Macionis & Plummer, 2008, p611).

Another function of religion, according to Durkheim, is that religion provides a sense of purpose, meaning and comfort (Macionis and Plummer, 2008, p612). Durkheim suggests it strengthens a person’s moral and feeing of “guardian support”. It allows people to rise out of themselves, which then helps mould their action and behaviour, which results in the collective cohesive affect on society. This, he says, is how the social institution of religion works, therefore it is society itself that is the source of the action guided by religion (Durkheim, 1976, p418). He proposes that the dream of an ideal society, an idealistic society that would eliminate evil and sufferings, suggest religion, as this is what religion aims for. This indicates that religion suggests the ideals of society, instead of explaining it (Durkheim, 1976, p420).

Durkheim studied religion from a collectivist perspective. He recognised that society was becoming more individualist, however he believed that this collectivist society still existed but in another form. He believed that the new individualist forms of religion were simply another form of collectivist forms in society (Durkheim, 1976, p425). He claimed that religious beliefs were not the individual, but were common beliefs belonging to a group united by these beliefs (Durkheim, 1976, p43).

Durkheim also studied the social phenomena of religion in relation to how it constrains social behaviour (Dillon, 2010, p118). His view was that the religious symbols and imagery are used by society to encourage conformity, and instil these into cultural norms. Religion is used in order to justify these cultural norms, for example, norms surrounding marriage and reproduction (Macionis & Plummer, 2008, p612).

Max Weber was born in Germany in 1964 to a Protestant family. Despite being a trained as a lawyer and historian, he became interested in the social sciences, in particular economics. His research was halted by a period of serious depression, however, most of his prominent work was carried out after his breakdown, such as “The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism” (Calhoun, et al., 2007, p206). Weber was particularly interested in the cultural and non-economic sources related to social action. He investigates the sources of social phenomena from a historical and cultural perspective and how they influenced the practices within social institutions. He was a moderate left supporter of German nationalism, and helped found the German Democratic Party, as well as playing a part in the Treaty of Versailles and the Weimar Constitution, before he died in 1920 (Dillon, 2010, pp117-118).

Like Durkheim, Weber recognised that there is not a known society, that doesn’t include something that can be classified as religion (Parson, 1964, p xxvii). Although he also thought in evolutionary terms, he was more engaged by systems of meaning, which can be interpreted (Parsons, 1964, xxvii). He studied the subjective meaning and views of religion, and its cultural and historical origins, as well as how these produce institutional practices (Dillon, 2010, p117). He investigated the religious and cultural beliefs that are at the source of religious and social structures (Dillon, 2010, p119). He believed that these beliefs and values are worthy of investigation as they are what shape social institutions (Dillon, 2010, p125). He believed that religion played a role of stereotyping within society, as it structures and preserves social groups and relationship and provides a social identity for groups. He maintained that religion interacted with other social and cultural aspects (Harrington, 2005, p67). Weber’s most prominent work, “The Protestant ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism”, discussed the interaction between religion and economic aspects.

Weber introduced the “ideal type” in order to measure and compare social phenomenon. They are used in the quest to explain different social relationship and actions (Dillon, 2010, p126). As regards religion, an ideal type is the distinctive characteristics of a religion. Weber discusses Protestantism in is ideal form, and how the characteristics of this religion affect everyday life (Dillon, 2010, p127). He examines how different religious traditions and their structures influence society, particularly in relation to the economy and capitalism

The links between taste, consumption, social class and power
Introduction

The renowned French sociologist and philosopher Pierre-Felix Bourdieu believed that taste and cultural consumption was inextricably linked to social class, which in itself is determined by those with power and position (Bourdieu’s 1994). His detailed research on the subject concluded that the pressures of the society that we live in thus bring about all human acts and, to this extent are not governed by decisions made by solely by the individual. In his view the society in which we live, together with our standing individual standing within that culture will have considerable influence upon both our particular tastes and the choices of taste that we make. Furthermore, Bourdieu finds that those in a position of power, such as the media and government, by virtue of their position, are consistently using the power that they possess to create and feed the social distinctions that we see about us, and therefore manipulating the consumption pattern. The conclusion of Bourdieu’s research therefore is that the individual does not act autonomously from the dictates of his or her society, but rather reacts to patterns of social distinction that are being presented to them.

To assess the validity of this theory, it is the intention of this research to identify, examine and evaluate the potential links that exist between “taste” and cultural consumption and social class. The research will be segmented in an attempt to first of all provide an understanding of consumption and its cultural relevance and how this can be manipulated by those with the power to do so, before examining the relevant aspects of social class. This process will enable us then to reflect upon taste and reach a conclusion as to whether the hypothesis outlined above is still as relevant in modern society as it was when Bourdieu (1994) conducted his research into the subject.

Consumption

In the context of this research, the term consumption is not simply being examined in relation to the goods or services that we purchase with the purpose to consume, for example grocery items, although that is an integral element of the purchasing act. However, it also is relevant to the purpose and reasoning that lies behind the consumption process itself.

The basic concept of consumption is that we make a choice of purchase based upon a number of factors, for example because we like the taste of the content in the case of food products or we are attracted to the look of the item, as would be the case in the decision for non foodstuff, such as furniture, automobiles, homes and a host of other goods. Irrespective of the validity of these determinates of choice consumption is not “merely the recognition or miss-recognition of the aesthetic intention” (Storey, 2003, p.48).

When we make a product choice we are also, either making a statement about our social position, and ourselves, or reacting to a statement that has been placed before us by others. Furthermore, as is reflected in the term “keeping up with the Joneses,” an element of our buying patterns will be made in relation to what others, our peers, might have that we do not. In terms of the influence of others, be the media or peers, this may be perceived as a guide to move us in a certain direction or to give us a distinction that we previously did not have. Therefore, it is true to say that the way in which we exercise our right to consumption is determined by the social structure that surrounds us (Mackay 1997, p.255).

This can perhaps be better seen when viewed in a historical context. In the Victorian era, when the class situation within UK society was more pronounced, the patterns of consumption were seen as an inherent part of that system, in that the purchase should match the social position. A typical example of this process was obvious in the clothing industry, In those days one purchased clothing, that was considered to be commensurate with one’s standing in society, be that class or professional position. It would have been considered “an offence to dress above one’s station” (Corrigan 1997, p.6). The theory of consumption being relative to position, and objected too if it does not maintain that distinction has been seen more recently in research conducted by Radway (1990, p.705 and p.710). The case being studied here was the emergence of book clubs and the controversial reaction to this in some areas of society. These book clubs were offering products that ranged from the mass-market romantic and detective novels through to the classics and “highbrow” products. The controversy arose because many believed that this was an unacceptable intrusion into the considered norm of social culture and distinction.

Despite the fact that the social strata and distinction has been blurred to some extent in modern times, to a great degree the cultural habits of consumption still exist and operate in society. Irrespective of the wide variety of goods and products available, the patterns of individual purchase are still determined by the social and cultural position. For example, when faced with a choice for holidays, the general perception is still that the package tour and coastal seaside two-week summer break is mainly the domain of the working class element of society. Similarly, purchasing a Ford car instead of the more expensive Mercedes will automatically make a statement about the buyers standing, therefore producing a social distinction in consumption (Miller 2002, p.275).

However, nowadays this pattern is tempered with consumption for the purpose of aspiration. Today the objective of bettering oneself is an integral part of the social culture. Peer pressure has also become more intense. People are concerned with being seen to either maintain their status by ensuring that they have the latest product, as may be the case with their neighbour, or wishing to use consumption and purchase as a way of moving up a position in the social ladder. They use consumption to make a statement to this effect (Brewer 1994, p.275). Furthermore, the availability of the product, in terms of price, model and novelty is also important. Consumption will change as a product becomes more popular. For example, a person of high social standing seeks a product that is not generally available to the masses. This can be seen in the case of the Mercedes car, once solely affordable by the few. As it became more popular and therefore more affordable, the novelty and distinction it gave to the wealthier elements of society wore off (Miller 2002, p.180), and they sought to re-establish their position by transferring their consumption to more distinction and expensive automobile ranges.

Typically, the peer-generated influence can be seen occurring with the “new rich,” such as footballers, corporate moguls and celebrities. Having achieved a position of wealth such people will use the purchasing process to acquire products that make a conspicuous statement about the new position they have achieved within society (Featherstone 2000, p.20).

In terms of other influences on consumption, the advertising and marketing media have played a pivotal role. This has become particularly apparent during the period of rapid developments in technological and digital advances being made in the media. Marketers distinguish their target markets by demographic segments, and therefore operate on the basis of class distinction when determining “consumption criteria” (Miller 2002, p.112). These organisations will use the segment analysis for a number of reasons. In terms of mass marketing, for instance with grocery and low cost household products, the intention will be too attract the working classes to consume their products in preference. Similarly, this system will be used to drive the “peer-pressure” determinant, using the subconscious cultural message that to maintain one’s individual standing, these products are culturally essential. At the other end of the scale, Marketers will use their message to accentuate the difference in social standing that can be achieved by purchasing their product. Again this can be aptly seen with motor vehicles, where the promoter might use the vision of ownership of a 4?4, or top of the range vehicle as an indication of higher social standing.

From this analysis it can be seen that consumption when viewed on a number of levels does reflect, either directly or indirectly, a social struggle to achieve a certain level of distinction. Consciously or sub-consciously it will affect the consumers position and social standing (Corrigan 1997, p.32).

Taste

Taste in dictionary terms, is defined as being the manifestation of an individual’s particular preference. This will extend beyond the simple food connotation of the word to all aspects of life, including all of the goods, services and activities they purchase or use. In his research Bordieu (1994, p.42) rightly identifies taste as being a matter of choice, which varies from individual to individual. Therefore, by definition taste has both a positive and negative reaction. For example, one chooses a particular food because of the preference to its taste or conversely rejects of food because of individual’s dislike of its taste. In the same way, similar decisions are made about other goods. Furthermore the levels of taste are varied. For example, one may react on a low level of negatively to something simply on a matter of ascetic taste, as in not being keen on the colour, or the level of taste dislike can reveal itself in the emotion of disgust, which in the case of food can even lead to sickness. From the individual point of view taste can therefore be attributable as an indications of the specific preferences of a particular person (Featherstone 2000, p.83).

