Category: Free Essays

Labelling theory is linked to Howard Becket and was introduced in 1963. Labelling theory is the theory of a behaviour that is considered different from the customary or a behaviour that is generally accepted as standard. It is considered by some sociologist that this type of behaviour is seen as a label given to an individual whose behaviour is not considered normal by certain people of authority. Therefore, labelling means that no individual is actually abnormal and no deed is unusual unless it has been identified by society.

According to Pilgrim and Rogers (1999) the labelling theory works on the principle that to identify a person as having mental health problems it is suggested that the individual will act in a stereotypical manner. It was thought at one time that having a mental health problem was owing to some form of personal weakness. However, as time has gone by mental illness has become more accepted by society and the public have become more learned and it could be true to say that it is well known now that mental health disorders have a medical basis and can be treated like any other health condition.

Being considered mentally healthy does not routinely imply that a person does not have a mental health problem. Good health usually represents that a person is able to play a full part in society albeit within a family setting, in the workplace, within community or amongst other people or friends. It also suggest that a person who is in good mental health can deal with what life throws at them and more often than not will be capable of make the most of their potential within any given situation.

According to ‘The World Health Organisation’ mental health is:

” a state of well-being in which the individual realises his or her own abilities, can cope with the normal stresses of life, can work productively and fruitfully, and is able to make a contribution to his or her community”(WHO, 2001).

Mental health illness for that reason could be said is a state where the well being of an individual is flawed in some way and is incapable of undertaking ‘normal’ day to day functions. It could be said that mental health is everyone’s concern. The majority of people at one time or another will admit to feeling stressed out and unable to cope with what life throws at them but usually those feeling pass. However at other times these problems can develop into something much more serious. Some can bounce back with no problem at all while others might take a longer time to deal with their problems.

Scheff (1999) considers that mental illness in a person is brought about by ‘societal labelling’. He suggests that the symptoms of mental illness are seen as infringement of the social norms. By most social values behaviour associated with mental illness such violent outburst, anxiety, delusions and attempts of suicide are considered abnormal. Therefore, the cause for a person to be labelled as mentally ill does not automatically mean infringement of the social norm. The person to a certain extent is labelled when a situation can bring about what the public would perceive as abnormal behaviour. This could mean for example, when an application is made to place that individual in a mental institution or hospital and as a result that individual is is labelled as mentally ill.

Labelling leads to stigma, which is a word associated with branding and shame. Stigma has been defined by the Oxford Dictionary as “a mark or sign of disgrace and discredit”.

Goffman (1963) also suggested that disability was associated with shame and pity and that the term ‘stigma’ has been adopted from the Greeks which imply a ‘mark that represent immorality’. Research also shows that stigma is more strongly expressed against people with mental disabilities, which, under the influence of Buddhism and Animism, are believed to represent possession by evil sprits (Hunt 2002). Studies also show that individuals with a mental health illness are most rejected people among any disabled groups (Albrecht, Walkeer & Levy, 1982) It has also been suggested by Jones (1985) that the process of stigmatization is based on six elements, namely conceability, course, disruptiveness, aesthetic qualities, origin and peril.

Although there are 8.6 million disabled people in Britain that is 1:7 of the population who have either a physical, sensory or mental impairment that seriously affects their day-to-day activities, people with mental health continue to be excluded from discourse on difference and diversity. Discourses can have an impact on the ways in which people with mental health illness are portrayed and treated within society and this in turn may influence the actions taken by people and the judgments they make. Different cultures can also have different perception, so can different situations and circumstances.

Having a mental illness, and living with it on a day to day basis can be intensely difficult for the individual suffering from it. Mental illness by today standards is believed to be very common, due to the fact that one in four in the United Kingdom is diagnosed with a mental illness. Sufferers of the illness experience many problems, which include the way they think, behave or how they feel. These problems can lead to problems with everyday living, such as maintaining relationships, access to or performance at work, not being accepted by the community that they live in.