However, having previously stated that taste is a matter of choice, a rider should be added to this. Choice in taste is not always a decision that is taken freely. In most areas of life there is limitations and taste is often one such area. As Bordieu (1994) pointed out in his research, often in our daily lives and decision-making processes our taste decisions are restricted by a choice being forced upon us. For example, to return once again to an automobile comparison, it is often the case when faced with a choice of vehicles to purchase, that one’s deep routed preference would be for a Mercedes. However if the income level of the purchaser is only say $10,000 per annum, this vehicle is clearly out of an acceptable price range. In such a situation one has to make a taste decision based upon an affordable, or forced, range of lower standard vehicles. Therefore taste is tempered by the social and economic position that the individual is situated within.

Taste can also be applicable in a cultural sense and in this respect Bourdieu (1984, p.56), states that it can act as a class barrier. As with consumption, again this can be seen as more pronounced in historical times, although it still exists. By nature, the individual will aspire to a certain social level and consequently they will have an aversion to a life-style that does not match with their expectations. In respect of society itself, there are two levels of taste that can be deemed to play both an interactive and exclusive role. These are common taste and class taste respectively.

In addition to individual taste, the format of society also dictates that there will be a common taste. This is an element that is shared within the specific culture to which one belongs. For example, within the UK there will be commonly accepted tastes in terms of the way that people should behave, and where the limits of acceptable common legislation should be drawn, although this is by no means the only area of taste that would be considered to be common. However, as Bordieu (1994), this common taste scenario produces a dichotomy. Achieving a balance between the common taste and the taste of individual classes of society is often difficulty. By the simple distinction of their class, there will be those elements of society that will wish at least part of their taste to be separate from those of other classes. For instance, the upper class will have a distinct taste that they would perceive to set them apart from the working class (Bucholtz and Sutton 1999, p.355).

Taste and choice is another are where those with power, such as the media, can exercise significant influence. One only has to look at the television to notice the wide range of new products and designs that are constantly being promoted. This can serve to create movement in the individual and social taste requirements (Miller 2002, p.216). Whilst consumers demands and tastes for new products may change, as has been demonstrated this is not always as a result of their own changing tastes (Brewer and Porter 1994, p.601). Similarly, as with consumption, often these taste determinants will be directed at particular demographic segments of the community. A typical example of this occurred when “Wedgewood Potteries, in north Staffordshire, deliberately tried to direct upper-class taste” through design and promotional efforts (Corrigan 1997. p.9).

Taste therefore is influenced by a number of factors, not the least of which is the relative position of the individual “in the social structure” (Mackay 1997, p.230) of their own culture. Similarly, taste can be distinct between the relative class structures and also can create a tension when seen not to be achieving the correct values (Corrigan 1997, p.100).

Social Class

What is social class and how does it manifest itself? As will be seen within this section there are many aspects to class and numerous influences attached to its creation and maintenance of the class system. The class system in the UK has been in existence for countless centuries and, despite the moves during the last century to achieve equality is has still managed to survive, particularly, as Bordieu (1994) points in his research, within the higher intellectual and ruling class level. Indeed, as Brewer (1994, p.128), points out, in Wigston Magna, an old village, which is now a part of an expanded city called Leicester, social differences were being created as the village grew.

Much of the creation of class Bordieu (1994) puts down to education and language. Success in education is achieve not simply by the act of learning, but also as a result of behaviour and even language, which in turn is a reflection of upbringing. Those students from privileged backgrounds will have learnt how to present themselves physically, in speech and their attitude, whereas the less privileged will not, precisely as a result of the way they have been brought up. Language is also important, not simply because it is a way of communication, but because it is seen as an indicator of position within society. To evidence this one only has to look at the immediate perception that is formed in the mind as a result of the “mannerism of speech of different social groups” (Bucholtz and Sutton 1999, p.101). Automatically, the subconscious seeks to identify not simply the geographical background, but also their position within society. The way that people speak does therefore tend to create an immediate recognition of class.

There is a natural tendency for people to segregate themselves into groups where they feel comfortable, and an equal tendency to reject or distance themselves from those who do not fit into their own “circle.” This phenomenon is known as social distinction. Social distinction is what creates the various classes. It is defined by different values, tastes and consumption activity. Furthermore, its occupants rigorously protect it. For example, when describing ourselves to others we tend to refer to the social category that we belong to as a way of distinguishing ourselves from others (Mackay 1997, p.68). Mackay (1997, p.205) further evidences this by explaining how the middle classes, in an attempt to maintain their distinctive class, will put “geographical distance between itself and manual labour” or working classes.

Even within classes that can be demonstrated by economic advantage, there still remains a distinction that is closely protected. The latter half of the last century saw a significant increase of wealth created and attracted to people who previously would have been considered to be working or middle class. As the wealth accumulation continued, these people began to acquire the trappings of the upper classes, such as large land estates, international residences and the like. This situation threatened the existence and position that was previously the domain of the nobility and aristocrats. As Bourdieu (1994) explains, the nobility were not prepared to lose their standing within society, based upon position and breeding, nor would they settle for it being diluted by invasion from individuals who they considered to be of a lower class, irrespective of wealth. Thus they encapsulated the retention of their previous distinction by use of the terms “old money” and “new money,”

Individuals and groups within society use numerous ways to distinguish themselves from other classes. For example, the amount of leisure time that is available to an individual is often used as an example of their social standing (Storey 2003, p.37), as might be their house style where a detached property is viewed a social standing distinct from a terraced. Similarly, ones work position can be used to reinforce the social distinction. Subconsciously, when the terms blue-collar worker, white-collar worker and professional are used in relation to the employment of the individual, there is an automatic social and class distinction attributed to them.

Power also helps to maintain the social distinction and class. By its terminology, the government is as guilty of this as any other sector of society. For example, consistent references to being a party of the “working class” by Labour is intended to distinguish them from the more affluent reaches of the conservatives. Similarly, the media makes use of class distinction in promotional strategy. For example, if a retailer wishes to appeal to the masses, for example with cosmetics, its promotion will lead with the term “Lower-priced cosmetics” Corrigan 1997, 87. Conversely, if it wishes to appeal to affluent classes it will use quality and aspirations as its message.

Conclusion

From the research that has been studied during the preparation of this paper, it is concluded that there are numerous and significant links between consumption, taste and social class and power. Despite the fact that the modern trend is towards a more deregulated and less controlled society (Featherstone 2000, p.15), these links still exist, although they manifest themselves in different ways to those that were used in the past.

Consumption is still driven by an individual’s desire to better themselves, which is deemed to be achieved by improving ones class or standing in society. Taste is still governed by ones upbringing and changed by both peer pressure and a desire to changes ones position in society, and the various social classes still endeavour to maintain their individuality and distinction from other classes.

The major difference in the modern world when compared with the historical structure of society is the manner in which all of these links and distinctions are maintained. Today, the concentration is upon the use of signs and images as a method of promoting ones position in society (Featherstone 2000, p.85). Material possessions, together with the work position are used, consciously or subconsciously, to denote where the individual stands in society in terms of their class.

Encompassing all of these aspects in the manipulative forces of those with power, such as the media and government. The government, by attributing demographic segmentation to the population, maintains the concept of different social classes with varying tastes and consumption needs. The media, whilst in many ways performing the same social distinction role as government, also use the individual’s distinctive position to create situations that convey how these positions should be maintained and, in addition, provide a perceived path for the individual to exchange the class and position they are currently in for one that would improve their standing in the community.

References

Bourdieu, Pierre and Nice, Richard (Translator) (1994). Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Harvard University Press. Massachusetts, US.

Brewer, J., and Porter, R. (eds.) 1994. Consumption and the World of Goods. Routledge. London, UK.

Bucholtz, M., Laing, A.C and Sutton (eds.) (1999). Reinventing Identities. Oxford University Press. New York, US.

Corrigan, Peter (1998). The Sociology of Consumption: An Introduction. Sage Publications. London, UK.

Featherstone, Mike (2000). Consumer Culture and Post-modernism. Sage Publications. London, UK.

Mackay, H (ed.) (1997). Consumption and Everyday Life. The Open University. Milton Keynes, London, UK.

Miller. D (2002). Acknowledging Consumption: A Review of New Studies. Routledge. London, UK.

Moran, Joe (2005). Hum, ping. rip: the sounds of cooking. The New Statesman. London, UK.

Radway, J. (1990). “The scandal of the middlebrow: the Book-of-the-Month Club, class fracture, and cultural authority”. South Atlantic Quarterly. Fall, pp. 703-7.

Storey, J. (2003). Cultural Consumption and Everyday Life. Arnold. London, UK.

How are Changes in Knowledge Connected to Social Change?
Introduction

Knowledge and society have a reciprocal relationship. Religious and scientific ideas bring changes to the social order, likewise changes in society help to shape knowledge. This has been most evident since the time of the Enlightenment. From earliest times philosophers had concerned themselves with questions about God and about the human condition, what are sometimes called timeless truths. Sociology, on the other hand was more contextual and historical in that theorists were concerned with the historical emergence of all aspects of human social life.

Sociology emerged through the conditions of modernity, which began in Europe in the 17^th Century but later spread to become worldwide. The new scientific view questioned previously held ways of knowing and thinking about the world. Religious doctrine and teachings that had been seen as authoritative and objective truths which dictated the way most people lived their lives were called into question by advances in science. At the same time modernity engendered huge technological and social change that led to a break with what had gone before. The French revolution, and in England, the Industrial revolution, which dramatically changed the face of the social world, were decisive elements in the emergence of a theory of society that was distinct from other branches of philosophy (Giddens, 2001).

The revolution was based on notions of individual freedom and human rights; it shook the social and political foundations of France and had repercussions across Europe. It also contained within it economic consequences that destroyed the foundations of feudal society. It questioned the idealized and inward looking existence of philosophy (see Morrison, 1995). Historical development’s impact on philosophy was most evident in Hegel’s work which had profound implications for the development of social theory. Hegel took the view that the revolution had not just influenced the way philosophy saw itself; it fundamentally changed the way philosophers dealt with reality and history. History and the social order had been seen as fixed, the revolution changed that and Hegel observed that as one form of social and political existence ended so another took its place.. Hegel viewed the individual as a subject within history and history as developmental and thus liberative. This was the first time that history and humanity’s role within it had been recognised as an ongoing and changing process. Other 19^th century thinkers sought to understand the changing world in which they lived.

Knowledge and Social Science

Auguste Comte is sometimes called the founder of sociology as he coined the term. Comte was influenced by the way scientists investigated the physical world and he sought to create a science of society which would explain the social world in a similar manner. He believed that the scientific method allowed us to uncover universal laws. Comte’s thinking developed into what is known as positivism. This holds that science should be concerned with observable facts thus knowledge about society had to be based on empirical evidence i.e. observation and experiment (Callincos).

Comte was followed by Durkheim who also took the view that social life should be studied in the same way that scientists studied the physical world. He and other positivists believed that social facts about the world could be established through the collection of statistical data. In this way sociologists could study cause and effect in society. For Durkheim sociology was about the discovery of social facts, sociologists should study aspects of life that shape individuals such as religion and economics. Because social change is so rapid the modern world presents us with difficulties that affect our lifestyles and cause human beings to feel unsettled. Durkheim described this process as anomie, a feeling of despair that was a result of modern life.

The ideas of Karl Marx contrast with those of Comte and Durkheim who were interested in the structure of society.He also sought to explain the changes that were taking place in society. Marx said that the philosophers had only interpreted the world when it needed to be changed. Drawing on Hegel’s idea of the development of history Marx developed what he called a materialist conception of history (Morris, 1995). Social change, he argued is not the result of ideas, but of economic processes. Historical development is the result of class conflict. Religion was a false ideology that upheld the interests of the ruling class and kept the working classes in submission. Max Weber also wanted to understand social change but was critical of some of Marx’s views. Weber believed that ideas and values were just as important as economic processes and he felt that sociology should focus on action not structure (Haralambos and Holborn, 2000). Weber maintained that capitalism was not simply the result of class conflict, what he termed the ‘spirit;’ of capitalism was the result of a particular view of the world. He maintained that capitalism was the direct result of a particular religious view of the world, that of Calvinism. They worked hard^[1]because that was what God wanted and this resulted in the accumulation of capital. Their success was, for them, a sign of God’s grace. Thus, for Weber, rather than study society as a set of social facts, we need to try to understand the meanings that human beings give to their actions. This brought about a continuing divide in sociology between positivism and interpretavism, social structure versus human action. Those who follow an interpretative view of studying society argue that no causal explanation of human behaviour is possible without some understanding of the meanings that individuals give to their actions (Haralambos and Holborn, 2000).^[2] Weber believed that human action was creative whereas Durkheim believed that our actions were limited by social structures.

Later Developments

Marx, Durkheim and Weber, are known as the founding fathers of sociology who although divided in their accounts of society all sought to make sense of the changing societies that they lived in (Morrison, 1995). Their thought influenced later sociologists. Functionalism developed out of Durkheim’s thinking. Its most prominent thinkers are the American sociologists Robert Merton and Talcott Parsons. Functionalism holds that society is a system whose various parts work together and this produces social solidarity and cohesion (Giddens, 2001).^[3] Thus functionalists examined the institutions of society, the family and education to show how they worked in the development of society and promoted social cohesion.

Marx’s thinking developed largely through conflict theories. Inherent in Marx’s thought was the idea that one set of people in society were in conflict with another (the class divide) this has been most obvious in the development of feminist theories. Feminists such as Walby (1990) have used Marx’s analysis of class in the analysis of the rise of patriarchy and the struggle between the sexes. These relationships are characterised by the fact that one group has power and authority while another does not. Weber’s thought has been seen as important to the development of symbolic interactionism as found in the work of George Herbert Mead an American anthropologist. This view holds that individuals have an image of themselves that is reinforced by their interactions with others. Phenomenology is a further development of interactionism but it goes further than interactionists in that they focus solely on the subjective aspects of social life.

The ideas of the founding fathers have been termed ‘grand theories’ but with the demise of modernity the idea that history is progressive has been called into question. Society is not a seamless whole but plural and diverse, it has thus been described as post-modern (Lyotard, 1989).

Postmodernists argue that objective knowledge of the world is not possible because knowledge reflects the interests of its producers. Michel Foucault (1975) was a French sociologist who argued that knowledge was a result of the power relations that exist in society. Power works through discourse^[4] and shapes our attitudes towards sexuality, crime and criminals and madness. Foucault, through his ‘archeology’ of knowledge^[5] Foucault argued that what we understand of say mental illness or sexuality is a result of social development.

Conclusion

Clearly knowledge and social change are very closely linked. The immense changes in society over the past three hundred years have resulted in philosophers and social scientists attempting to understand the world, why things happen the way they do, why we do what we do. They also look at the development of social institutions, and in Foucault’s case^[6] the development of knowledge itself through discourse. The emergence of sociology is directly related to social change and sociologists attempts to understand such changes have resulted in the production of knowledge. At the same time new knowledge about the world we live in helps to facilitate social change, e.g. feminist perspectives have resulted in huge changes in women’s status in today’s society.

Bibliography

Callinicos, A 1999 Social Theory New York, New York University Press

Foucault, M 1991 (1975) Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison Harmondsworth, Penguin

Giddens, 2001 4^th ed. Sociology Cambridge, Polity

Haralambos and Holborn 2000 Sociology: Themes and Perspectives Collins, London

Morrison, K 1995 Marx, Durkheim, Weber: Formations of Modern Social Thought

1

How important is the relationship between a person’s occupation and his or her identity?

Within human social contact, many of the interactions we have presume a link between paid occupation and identity. Such a presumption extends not only to the identity of the individual in question but also to the notion of a collective identity: an identity shared by the individual and his or her co-workers. The income generated from our work and the way in which we distribute it – the lifestyle it affords us – all help to shape our identity. However, there are other things which influence our identity; work being only one of them, and so establishing a causal link between occupation and identity can sometimes be difficult. When thinking about our identity within the economic framework of employment we must also consider the notion of representation: our feelings about our occupation and the money and lifestyle it affords us are shaped by the way others see us, and what they have.^[1]

Our identity is an encompassing concept that influences and is influenced by our relationships with other people. This logic dictates that our identities must be closely tied, in some way, to what we do, and how we interpret what we do in the context of our relationships. There is a close connection between doing and identity and the use of language in the creation of meaning and understanding of this^[2]. Piaget^[3] and Kagan^[4] illustrate how children learn about the world through doing; how the realisation that we can act upon the environment contributes to our sense of self, and the realisation that we are separate from our environment. Children, therefore, come to realise that their actions have social meaning and that their approval as individuals is in direct correlation to what they do: we begin to learn about ourselves as individuals and as members of social groups. As we develop our identity is shaped by our competencies, especially in comparison with others, as well as our social standing and the expectations placed upon us^[5]. As adults, our identity becomes goal-oriented and this is largely influenced by society^[6].

Occupation is a goal-oriented life activity. Goals are motivators because we view them in terms of the effect of goals met or unmet. Working late, volunteering, taking on extra responsibility allows us the opportunity to imagine praise, promotion, recognition because of our virtue. This imagining shapes our views of our future self and motivates us to further goal-directed action. Motivating images are often called possible selves^[7] and they represent what we like might like to become or are afraid of becoming. Possible selves are useful for providing the catalyst to transfer thought to action and as we shape our own identity in a positive manner, our satisfaction increases. Our occupation is the vehicle through which we can develop and express our identities and in order for us to do so within our occupations we must demonstrate to others that we are competent to gain approval and avoid rejection. If we are competent it suggests that we are able to deal effectively with challenges that come our way; the more successful we are at dealing with challenges, the higher our self-confidence. Self-confidence highlights a clear link between our identity and a belief in the things that we are able to do.

If our identities are crafted by our occupation and the way in which we perform within that sphere, then a threat to our ability to engage in an occupation becomes almost a threat to our identity. Disabilities often threaten the establishment of an identity based on competence.^[8] Redundancy, for example, or unemployment can erode the shared experience of the labour process which can act as the basis for group identity^[9] as well as the benchmark that enable us to sustain and articulate our individual identity.^[10] For men, unemployment or redundancy can undermine their masculine identity as the traditional male-breadwinner and relegate them to the private rather than the public sphere, and for those used to employment, a lack of occupation can lead to identities becoming more privatised.^[11] Turnbull argues that an occupational based identity may offer the individual the highest status and most positive self-image available to them.^[12] In this way, those without an occupation, or whose occupation affords them only the most basic living have identities defined by the notion of falling into a particular class, e.g. working class – here an identity is defined by subsistence. Poverty becomes a marker of status and position and can almost be a deprivation of identity.

It is clear that an occupation is central to a sense of who we are and our worth which in turn influences how others see us and how we see other people, and since we spend most of our lives working this provides us with a sense of coherence which helps plays an important role in the shaping of both our individual and collective identity. It is important to note though, that occupation is only one factor amongst many which impacts upon our identity and its relative importance must be viewed alongside that of other social factors.

In what ways do social factors shape our identities?

It is true to suggest that our identity is made up of individual traits and interpersonal relationships as well as ideas and beliefs we derive from belonging to different groups. Every one of us has a number of different identities open to us and these identities tell us who we are and what each particular identity might involve. Social contexts will generally indicate which identity is most pertinent at any given time. Tajfel argues that there are times when our ‘group’ identity or social identity is more important to us than our personal identity and this decision is particularly dependent upon social factors.^[13]

Categorisation shapes our identities – when we categorise someone or something we do so in an attempt to understand them and their social environment. So labelling someone as a Muslim, or a Jew, or a football fan or black or white, unemployed or employed allows us to define the kinds of behaviour that are appropriate or even expected of that category. There are a number of different categories which bring with them their own factors which help to shape our identity and the behaviour that is expected of individuals who fall within a particular category. Perhaps some of the most obvious categories are those of race, gender, nationalism and class. When we talk about categorisation by gender, for example, it is often assumed that the role of an individual is defined by their genitalia and that there are social roles for males and social roles for females. This categorisation can be something against which individuals may rebel, but this can also be a group to which they belong that brings with it negative aspects, too. For example, a sub-category for women is often that of the victim; such groupings can have a substantial impact upon the identity of the individual. In everyday speech, we often use the word race to denote a group of individuals who have a particular way of talking about themselves and others – and again we often expect of these people particular types of behaviour, some of which can reinforce stereotypes and contribute to prejudice: social factors which can all affect the identity both of the individual themselves and the identity of the group itself.^[14]

We identify with groups we perceive that we belong to. This has two ramifications: part of what make me ‘me’ is my membership of a particular group, so sometimes there are in-groups and sometimes out-groups (us vs. them) but my identity is also shaped by the fact that I am truly a unique individual. My membership of a particular category or group is just as real to me as the fact that I know that I am unique. A further ramification of this concept is the notion that despite the fact that I am unique, my group self also makes me the same as others within my group. There will be some occasions when I will treat members of my group as being the same as me in some important and pertinent way. For example, I may believe that although I am different to the members of my group, in that I am ‘me’, I am also the same in that I believe that my nation is superior and more deserving of respect than yours (nationalism).