A report written by the government into Mental Health and Social Exclusion, and published by the Social Exclusion Unit in 2004, recognized the discrimination and stigma experienced by people with mental health issues as a major stumbling block to be included socially, and thus making it very hard for those individual to access work, access health services, take part in their communities, and to take pleasure in doing things with their family and friends. The report also states that 83 percent of those interviewed identified stigma as a major contributor; 55 percent identified stigma as a barrier to work; and 52 percent had experienced a negative attitudes towards mental health in the community.

According to a survey, called the ‘Stigma Shout’ (2008) survey revealed that:

“Nearly 9 out of 10 people with mental health problems have been affected by stigma and discrimination, with two thirds saying they have stopped doing things because of the stigma they face”.

“Stigma stops people with mental health problems from doing everyday things such as applying for jobs, making new friends, and going out to pubs and shops. It can even prevent people from reporting a crime”.

“People with mental health problems want the anti-stigma campaign to target schools and the media to change attitudes and reduce prejudice”.

“Carers of people with mental health problems also stop doing things because of the stigma and discrimination that they face”.

http://www.time-to-change.org.uk/news/stigma-shout-survey-shows-real-impact-stigma-and-discrimination-peoples-lives

Mental health problems are commonly identified and categorized in order for professional people to be able to provide suitable support and treatment. However, some diagnoses are considered controversial and concern is expressed that individuals are frequently treated in line with by what they have been labelled with.

There are many conditions that are believed to be associated to mental health illness, including anxiety disorders, mood disorders, eating disorders, personality disorders and plenty more. Any person presenting signs of the mental health problems will more often than not be labelled by society in some way. As noted earlier labelling leads to stigma and stigma in turn can lead to discrimination. It is highly publicized that there should be no discrimination against people of a difference appearance, race culture, religion but people are less conscious of discrimination against people with a mental health illness.

Being discriminated against can play a big part in an individual’s life who may be experiencing mental health problems. It is known that stigma associated with mental health issues can be very hurtful and damaging and can inhibit the individual from accessing support and treatment in order to lead a normal life.

According to the Mental Health Foundation, 44% of people who experienced some form of mental health issues felt they had been discriminated by their G.P’s, and 35% said they’d been discriminated by health professionals. However, it is suspected by some that the principal reason for the health care professionals to behave in this manner is because they are considered inexperienced in the field of mental health issues. On the other hand, some individuals who have been labelled as suffering with mental health problems are of the opinion that mental health problems are fabricated and invented by professional people who make money from the belief that mental health issues are problematic. One example which demonstrates how health care services are being prejudice is that sufferers of schizophrenia are prohibited from giving blood or giving away any of their vital organs as they are perceived as mentally incapacitated.

As previously referred to statistics show that at any given time one in every four adult and one in every five children live through a mental health problem. It is estimated that approximately 450 million people worldwide have a mental health problem. – World Health Organisation (2001) The total cost of mental health problems in England is currently more than ?77 billion a year which is double previous estimates (Sainsbury Centre for Mental Health 2003)

Due to the labelling associated with mental health problems many of these people will not access help at an early stage and the illness will become worse. It is widely known that people with a mental health illness are less likely to be in full time employment in comparison to other groups of disabled people. In 2001, people with a mental health problem were almost three times more likely to be unemployed than all other disabled people (Smith and Twomey 2002) Many of these people do not make an effort to obtain work for a number of reasons or are discriminated by employers because of their illness.

It has been proved that not dealing with mental illness within the work place costs over

?9 billion a year (Department of Health 2006). In order to address this issue the government has published a mental health strategy with the main objective to help mental health sufferers gain and retain employment. The strategy namely, ‘Working Our Way to Better Mental Health: A Framework for Action Strategy (2009), is aimed at helping people safeguard their illness, and when a problem arises, get the help and treatment that they need. The strategy also aims to reduce discrimination and to reduce the levels of labelling that is associated with the illness.

To realize improved practises in maintaining a good working relationship between the workplace and those suffering from mental health problems, the Government has advised employers that they need to follow the principles included in the strategy to shed light on the impact of mental health problems.

The Secretary of State for Health, Andy Burnham said:

“Life-threatening conditions like cancer or heart disease prompt sympathy and understanding. But mental health is all too often shrouded in mystery, stigma or simply forgotten”.

To coincide with the launch of the above mentioned strategy the Department of Work and Pensions have also assigned a review led by Dr Rachel Perkins to offer help and guidance on how best to develop and improve the support for people with a mental health problem who are unemployed. By following the Governments and the Department of Health’s guidance and support, it is expected that many businesses will see the potential benefits to their workplace such as reduced sickness levels, higher levels of customer service, reduced staff turnover and lots more.

Many people who have been diagnosed with a mental illness could also face the probability of suddenly being unaccepted by friends and family; this is usually due to the fact that people are uncertain of the illness. Being ‘singled out’ by those they considered to be their friends or even a close family member makes the circumstances worse for the sufferer. Individuals usually find it hard to make new friends which in turn can make them feel totally isolated and worthless.

It is often believed that the media is responsible for wrongly representing someone with mental health issues and that the tabloids very often show bad outlook towards people with mental illness by applying words such as ‘psycho’ or ‘mad’ or even a ‘nutter’. Using such words to portray a person suffering with mental illness is seen to be encouraging society to believe that they are all dangerous and unapproachable. Inadequate and incorrect media coverage of mental health issues has increased over the last three years claims the ‘Mind report’ published in 2008.

In spite of this however not all interpretation of mental illness in the media is negative. Stephen Fry spoke openly about his mental health issues and was in the main represented positively in the media. ‘My battle with mental illness’ (2006)

During research for his documentary ‘The Secret Life of The Manic Depressive’, Stephen Fry discovered that his illness (bi-polar) affects hundreds of thousands of people in the

U. K. He was also appalled to learn the degree of preconception there was in relation to mental illness:

“I want to speak out, to fight the public stigma and to give a clearer picture of mental illness that most people know little about.”

He also stated that there was a need for a better awareness of mental health issues amongst the public in order for people to share their problems and break their silence:

“Once the understanding is there, we can all stand up and not be ashamed of ourselves, then it makes the rest of the population realise that we are just like them but with something extra.”

A research undertaken by the charity ‘Mind’ revealed that 73% of those with mental health problems felt that, the way the media portray the illness is negative, unfair and totally unbalanced (Mind Report 2008). Many of the stories that appear in the media all promote the idea that mental illness is wrong and something to be ashamed of.

Over the years the Government has made inroads to tackle discrimination against people who have mental health issues and have introduced policies in order to transform the way people view mental health problems. The Disability Discrimination Act 1995 makes certain that discrimination does not take place in the workplace and other places because of mental health problems. The Mental Health Bill was also introduced by the Government in 2002 which introduced a statutory framework for the compulsory treatment and care for mental health sufferers and there are many groups and organizations attempting to highlight the plights of mental health sufferers and are focusing on reducing the stigma associated with mental health problems.

On reflection, it is understandable that many people who have mental health problems would not approve of the way sufferers are being perceived and labelled. The term mental illness for some people can be associated with abnormal behaviour and as a result can prevent them from fitting into what would be considered a normal environment and take advantages of all the opportunities and benefits associated with it.

As revealed the media is considered to be a very influential means of educating people and that more attention should be given to reporting on more positive features of mental illness, namely how people have recovered and what in terms of medicine and treatment are available today to combat mental illness. This is turn could have a major influence on the public attitudes and beliefs. Some people would also suggest that better training of mental health professionals would promote better health care and better understanding of issues surrounding mental illness. This in turn would show the way to a more positive attitude amongst people in society as sufferers are able to take part in everyday life.

As many of the literature on mental health problems implies, there continues to be a long way to go in order to overcome many of the misconceptions, the prejudices and fears associated with mental health problems and the stigma involved. So that harmful and negative attitudes to mental health problems are eradicated there is a need for the public to be much more aware of what it feels to live with such problems and that it takes courage and strength on the part of the sufferer. The public also need to be aware that mental illness can be managed or even treated like many other diseases or conditions. It is also important to highlight that the stereotyping of mental incapacity and hostility is greatly mistaken.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Introduction

Social Care is about providing and supporting individuals to enable them to maintain their independence and dignity and also by ensuring that they have choice and control of their own lives (BBC 2008). According to Bell, D and Glendinning, C (2008) p.3, ‘Social care is characterised by uncertainty, inequalities, lack of information, and has vitally important emotional and relationship dimensions (Bell, D and Glendinning, C 2008).