Within individual groups Tajfel argues that group members compare themselves with each other, because this comparison allows them to define their group as positive (or negative) and therefore by default, see themselves in a positive (or negative) light. People are generally motivated to see their group as better than other similar groups, but often groups might try to belittle differences between groups in order to be able to view their own group favourably. For example, people from developing countries might regards their country as inferior technologically or economically but might believe that they live a morally much superior way of life. ^[15]

Social factors, therefore, shape our identity in a variety of ways: they influence the way we view ourselves and others, the people we feel that we belong to and identify with, the behaviour we feel is expected of us, and of others and the worth we attribute to other individuals and groups, as well as to ourselves and the groups we feel we belong to.

Bibliography

Christiansen, C H. Defining Lives: Occupation as Identity: An Essay on Competence, Coherence and the Creation of Meaning. American Journal of Occupational Therapy. 1999

Cooley, C.H. Human nature and the social order. New York. Scribner. 1902

Kagan, J. The Second Year: the emergence of self-awareness. Cambridge, MA. HUP. 1981

MacKenzie, R. Stuart, M. Forde, C. Greenwood, E. Perrett, R. Gardiner, J. All that is Solid? Class Identity and the Maintenance of a Collective Orientation amongst Redundant Steel Workers. Sociology 2006.

Piaget. J. The construction of reality in the child. 1954. Basic. New York.

Ruble, D. Social Cognition and Social Behaviour: developmental perspectives. New York. CUP. 1983

Tajfel, H. Social identity and intergroup behavior. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. 1982

Vygotsky, LS. The instrumental method in Psychology. P134-143. 1981.

Woodward, K. ed. An introduction to the Social Sciences: Understanding Social Change: questioning identity: gender, class, nation. Routledge. London. 2002

1

Sex, Gender and Health
Introduction

One of the main objectives of the National Health Service set out in the 1940’s was “To ensure that everybody in the country-irrespective of means, age, sex, or occupation-shall have equal opportunity to benefit from the best and most up to date medical and allied services available (Ministry of Health, 1944). Although the words equity and equality do not feature in documents from the early days of the NHS, there are many reasons to conclude that the service was intended to provide equal access or actual treatment for those in equal need (Delamothe, 2008). This concept had been refined since then, and an equitable health service is understood to mean “one where individuals’ access to and utilisation of the service depends on their health status alone.” (Dixon et al., 2003). There are many explanations for factors attributable to differences in the equity of care, such as income, income inequality, social connectedness, and social capital, which have all shown some association with health and illness (Berkman & Syme, 1979; Fiscella & Franks, 1997; Kawachi et al., 1997; Lomas, 1998; Naidoo & Wills, 2000). This paper shall examine the meaning of gender as another of these determinants of health. The differences between the terms sex and gender shall first be discussed. Secondly pathways through which gender effects health shall be examined, paying particular attention to risk behaviours, gender roles, and gender discrimination. Finally, the differential exposure and differential vulnerability hypotheses shall be discussed.

Sex and Gender

Raymond Williams argued that vocabulary involves not only ‘the available and developing meaning of known words’ but also ‘particular formations of meaning-ways not only of discussing but at another level seeing many of our central experiences’ (Williams, 1983 p15). Language in this sense embodies ‘important social and historical processes’ in which new terms are introduced or old terms take on a new meaning. Often ‘earlier and later senses coexist, or become actual alternatives in which problems of contemporary belief and affiliation are contested’ (Williams, 1983 p22). The introduction of ‘gender’ in English in the 1970s as an alternative to ‘sex’ was to counter the implicit and explicit biological determinism pervading scientific lay language (Krieger, 2003). Sociologists describe sex as the relatively unchanging biology of being male or female, while gender refers to the roles and expectations attributed to men and women in a given society, roles which change over time, place and life stage (Phillips, 2005). Genetic profile and hormone profile are both examples of sex, a constant set of biological characteristics that remain the same across societies, whereas expectations about the imperative to bear children, the nature of parenting, or the status of being a mother are more to do with gender roles and expectations. Gender has an impact on health in a variety of ways.

Gender inequalities in health

While women generally experience poorer health than men, the pattern of gender differences in health is varied (Arber & Cooper, 1999). Women have lower rates of mortality but, paradoxically, report higher levels of depression, psychiatric disorders, distress and a variety of other chronic illnesses than men ( McDonough & Walters, 2001). The direction and magnitude of gender differences in health vary according to the symptom/condition and phase of life cycle (Denton et al., 2004). Female excess is found consistently across the lifespan for distress, but is far less apparent, even reversed, for a number of other physical conditions and symptoms (Matthews et al., 1999).

Gender inequalities in income and wealth make women especially vulnerable to poverty. In some parts of the world this makes it difficult for them to acquire the necessities for health, especially during the reproductive years when family needs are greatest (Doyal, 2001). Social norms about the diversions of responsibility mean that many women have very heavy burdens of work, especially those who combine employment with domestic duties, pregnancy and child rearing (Naidoo & Wills, 2001). Often, women in the house receive very little support and many are abused by their family members. It has been estimated that 19% of the total disease burden carried by women aged 15-44 in developed countries is the result of domestic violence and rape (World Bank, 1993). Further to this, anxiety and depression are reported more in women than in men in most parts of the world, yet there is no evidence that women are constitutionally more susceptible to such illness (Doyal, 2001). In Africa, powerlessness and lack of control underlie much of the exposure to HIV/AIDS amongst the female population. Disproportionate barriers (relative to men) in access to resources such as food, education and medical care disadvantage women in much of the developing world. In males risk taking behaviour is the norm amongst males in the developing world.

Risk taking behaviour and its effects on male health

There are now many links on the interaction between masculinity and health emerging (Schoefield et al, 2000). The development and maintenance of a heterosexual male identity usually requires the taking of risks that are seriously hazardous to health (Doyal, 2001). One of the most obvious examples of this regards the working environment. In many societies it is traditional for the man to assume the role of the provider, thus putting males at risk of dying prematurely from occupational accidents (Waldron, 1995), and although there are more women in the labour force, men from the poorest communities still do the most dangerous jobs.

Further to the risks of the workplace, men often feel compelled to engage in risky behaviour to “prove their masculinity”, thus they are more likely than women to die in a car crash or dangerous sporting activities (Canaan, 1996). Men are also more likely than women to drink to excess and smoke, which increases ones physiological predisposition to early heart disease and other related problems (Doyal, 2001). They are also more likely than women to desire unsafe sex. A study in Ontario, Canada examined the causes of male deaths between birth and age 45. There reported 1,812 male deaths, of which 1,372 (76%) are due to motor vehicle accidents, suicide, and AIDS, leaving 440 deaths unrelated to behaviour. Although the male excess of deaths from car accidents may, in part be attributable to greater distances driven and not behaviour while driving, the male “relationship” with the automobile is almost certainly another aspect of gender roles. Only 308 (33%) of the 936 female deaths are explained by such behaviour. When non-risk taking causes of death are isolated from the data, women under age 45 have a mortality which is 1.43 times that of men’s. Over age 45 the leading causes of death for both men and women are chronic diseases. Men die of heart disease in equal numbers but at a younger age than do women. With increasing age the number of deaths for women creeps upward to equal that of men (Phillips, 2005).

Differential exposure and differential vulnerability hypotheses

Since gender is a measure of both biological and social differences, it is likely that the health inequalities between men and women reflect both sex-related biological and social factors, and the interactions between them (Denton et al., 2004). There are two general hypotheses that account for these gender based inequalities in health. The differential exposure hypothesis suggests that women report higher levels of health problems because of their reduced access to the material and social conditions of life that foster health (Arber & Cooper, 1999), and from greater stress associated with their gender and marital roles. Many studies have shown that women occupy different structural locations than men: they are less likely to be employed, work in different occupations, and are more likely to be on lower incomes, and to do domestic labour and to be a single parent than men (Denton & Walters, 1999). There are also gender differences in exposure to lifestyle behaviours, such as those previously mentioned (that men are more likely to smoke, consume alcohol) as well as having an unbalanced diet and being overweight, while women are more likely than men to be physically inactive (Denton & Walters, 1999). De Vries and Watt (1996) also suggest that women report higher levels of health problems because they are exposed to a higher level of demands and obligations in their social roles, as well as experiencing more stressful life events. Women also have lower levels of both perceived control and self esteem than men (Turner & Roszell, 1994), though women report higher levels of social support (Umberson et al., 1996).

The differential vulnerability hypothesis on the other hand suggests that women report higher levels of health problems because they react differently than men to the material, behavioural and psychosocial conditions that moderate health (Denton et al., 2004). Multivariate analyses have shown that men and women differ in vulnerability to some, but not all, of the social determinants of health (Denton et al., 2004). That is, the moderating effect of gender is determinant specific. Having a high income, working full time, caring for a family, and having good social support have been shown to be more importance predictors for predicating health in women than men (Prus & Gee, 2003). Smoking and alcohol consumption are more important as discussed previously, are more important determinants of health for men than women, while body weight and being physically inactive are more important for women (Denton & Walters, 1999). Furthermore, the effects of stress may be experienced and personified by men and women in a variety of different ways. The literature appears to show that women react more to ongoing strains than men do, and are more likely to report and react to stressors experienced by others (Turner & Avison, 1987), while men are more likely to mention and react to economic stressors (Wheaton, 1990). Zuzenak & Mannell (1998) argues that women have a greater vulnerability to the effects of chronic stressors on health due to the greater stress associated with their family and marital roles.

Denton et al., (2004) used multiple indicators of health and its social structural, behavioural, and psychological determinants to gain a comprehensive understanding of the role that social factors play in determining health. They report that women’s poorer health is partly due to the reduced access, on average, to the material and social conditions of life that foster health, to their differential exposure to stressful life events and to everyday stressors associated with a women’s social roles. Men’s health also seems to be reduced by their greater likelihood to partake in risk taking behaviours such as smoking and excessive drinking. These, as well as physical activity are more important to men’s health.

Conclusion

Gender is a social construct, and sex is a biological construct. They are each distinct, and are not interchangeable terms. The use of the term gender facilitates discussion of the effects of social norms and expectations on the health of both males and females. It is clear that gender has many effects upon health and well being, and that this is a complex issue, with behavioural and psychosocial determinants of health growing out of the social context of peoples lives. This paper has discussed the social and structural context of peoples lives for health benefits – clearly a strong and well studies theme in the literature (Denton & Walters, 1999; Denton et al., 2004). It seems that behavioural determinants play less of a role in predicting health, yet there effects also tend to be mediated by social structure (e.g. those with a low income are more likely to smoke, drink excessively, and be overweight and inactive. These factors can then, collectively, lead to chronic health problems later on in life. It also seems reasonable to conclude that men and women suffer from different types of stressor. They also both cope in different ways. For example, the exposure hypothesis proposes that gender-based health inequalities are the result of the differing social location between men and women. There different life style behaviour’s and the differing number of chronic stressors and life experienced by men and women. The vulnerability hypothesis proposes that women’s health differs from men’s because they also react in different ways to factors that determine health. It seems then, that although there are many other sociological factors that can have an impact on health, there are many gender differences to account for also, making this a very complex issue.

References

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Berkman, L., & Syme, S. (1979). Social networks, host resitance and mortality: a nine year follow up study of Alameda County residents. American Journal of Epidermology , 109, 186-203.

Delamothe, T. (2008). Universality, equity and quality of care. British Medical Journal , 336, 1278-1282.

Denton, M., & Walters, V. (1999). Gender differences in structural and behavioural determinants of health: an analysis of the social production of health. Social Science & Medicine , 48, 1221-1225.

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1

Aim and Hypothesis

“The conventional nuclear family is already a thing of the past,” writes Madeleine Bunting, author of ‘Willing Slaves: How the Overwork Culture is Ruling Our Lives^[1]’. Current statistics do indeed paint a worrying picture; in the past 30 years the rate of divorce has doubled^[2], Britain now having the highest divorce rate in Europe. Concurrently, the proportion of women in full-time employment has trebled, with maternal employment having increased by 8% to 65%^[3]. As a firm believer in the Nuclear Family model, these findings and predictions are of particular personal concern. For this reason I have chosen this area as the focus for my sociological research. I have chosen to concentrate my study on the relationship between the ever-changing female sex stereotype, and the heightened rates of divorce. My test hypothesis is therefore as follows:

“Divorce is more prevalent amongst families where the mother does not willingly accept the traditional female sex employment stereotype.’

Contexts and Concepts:

The context of this hypothesis is best understood in light of two research studies which have been conducted previously in this area. The first was an exploratory research study conducted by Geoff Dench of Middlesex University into men’s family roles, entitled “The Place of Men in Changing Family Cultures.^[4]” In this study, Dench identified two main family types; the ‘conventional family’ and the ‘deregulated family.’

The conventional family model represents a traditional family formulation in which each member has interpersonal rights and obligations arising from their marriage [or birth, if children]. The reciprocal support structure inherent in this model results in individual free choice being limited; purely personal interests may therefore need to be compromised. Dench identified that members of this group would be more inclined to see a distinction between what may be good for them as an individual, and what may be good for the family as a whole.

The deregulated family model represents an individualist family formulation in which each member is responsible for upholding their own rights and negotiations of those rights. To this extent, individual choice is prevalent within this group; autonomy being the over-arching ideal. Respondents in this group expressed a view that traditional gender roles were a source of social injustice, and rejected the notion of the ‘conventional family’ as ideal on this ground. Dench identified that supporters of this model tended to be young, childless couples.

Whilst this study yielded several very interesting findings, it is one conclusion in particular which is most relevant to the study of this paper: Dench discovered that the ‘highest levels of personal and marital satisfaction were among people who lived in traditional families. The highest levels were connected to families in which the man worked and the woman was at home. The lowest levels occurred when the woman worked and the man stayed at home.’

This is the very conclusion which I am attempting to prove within this research study, via my hypothesis that “Divorce is more prevalent amongst families where the mother does not willingly accept the traditional female sex employment stereotype.” The concept of ‘traditional female sex employment stereotype’ describing the situation where the role of the husband is as breadwinner of the family [i.e. provides the primary family income], and where the role of the wife is as ‘housewife’ [i.e. the primary domestic labourer].

The second research study is entitled “The growth of Lone Parenthood: Diversity and Dynamics^[5]”, and was conducted by Karen Rowlingson, Stephen McKay and Richard Berthoud on behalf of the University of Derby’s Economic and Social Research Council. Their findings, whilst not specifically concerned with the issue of the female sex employment stereotype, suggested that divorce occurs more frequently in families where the woman leaves her full-time employment to look after a newly arrived child.

Prima facie, this finding would suggest that my conclusion is flawed; after all, surely a woman who leaves work to look after her newly born child is adhering to the traditional employment stereotype, and should therefore be less likely to engage in divorce or separation from her partner. This finding however does not contradict my hypothesis, rather helps to contextualise it; this finding from the study concerned women who had previously been non-traditional employment stereotype conformists, but had been forced to give up their work and look after their child through circumstance. A woman who does not willingly accept her traditional role is of course more unlikely to be unhappy, as her ‘individual autonomy’, which as discussed by Dench is held as the over-arching ideal by a subscriber of the non-traditionalist model, is not being allowed to predominate. This helps to explain why my hypothesis is limited to/focussed upon women who do not ‘willingly accept’ the traditional gender employment stereotype.

Main Research Method and Reasons:

In light of the obvious difficulties with actually asking random adults about their marital status and employment, I have decided that the best way to glean this information is by asking my fellow students at school to complete a survey questionnaire [a method usually associated with the positivist school of sociology]. It is of course necessary that a significant proportion of my sample population have parents who are divorced, and visa versa. The problem with this requirement is that a random sample of students may not throw up sufficient of the former category. What I therefore propose is a one day trip to Somerset House in London, and armed with a complete list of all students at my college, I will cross reference their surnames against the Divorce Register^[6]. Once I have identified all the students whose parents are now divorced, I will randomly select a proportion of these students to take part in my survey by assigning each student with a number and using a random-number generator program on my computer to decide which students will be selected. By the same random-sampling technique, I will select an identical number of students whose parents are not divorced.

The benefit of conducting this prior research to identify students whose parents are divorced is that it means that the questionnaire itself does not need to ask these people whether or not their parents are separated. To ask this question may prove to upset the students; after all the divorce of their parents is not something which most students would wish to discuss or even recall during a sociological study such as mine. For the student’s whose parents are apparently still together, married, it is important to confirm that the student still lives with both parents; after all just because the parents of these student’s do not appear on the Divorce registry doesn’t mean they are still living together- they could be separated without divorce, or in the process of applying for a decree nisi/absolute.

The questionnaire itself will ask questions designed to glean the following information:

From those students whose parents are now divorced:

If the student’s mother, for the majority of the student’s life, was engaged in full-time employment prior to separation.
If the students mother, for the majority of the student’s life, was engaged in part-time employment prior to separation.
If the students mother, for the majority of the student’s life, was a ‘housewife’ prior to separation.
The reasons for the above answers, if known. [e.g. my mother always though that it was important to look after the family while the man went out to work etc.]

From those students whose parents are still married, and living together:

If the students mother has been employed on a full-time basis for the majority of the student’s life.
If the students mother has been employed on a full-time basis for the majority of the student’s life.
If the student’s mother has been a ‘housewife’ for the majority of the student’s life.
The reasons for the above answers, if known. [e.g. my mother always though that it was important to look after the family while the man went out to work etc.]

In light of the fact that I will need to compare all the data if I am going to test my hypothesis, I plan to use the above information to calculate a total ‘employment score index’ for each student sample. One simple way to achieve this is by structuring the questions of the survey as score lines, i.e. On a scale of 1-9 was your mother, for the majority of your childhood, 1= fully employed 2= fully employed but took some time of work to look after me in my early years 3= was fully employed for some of the time, but also spent a good proportion of those years at home as housewife… 9= has always been a housewife since I was born. In this way the indexes of each student sample whose parents are not separated can be compared with the indexes of each student sample whose parents are divorced, a comparison from which a trend may or may not be identified, and may or may not be in line with my hypothesis.

2 pre-tests will need to be conducted by a sample of 25 students in order to tweak the questionnaire^[7], so that we can be assured that the final questionnaire is appropriately constructed.

This survey will create qualitative results; the limited size of the sample study precludes there being any reliable quantitative conclusions, and besides, there are clearly other factors which cause couples to separate, and therefore from such a study, we can only sensibly be interested in identifying a qualitative trend.

Potential Problems:

One problem associated with proposed study is the fact that due to the time restraints in which I would be operating, the limited size of my sample frame would perhaps not yield sufficient results from which a reliable trend/conclusion could be drawn. This problem could of course be rectified without changing the method, but rather by increasing the sample frame, and as such is not what could be described as an inherent problem.

Another problem is the fact that we are questioning students about their mothers employment history throughout their childhood. Whilst some students may remember these details with great clarity, it may well be the case that certain students are unable to recall this information with sufficient accuracy. One solution to this problem, and a way of avoiding erroneous results through sample guesswork, would be to ask each student on a scale of 1-5 how accurate they believe their assessment to be.

Finally, it may also be the case that there are simply not enough students from divorced families in my school to provide sufficient and therefore reliable data for this side of the comparison. If this is the case, it may be essential to extend the survey across several additional local colleges, although the time-frame available would not make the necessary research for this sample frame extension feasible.

When asking the students to confirm that their parents are still married and living together, students may not be willing to admit that their parents are currently in the process of divorce or separated, as this is often perceived to be shameful by the children of such parents. This will mean that data from students whose parents are in fact separated [but not divorced] will be erroneously attributed to the data for students whose parents are still married and living together, thus causing inaccuracies to any trend which is identified. One solution to this problem would be to allow each sample student to conduct the survey in the privacy of their own home etc., in this way there is no reason to lie as no-one will ever discover their identity.