This paper is going to look at how the different European countries (England, France, Germany, the Netherlands and Sweden) finance their social care in the way they do. It is also going to identify how these countries organise their social care services in terms of their approach in organising social care services and why they have different approaches. It is also going to identify the issues surrounding the delivery of social care services and the similarities between these countries.

How European countries Organise and finance their social care.
Financing Social Care in England?

Service users are mostly required to fund their own social care. Those who have assets over ?22, 250 which includes their properties, are required to pay their own social care regardless of living in a nursing home, their homes or sheltered accommodation. There is also a means tested system which enables those who fall under the ?22,250 mark, to have their social care funded by the state. An individual can have an exception in paying their social care if there is a specific medical condition, which can therefore fall under the NHS service. This will enable those who are entitled to the service able to receive social care free of charge. However most individuals who would require free services through health related needs, are finding it difficult to ensure assessors identify their need for free services (BBC 2008).

In England, Social security and health care are provided in uniform basis in terms of equity whilst social care in particular is difficulty with the approach as for reasons of equity, it can be delivered unfairly. Even though some of the social care needs are targeted by social security cash payments on a universal basis, local authorities provision is a different system as it is through the assessment system and its subject to what assets an individual has and through the means testing system. This usually creates hardships on disabled and older people, their families, professionals and policy makers in terms of managing the interaction between social care and other services such as housing, healthcare and social security benefits (Bell, D and Glendinning, C. 2008).

Financing of Social Care in Germany

In terms of the government’s responsibility on long term care for the elderly in Germany, their Long term care system was more of a traditional informal care led model. However, in 1995, the Germany government introduced a universal programme, which enabled those who required care for at least six months to benefit from the services free of charge. This programme involved a variety of services, which included giving beneficiaries of the system a choice of receiving cash transfers which would help them through paying for professional services or for paying someone who would be responsible for their care. The service users would have a choice between receiving services in a residential care home or at their own homes or receive cash benefits or have a combination of the two services. In 2005, the majority of service users who were receiving social care services at their own homes, registered for receiving cash or a mix (Pavolin, E and Ranci, C 2008).

In 1994, Germany voted compulsory Soziale Pflegeversicherung which in English is translated to Universal long term care insurance. All the political parties and everyone, who was involved in the discussion of financing this measure that was going to be implemented agreed with several points since the beginning of the discussion. They wanted home care to be the first priority over care in a nursing home. The scheme was not to pay for the whole cost of care (Morel, N 2007).

Germany has the Volksversicherung which is the people’s insurance which enables compulsory membership of care insurance for all. This long term insurance delivers benefits for all individuals who are severely disabled of all ages. This scheme was driven by the widespread stigma which was associated with spending down assets in order to be entitled for means tested social assistance for the help of care costs (Bell, D and Glendinning, C. 2008).

Financing of Social Care in France

Policy makers of France began to see long term care for the elderly as an important issue at the beginning of the 1990s. However this was important as they had to have solutions to the long term care issue. Both the right and the left policy makers agreed on a number of points they were discussing (Morel 2007) p. 626, 627. They all agreed that by increasing social contribution as an idea of creating a particular insurance scheme would not be an option as they had to limit the cost of a new benefit. They also had to encourage families to carry on looking after their elderly as it would be a less expensive option than having professionals to look after them and also with the idea that for the government to interfere is not a good idea as it weakens the backbone of family unity (Morel 2007).

The Prestation Solidarite Dependance (PSD) which means Solidarity Benefit Dependency in English was introduced in 1997 for individuals who were over the age of 60. This kind of benefit was a means tested social assistance. When it was introduced, it was criticised and the policy makers decided that reform was needed. They introduced the Personalized Autonomy Allowance (APA) in 2002 to tackle some of the issues which had risen from the Prestation Solidarite Dependance. Although the benefit has been managed at a regional level, everywhere in France, it assures the same benefit levels. Raising the Dependency criteria also increased the number of individuals who were entitled for the benefit. The benefit was now delivered in as a non means tested benefit but there was a reduction on the amount of those beneficiaries with resources above a certain limit (Morel 2007).