Technology is very important aspect of human condition as it provides cloths, shelters, foods, transportations etc. Technological determinism is the theory that technology is an autonomous force that changes society and it is also the key force to our society. This provides explanations for many changes that can be observed in society, and it has a very simple cause/effect form. However, this theory is false, if you think you have an instance, it means you are looking at just one part of a much more complex situation, and ignoring the complex social network that supports the technology.

However, technology is a major and really the main cause of social change as a lot of changes in the society is largely caused by technology but within human control. The computer and email technology has reduced the period it takes to transmit messages between two parties or more as emails sent electronically can be received immediately, thereby saving lots of man hours, and consequently even reducing human and vehicular traffic as people don’t need to sometimes travel to send and receive documents.

The computerization of the banking is not necessarily to reduce wage bills and increase profit as new technologies and this computerization brings new employment opportunities for a lot of IT professionals who will manage this technology. The new innovation in banking is to guarantee efficiency and productivity the same applies in the containerization of cargo.

Like earlier specified these technologies were not only technologically determined, it did have its economic, social, cultural and political reasons. These technologies did give room for employment as more people gets employed to manage these technologies, the more income and more revenue for government and ultimately growth in economy, thereby causing political stability which has it cultural advantages as a peaceful society is a viable society.

A society is an organized group of person associated together for purposes such as social, political and religious, while technology on the other hand is an application or even sometime seen as object. This report will help us to determine which of the above mention attempt that is best in relating both technology and society, their strength and weakness, merits and demerits and possible whether they have been able to really answer to the obvious question of whether the society is inflecting technology or its technology that is influencing the society.

2. TECHNOLOGICAL DETERMINISM

Technological determinism is one of the three attempts that this report intends to use in determining the relationship between technology and the society. Before I analyze this attitude or theory, it is important to understand what I mean by technology and society.

Technology determinism does explain the relationship between technology and the society, but it does not adequately explain the relationship technology and society. A lot of social changes are also independent as technology does not have any influence. Technology cannot be said to be autonomous as not all social changes and activities are dependent on technology examples are the computer and email technology where information’s, messages and documents are sent electronically, not needing people to take mail from one location to another, but this technology is still largely not dependent as the computer cannot send mails on its own, which means its not out of mans control as people still get employment to receive, read and possibly reply mails, so does not cause any redundancy or unemployment.

2.1 Technological Determinism explains relationship between technology and society which asserts that. Technological Determinism is also a popular view about the relationship between technology and society. It is the same Technology Determinism that says new technologies develop the change in society. And the theory presumes that a society’s technology drives the development of its social structure and cultural values.

Therefore the term ‘technological determinism’ is an idea, a belief, a theory that human, individual and societal change are caused primarily by technology, that technology is the main agent of social change. However, there is still the debate whether technological determinism is a theory or an attitude. This refers to the belief that technology is the agent of social change. It is both popular attitude, reflected in such expressions as ‘you can’t stop progresses and a theoretical position. Looking at the relationship between technological determinism as a theory and as an attitude, determinism is a popular attitude to technology, but it cannot be used as a theory or basis for explaining the relationship between society and technology.

2.2 I believe that quotes B and D are examples of Technology determinism.

2.3 The reasons why I believe quotes B and D are examples of a Technology Determinism approach to technology and society.

3. SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIONISM

Social Constructionism is an “artefact” in a social invention or construction by an individual in a particular society. “Also theory that in addition to express the socially designed ways of our social life which can also be in connect with knowledge achieved and develop within society context, as opposed to realism”. (Nilsen)

“Social Constructionism is a term used theories that express the socially originated way of our social life.” (Marshall, 1994). Main feature of Social construction theory is viewing knowledge as socially distributed. Through origin relationship between knowledge and its social base knowledge becomes a social product and a factor in social change. Social distribution of knowledge has implications for social construction of identity, depending on which identity is appropriate or desired at a specific point in time. As a result, “whatever the experts do, the pluralistic situation changes not only the social position of the traditional definitions of reality, but also the way in which these are held in the consciousness of individuals” ( Berger & Luckmann, p. 115).

3.1 The main features of this theory areaˆ¦aˆ¦aˆ¦aˆ¦aˆ¦

3.2 The quotes which I think best illustrate SCism are W and Y.

3.3 The reasons why I think W and Y are written from a SCist perspective areaˆ¦aˆ¦aˆ¦aˆ¦aˆ¦aˆ¦

4. SOCIAL SHAPING

Social shaping is theory that addressed the outcomes or impacts of technological change, the design patterns and implementation of technology. In recent years, social shaping has increased and also gained its recognition. It thus goes beyond traditional approaches, concerned merely to assess the `social impacts’ of technology, to examine what shapes the technology which is having these ‘impacts’, and the way in which these impacts are achieved (MacKenzie and Wajcman 1985). Technological change is often seen as something that takes its own way.

4.1 This theory about the relationship between tech. and society can be explained as followsaˆ¦aˆ¦aˆ¦

4.2 identify quotes

4.3 state why you have chosen these quotes.

5. CONCLUSION

6. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Alphabetical list of all books, websites, articles etc used in preparing report.

FORMAT:

Author/editor’s last name then initial, (date of publication), title in italics, place of publication: place of publication.

Forester, T. (1987) High-Tech Society, Oxford: Basil Blackwell.

Sport is now regarded as an International phenomenon developing from past perceptions as a recreational activity to now being regarded an essential part of societies make up. Jarvie (2006) reiterates that sport is part of the social and cultural fabric and contributes to a variety of areas including targeting social problems and generating economic benefits. The development of sport has resulted in a variety of factors including political movement of nations and globalisation enhancing sport and the changing perceptions of the modern world. Contemporary changes are highlighted by Boyle (2006) as developing sport through advanced sports broadcasting of major competitions resulting in intensified interest and greater emphasis on the sporting sector.

The following report will analyse in depth the contribution sport development has made with regards to society and intrinsic factors. Focusing specifically on areas such as social, political and environmental factors will aim to distinguish how these areas have developed sport within the modern world and influenced the impact sport can have upon society. Reviewing sport policies published by the modern day government will provide discussion on how sport is seen within society as the vehicle to create change not only as a health intervention but using sport to tackle a variety of social constraints. Analysis of sport through political movements will aim to show the impact sport can create on a nation and therefore how this develops the area of sport itself. With major sporting events being delivered in Britain such as the Commonwealth Games of Glasgow 2014 discussion will show how sport contributes to the economy, globalisation as well as integrating social benefits to society. Critical research will be focused upon to discuss sport related theories and how they contribute in understanding modern sport and society.

Modern Day Development of Sport

Sport has gone through radical changes throughout the course of its development. Changes with regards to social, economic and political transformation have altered sport from past centuries to the present day. As sport has developed and evolved as has the audience it now captures. Now a global phenomenon the sporting industry is one of the richest and highest potential developments of modern era. The Executive Vice President of the Beijing Organising Committee Xiaoyu (2009) stated that the Beijing Games 2008 made a profit of at least $16 million USD. Major events such as the Olympic Games and FIFA Football World Cup showcase the phenomenon that sport creates across the world as well as the economical and environmental impact upon the host nation. There was an estimated 25,000 media representatives present at the Beijing Games 2008, representing 159 countries (Olympics, 2009). The mass media circus which large sporting events attract showcases sport to a worldwide audience introducing them to top athletes, new sports and overall an interest in what sport can offer.

Political Impact upon Sport

Political Ideology is referred to by Jones et al (2007) as philosophical ideas whereby human society can be understood and hence provide a framework of principles from which policy can be developed. In 2003 the Labour Party of Scotland introduced Sport 21 (Sport Scotland, 2003), a policy which focused around areas of social inclusion and sporting development where by sport would be the vehicle used to create change. At the heart of these polices was ‘Social Inclusion’, this ideology would cement sport at the heart of social reform. Of recent times Scotland published a national policy which also adopted sport as the foundation to target social issues, Reaching Higher (2007) concentrates on sporting objectives in relation to improving social inclusion by means of health, participation and performance with a clearer focus in achieving success towards 2020 including Glasgow Commonwealth Games, 2014. Labour politician and author Hattersley (1989) reinforced the importance of political ideology stating that ideas and values of politicians have a permanent importance, policies may change with time but ideology abides. Social inclusion activities the government have liaised in include football specific schemes aimed at targeting minority and hard to reach groups. Tacon (2007) stresses that researching the theory of social exclusion results in both positive and conflicting views of sport enhancing this area; sport can improve health however conflicting views suggest that some sports including football initiate violent tendencies to occur in individuals.

Sport was seen as a means to benefit social issues such as crime, employment, education and health. Coakley (2007) discussed the connections both sport and politics share and the importance sport contributes to the government. Connections include health promotion, identifying power between nations and engaging communities and citizens through sport involvement. Social benefits are a significant reason why the government liaise with sporting initiatives but also the economical impact and support politicians gain from the public can be enhanced by adopting sport into national plans. Modern society has seen negative issues within the world highlighted increasingly through the use of interventions such as the media and politics. Factors including violence, differentiation between classes, poverty and gender issues are just some examples which have catapulted in recent times. One method used to combat and try and eradicate these hindrances was through positive models such as sport. Houlihan (1997) states that modern governments see sport as an opportunity to tackling political objectives. The use of sport to enhance society’s problems is a method which highlights the issue and can directly target millions of people. According to a recent document published by Sport Scotland they state that sport was unique and could contribute to a healthier, smarter and wealthier Scotland, (Sport Scotland: 2008). In Scotland alone there are several issues which require immediate action and according to the local government liaising with key governing bodies and sport is essential in helping combat these issues.

Sport has been targeted by the government for a variety of reasons and can be used to highlight a countries wealth or power thus distinguishing them from rival countries. The Olympic Games is one way in which this ideology has been conveyed and is an extremely powerful tool in showing nations prowess on a global scale. For a number of years the Soviet Union and United States of America were locked in a bitter rivalry regarding differentiation between political and economical ideologies. Riordan J and Kruger A (1999) discuss the development sport has impacted on with regards to society; they state that sport had a revolutionary role of being an agent of social change whereby the nation would adopt sport in order to create change and generate impact. Both countries integrated with sport and the idea that success on a global scale such as the Olympics would show their domination and power over rival countries. Hazan (1982) emphasises the Soviet Union’s ideology in the use of Sport during the Olympic Games; for the Soviet Union the agenda was to beat the Americans and show that American sport was inferior and corrupt just like the entire US social system.

The Soviet Union were so engaged in using sport to reinforce and highlight to the world their dominance, power and political stature in comparison to other dominant nations including the USA that they developed drastic measures to achieve success. Extensive training of young athletes and the message of winning at all costs was the main priority of the Soviet ideology. Winning medals was the main goal and it didn’t matter if this involved steroids or performing enhancing drugs, winning was everything to this nation and often athletes suffered from this harsh reality, (Riordan, 1993). Although sport was the driving force during this period to show dominance and success the real reason was based on political movement and sport would act as the vehicle to create world domination as part of the government’s strategy. The Soviets achieving more gold medals than that of rivals US would show their strength and supremacy on a global magnitude.

Sport however does not just benefit political involvement but examples such as the Soviet Union and Olympics enhances the development of sport itself. The idea that the Olympic Games are a global event attaches several benefits for sport to develop extensively. Mass media attention and interest in participation results in Sport becoming a major focus point for the world to not only watch but to become active in resulting in social and personal benefits. Globalisation is a modern concept which has expanded extensively, “it denotes a broad process in which markets, trade, labour relations and culture itself have attained global dimensions” Horne et al (1999 p. 276). Events such as the Olympics and FIFA World Cup develop globalisation in terms of the audience it captures and the marketing it promotes. The impact of globalisation can be seen through the use of role models in sport and how they can encourage and impact on others to follow them. Veseth (2005) provides an example of globalization through football star David Beckham: the “Bend it Like Beckham” movie captures globalization as Beckham’s global stature can therefore tackle issues of prejudice and cultural constraints. Beckham sporting the Adidas brand through worldwide media photography highlights the globalisation factor and effectiveness it can encompass. David Beckham is a universal star with millions of admirers, what he wears and does acts as role for others to copy because they want to be like him thus highlighting the globalisation factor in impacting individuals worldwide.

The idea that society can watch new sports and understand how they are played can impact upon increased and or new sports being introduced across the world. The sociologist Elias discussed the figuration theory and how people interact as a result of those around us. Figuration relationships involve individuals who are bound together to form a structure based on power which can be conveyed to areas such as sport (Best, 2003). For society and communities to be active in sport this will lead to trends of individuals copying the pattern with regards to social structures and individuals they are bound to. Society follows patterns to those we trust and are intrinsically influenced upon, a community who adopts sport regularly will find that individuals are more open to the idea of sport and what is involved. This theory also links with Bourdieu’s views of ‘habitus’ where perception is how an individual views and does things based on what they know and has impacted as a result of their childhood, (Hillier & Rooksby, 2005).

Sport has also developed extensively through the input the government has had in relation to rules and regulations regarding sports and determining what sports are classified as legal or illegal. Such input has provided Sport with frameworks and safeguarding of human rights where measures are taken to stamp out inhumane sporting activities and assist all sport governing bodies with the correct safety content and rules for participants. The need for law in sport is as imperative as law in society, without it in sports, chaos exists, (Gardner, 2006). Disclosure checking is one way in which participants and sport are safeguarded against potential threats. All coaches and individuals must be disclosure checked to ascertain criminal convictions and determine if individuals are suitable to work with others hence making sure those delivering sport are not only qualified but pose no threats to participants.

Social Effects & Sport

Sport is a form of activity which can be participated by several classes depending on the type of sport played and its position within class and cultural communities. An interesting theory is that of Bordieau who paid particular emphasis on a variety of theories and society. Significant focuses of his beliefs were symbolic violence, Habitus and a close emphasis on class distinction and the theory of power and practice. Bourdieu argues that physical capital acquired through involvement in activities such as sport can be converted into cultural, social, or economic capital. However, he argues that the ability to convert this capital “is not as great for the working classes as it is for the bourgeoisie” (cited in Gilroy in Clare & Humberstone, 1997). Class distinction contributes widely to the idea that certain sports are class related i.e. football for lower class and polo for the upper class individuals. This perception discriminates against individuals to try new sports due to a lack of facilitation, opportunities and class boundaries. A study undertaken by Stempel (2005) suggests that those who have more cultural capital participate in sports aimed at improving the body which emphasise wealth and dominance and refrain from sports where violent tendencies prevail. Lower class citizens have limited sources, expenditure and opportunities to participate in wealthier sports and are therefore prone to play traditional sports which are easy to access and more team orientated. To develop sport and for sport to develop in society a variety of sports, opportunities and facilities must be available to the wider communities. Class distinction highlights differences within society and unequal consideration for all individuals, sport initiatives must vary activities and encourage different classes to attempt new sports refraining from the perception of particular sports for certain individuals.

Ideology focusing around sport is often concerned with idea of masculinity and gender confrontation. Scraton et al (1999) stated that top level female athletes participating in sport meant opposing or rejecting their femininity at some point. Barriers have developed through sport for female participation as a result of male dominance over a prolonged period of time. Although modern society aims to break down these barriers female participation is still behind that of males. Females are underrepresented in many areas of sport through involvement, coaching and management roles. Almost a half of adult women (43%) within Scotland have low levels of participation in sport with majority participating in no sport at all, (Sport Scotland, 2008). One theory which played particular emphasis on females and sport was the feminist theory. Houllihan (2008) discusses Marxist feminist traditions with the belief that men control the ideology of dominance through capitalism and exploitation, women cannot engage in sport due to less earnings and time due to family commitments. This focus concentrates on the traditional views of women and a lesser focus on the contemporary female. Kay & Jeanes citied in Houllihan (2008) that certain sports provide barriers for both genders, dance and sports involving flexibility and balance are often deemed as female orientated with traditional sports such as football and rugby, male orientated. Sport although focused as presenting gender differences can develop these ideologies and break down barriers by displaying to society that females can adopt male perceived sports. A significant sport development and gender barrier was recently broken through the sport of tennis where female tennis players achieved the same competition pay as the male athletes. The All England Lawn Tennis Chairman Phillip (2007) stated that the time was right to bring this subject to a logical conclusion and eliminate the difference.

Football is also a sport that continues to attract female participation with regards to viewing but more importantly playing. A sport often adopted as male orientated only is now one of the fastest growing sports in the UK. The number of female players has increased by 88% since 1999 and there are now 55,000 playing the game (Summers D, 2001). As female football continues to grow there are still issues with equality in the modern world. A recent example would be that of Maribel Dominguez Castelan, a female Mexican footballer. In 2004 she accepted a two-year contract from a second-division Mexican men’s football club, Celaya. This was the first known case of a women signing for a professional men’s team. This however did not last long and soon Fifa the governing body decided against the move. It was stressed that the gender-separation principle in football should be maintained (BBC News, 2004). Sport is attempting to change societies views by encouraging female participation through sport, changing the perceptions accumulated over centuries will however take time. If more sports can adopt similar principles to tennis, positive steps can be made for sport to tackle social issues of gender inequality.

Social inequalities out with gender also pose barriers to society; sport is used as a mechanism to tackle these areas. Cultural diversity and ethnic minority groups are a social issue with regards to integration within communities. Walseth (2008) & Adkins (2005) discuss Putnam’s notion of social capital as connections with area’s such as community well being, inter cultural knowledge and social networks, the idea that social capital acts as glue creating a collective “we” within society. With regards to cultural barriers Putnam refers to two idea’s, bridging and bonding, bridging can relate to getting to know different people e.g. people belonging to a different minority group where bonding is the process of making relationships with people similar to oneself, (Walseth, 2008). Sport can act as glue between cultural communities and inequalities amongst society. Bringing individuals together through team incorporated activities can aim to tackle differentiations. Niessen (2000) stated that the use of sport can help in understanding and appreciating cultural differences and prejudices, sport can limit social exclusion of minority groups. Within Scotland a variety of localised initiatives aim to break down racial barriers and promote communitarianism. Glasgow based coaching company, Sidekix run in cooperation with Strathclyde Police tackling territorialism issues in young men. The concept of a football league integrating target groups aims to break down barriers and teach the youths to interact with one another. Using sport as an incentive encourages youths to participate without realising the wider concept of what they are actually doing. Sport has continued to develop in promoting and tackling social constraints.

Environmental Impact upon Sport

The use of sport to enhance a nation and contribute to its economy and structure are significant factors when considering using sporting events to enhance other areas. Mass tourist opportunities and global recognition from hosting such a superior sporting event were just some of the reasons why Glasgow chose to bid for the games in 2014, on the back of previous successes such as the Commonwealth Games of Manchester 2002. Purcell (2005) highlighted that the social and economical dividend of hosting the games could bring great benefits to Glasgow and hence provides a lasting legacy. Sport develops in governments ideologies when it can impact and benefit their agenda’s and in turn sport therefore develops through the mass interest on show. Developing environmental factors such as attainment of new facilities and modernisation of communities can be achieved through sporting events.

Urban regeneration is a key focus of Glasgow 2014 and they aspire to update and improve upon existing areas of the city by modernising and developing infrastructures worthy of hosting such a superior occasion. Sport Urban Regeneration is a broader process than having merely an infrastructure in place for the Commonwealth Games, (BBC News, 2007). One of the major developments being undertook is the construction of the athlete’s village which will be based in Dalmarnock. As well as fresh, modern housing and a whole new regeneration of an area the positive effects of this build will result in the use of the village after the games when the houses are obtainable to the public. The former First Minister of Scotland, McConnell (2006) reiterated the importance of regeneration not only for the sustainment of the games but for future legacies: he acknowledged that bringing the new village to Dalmarnock would aim to build better life’s for its resident, ordinary Glaswegians and develop a sense of community spirit. An increased benefit of this infrastructure is the potential opportunities of housing Glasgow’s communities following the games as well as allowing the people of Glasgow and Scotland to experience and benefit from the new facilities on offer following the Commonwealth Games of 2014. The importance of large investments in regeneration must continue after the event to benefit local and national societies.

The Glasgow 2014 Committee perceive new infrastructures and regeneration as a positive model however negative impacts of such a significant development is the change of what a large population already call home. Local residents who have grew up in specific areas all their life’s are now seeing complete change and in some areas demolition of area’s they once called home. Moving these people poses a serious question to whether Glasgow is improving in order to look good for two weeks or are the intentions of local residents the major priority. “I don’t think I’m going to be here, the area will be regenerated and old shops like these will have to come down,” (BBC NEWS, 2007), this was just one residents fear of the massive change going underway in the Parkhead Area. Moving people away from area’s they have lived in all their lives is a huge risk and adaptation for those residents could lead to growing issues for local councils and the government.

A key focus of the legacy of Glasgow 2014 is to use this mass event as a fostering vehicle to tackle issues within Scotland including health. Over the last decade the topic of Obesity has seen a surge in media attention and has become a prolific problem within Scotland’s culture. Although regarded as a worldwide issue Scotland for being such a small nation portrays some of the most worrying figures of all. Devlin (2007) communicates this shocking reality as only America has a higher rate of obesity within the developed world. The prospect of the Commonwealth Games has already raised the profile of sport in Scotland and has the potential for the nation to get involved in physical activity, (Glasgow 2014, 2008). In order to achieve this recent government policy must be adhered to and Glasgow 2014 should be used as a target to achieving such aims as well as attempting to obtain more youngsters getting involved in physical participation. In 2007 when Reaching Higher was published many seen this policy as the strategy to implement and deal with issues leading up to the Commonwealth Games 2014. In comparison the Commonwealth Games of Glasgow are also looked upon as a method of striving towards meeting national strategies. The focus of 2014 may seem like a lifetime away however with such social and health issues regarding sport in Scotland it is essential that plans are implemented immediately to move towards improving current standards.

The idea of added TV coverage impacts largely on how we can improve the nation’s health, when children see certain sports being broadcasted it gives an incentive of going out and taking part in this sport. For Scotland to use the Commonwealth Games as a means of improving health the government must provide all communities with opportunities to become active. A key method already being used within schools is the active schools programme. In the lead up to the games clubs and sports should be increased whereby children have more than just one option of a sport to take part in. Commonwealth Games clubs is an area which could be put in place whereby children are provided with multi sports clubs as a lead up to the games where local communities or larger cities hold mini commonwealth Games against each other to add competition incentive for the children participating. All of this can now be more achievable with the new development plans of local sports facilities and new infrastructures being prepared. The focus upon children must be of fun and sport as opposed to getting fit, children will get fitter if they take part in physical activity and therefore all schemes and projects in line with national policies must be fun and eye-catching for the children to want to play sport.

There are several Positive effects of hosting major events which can help with improving health issues in particular areas. When elite athletes and stars of sport participate they are watched by the younger generation and a mass audience. The significance being that children aspire towards role models who they feel they have a connection with often an athlete in the sport they love. These role models can then aim to help motivate or create new schemes which aim to use their sports as a means of improving the health of others. Sponsorship deals can be created whereby as part of the athletes deal they must cooperate with the local communities or national policies therefore providing greater motivation for people to use sport to combat health issues they may have.

Conclusion

Sport has developed extensively as a global phenomenon reaching out to a diversity of individuals worldwide. The impact sport can generate stems from area’s such as social inclusion, health and economic benefits to societies. Sport has developed within itself, through new sports being introduced, media interest and coverage and role models catapulting through the globalisation concept. However the contribution and shifting of modern society has also helped shape sport today and how it is considered as an integral part of everyday living. Political input, environmental benefits and social benefits have helped shaped the dynamics of sport and the perceptions people once had. The fact that sport was often seen as a leisure activity used for individual enjoyment has now been broadened through the perception that sport can help change society and tackle a variety of social issues.

Mass research undertaken in relation to sport suggests there are two sides to each perception. Majority suggest that sport can tackle social issues whilst also recognising that sport can encourage issues to be sustained. Depending on how sport is delivered, the sports that are used and the professionals in charge of these areas contributes widely to how sport will be viewed. Violent tendencies, class differentiation and gender ideologies can still be identified through sport. However considering the entire positive benefits of sport, the idea that it can and has tackled health, crime and the economy steers it in an optimistic manner. If sport is delivered by the correct people in the correct location and adheres to political sporting laws put in place, negative issues around sport can be overcome to achieve its original purpose. Sport has and will continue to develop throughout the world through its political involvement and power to recognise that sport can change and help society move forward.

Assess sociological explanations of the relationship between social groups, religious beliefs and religious organisations

Different social groups, all show different trends in relation to religious beliefs and religious organistions. This essay will only very briefly touch on the difficulty of defining religious organisations, as this is not its focus. It shall split the social groups into three major categories, age, ethnicity and gender; and attempt to distinguish reasons behind varying levels of religiosity.

Religious organisations are difficult to define. Many sociologists, from Troeltsch to Wilson, attempt to define into four different categories, churches, denominations, sects and cults. There however is the problem when there are components which fit many different categories, this can arise when religions change current form (e.g Christianity started off as a small sect eventually becoming a church with its own denominations) as well as times when religions have properties of multiple categories (the church of Jesus Christ of latter day saints, sect or denomination?). Different social groups are generally attracted to different religious organisations, in the class system there is evidence that people of lower classes tend to lean towards world-rejecting sects whilst higher classes choose world-accepting churches and cults.

There are clear differences in religious beliefs and participation between genders. Whilst there is a large majority of men in priesthood running churches (some changes in recent times in the Anglican denomination however only last month, October 21st, numerous news outlets reported how conservatives within the church were rebelling against such changes are leaving to join Catholicism) the majority of people who practice inside religions are female. This is shown by in 2005 1.8 million women in England were churchgoers, as against 1.36 million men. This supported Miller and Hoffman (1995) thesis that women express greater interest in religion and attend church more often. Other sociologists put forward similar theories with Bruce (1996) estimated that twice as many women were in sects then men. In attempt to explain these differences the Davie analyses the differences between women and menaˆ™s proximity to birth and death, she assumes that men do not have as close connection to these life processes meaning women are closer to the ultimate questions. This can be criticised as using the term closer to the ultimate questions is ambiguous, it could mean either closer to pondering about the question or closer to the answer; and even without the ambiguity it seems to overlook the men who work in professions where these life processes frequently occur and levels of non-belief among them, such as Doctors.

Another explanation put forward for levels of female participation is that religion serves as a compensator for deprivation. Glock and Stark (1969) and Stark and Bainbridge (1985) argue that three main types of deprivation exist which are common among women explaining their high levels of sect membership. These include organismic deprivation, stems from physical and mental health problems, ethical deprivation, stems from evidence that women tend to be more morally conservative and social deprivation exists from evidence that women tend to be poorer. Assuming, without evidence, that Stark and Bainbridge carried out extensive research before coming up with their compensation for deprivation thesis it should be analysed to its validity in contemporary society. There have been many changes in society, such as wealth of women becoming higher, wages becoming more equal and receiving higher promotions than previously available; also there is evidence that women tend to vote, what would be generally be considered, more progressive or liberal could challenge Glock, Stark and Bainbridges thesis.

In other social groups within society there is also evidence of varying levels of religiosity depending on ethnicity. According to policy studies institute (1997) the majority religions associate themselves with Christianity (around 72%) however different ethnicities make up this figure, ranging from white British members to those of black African or Caribbean origin. Other religions exist consisting of Muslims, Hindu and Sikhs make with almost all members coming from ethnic backgrounds originating in the Indian subcontinent. The Policy Studies Institute (1997) showed how white Anglicans where least likely to find their religion as important in their lives comparatively with African Caribbean Protestants who rated their religion as very important in their lives. Muslims were also found to have high levels of belief with Hindus and white Catholics being more in the middle of the table.

Bruce (2002) attempts to explain these ethnic differences, he argues that religion is used as a cultural defense factor, becoming something to be unified under in an uncertain or hostile environment. This explains why migrants are more likely to be religious in a new country and explains why the native population inside a country has falling levels of church attendance. Bird (1999) supports this finding; he found religion as a unifying power within minorities. He also found that religion can aid with coping with oppression in a racist society, this is shown by the white churches in the UK not actively welcoming black Africans or Caribbean Christians. These both seem logical and explain how when migrants are integrated into society they start to leave the church.

Will Herberg (1955) gives the reason, which isn’t very different than Bruce of Cultural transition, instead of a means in which religion is used to defend culture; it is used as an integrator into new societies instead. This is also supported by the diminishing levels of religiosity among integrated social groups. It is most probable that both are equally relevant to ethnicity and religiosity, this, in fact, was shown by Ken Pyrce’s (1979) study of the African Caribbean community.

There are big differences between the age of people and their religiosity. The general pattern is the older a person is the more likely they are to attend religious services. The English Church Census, however, found two exceptions to this rule. The under 15s are more likely to attend then other age groups because they are forced to do so by their parents, over 65s were more likely to be sick or injured to attend religious worship. It should be remembered that attendance at church, just as the levels of under 15s show, does not reflect accurately levels of belief. Other age groups could attend church for other elements, such as the social offering of religion, rather than the religious doctrine.

Voas and Crockett (2005) attempt to explain these differences, they use the concept of the ageing effect, which is the view that people turn to religion as they get older. There is also the generational effect this is where each new generation becomes less religious than the one before. The latter being the imperative as it’s claimed that each generation is half as religious as previous generations. To evaluate this claim, the ageing effect, people starting to face their own mortality and turning to spirituality is in a sense logical. The church offers faith-based answers and provides a world in which death is only the beginning. It seems obvious that people facing the own demise would be attracted by this; it could also be supported by the evidence, English Church Census does support the idea that there is a higher number of older people than young in religion. The Kendal project showed people turn to spirituality when they get older therefore making them more likely to attend church. This supports the Ageing factor. The generational effect is supported by the English church census; the levels of the 15-19 year olds fell very sharply since 1979, showing how the new generation had a lower level of religiosity.

Religiosity varies among lots of different social groups, the people who choose different religions generally all have different reasons for doing so. Ethnicity, gender, class and age are all different reasons why someone would want to join a particular religious organisation and have varying levels of religiosity. What is not explained however is what is the most important element, it is quite possible for a person to fit into all four categories, be a member of an ethnic minority; female; working class and young, what would, to this young female, be the most important part of her religiosity and her religious participation.