When the government saw that the measure they had introduced had produced a positive outcome, the right wing government were committed to reduce the cost of benefits through new reforms in 2003. They introduced cash benefits to allow those who were dependent on the benefit to have the right of choosing the sort of care they require. The government’s shift of policies, was to promote and encourage free choice were the beneficiaries would have the choice of choosing the kind of care they required (Morel 2007).

The Allocation Personaliseed Autonomie which was introduced in France in 2002 is paid at one in six levels of dependency. Individuals with incomes below a certain amount are not required to pay any charges whereas individuals with incomes above a certain amount are required to pay co-payments (Bell, D and Glendinning, C. 2008).

France has its national scale called the AGGIR which enables to determine if an individual is incapable. This is the same as what Sweden, United Kingdom, Germany and Spain use in assessing the needs of individuals. Focusing on a case by case basis, the assessment team has to organise the type and number of care needed, in order of organising a care plan. The United Kingdom is similar to the France in the distinction between a needs evaluation phase and the phase that determines the type of care required. However when it comes to the assessment procedure, the United kingdom is difference to France as it doesn’t use the national assessment scale but it is similar to the Swedish on the account of autonomy entrusted to care managers (Le Bihan, B and Martin, C. 2006) p.31.

Even though France developed child care policies a long time ago, the issue of long term care, began to be looked at seriously in the early of 1990s. Just like other countries, the issue of ageing population, the change of family structure and the idea that more women are into the labour market, affected families. The French policy makers of both the left and the right were all worried about reducing the cost of the new benefit but they all agreed that raising social contributions in order of creating an insurance scheme was not going to happen as the high level of social contributions has been said which led to France’s lack of economic competitiveness. However they also agree on helping the family with incentives to keep on caring for the elderly as this proved less expensive than formal care. They implemented the cash for care for the elderly with the idea of providing cash benefits to dependant so that they can have free choice on what services they would require. They also implemented care as a source of low skilled, low paid employment for young children or for the elderly (Morel, N. (2007).

Financing of Social Care in Netherlands

The welfare state of the Netherlands was mainly a Christian paternalist system to the social-democratization since the middle of the 1960s and then it moved to liberalization from the mid-1980s. Despite the cut backs on benefits, Netherlands’s welfare system has been seen as the most generous system in the world the same as Sweden and Denmark (Becker, U 2000).

Typology can be used to bring order in the sense of differentiating several national welfare systems. Four types of typology which can be used, can be the paternalist type where inequalities can be defined as a matter of fact and life were those who are able should be required to look after those who are unable to help themselves either by voluntary and state action. The liberal type where the society view the market as a dominant element, individuals’ responsibility is central and public provisions is minimum and the idea of equality of opportunity prove more powerful. The social democratic type would be when a combination of the market, individual responsibility and the ideas of social citizenship and of equality proves more powerful. The communitarian type is when the welfare state plays a big role and group norms restrict individuals’ responsibility and market inequality. Esping Andersen used the link between the market and the family. The Netherlands changed its welfare system from the paternalist, to the social democratic and later on went on to the liberal one but without becoming either social democratic or liberal (Becker, U 2000).

During the development of the welfare state in the Netherlands from the late 1940s to the middle of the 1960s, the Dutch society was a conservative one. Public life and politics at this time was being ruled by the Christian conservative organisations and parties. In terms of Social life, this was controlled by classified principles. After the Second World War 2, individuals of the Netherlands were finding it hard to help themselves and this when the development of the Dutch welfare state which was called the ‘Caring State’ began. Later on, the Catholics and Socialists joined forces in order of developing the modern Dutch welfare system. They recognised and accepted the insurance acts for the old age, unemployment, sickness and disability and they implemented children’s allowances. All these regulations, began to be financed by wage earners, the employers, tax funds, the statutory retirement pension scheme of 1957 which further introduced a Universalist, tax financed element to the Netherland’s welfare system (Becker, U 2000).

The Dutch’s welfare system was also aiming at avoiding poverty, by increasing the levels of unemployment benefits especially for breadwinners with children, were earning a little bit more than the other categories and this also reflected that women had to stay at home to look after the children while man go to work to support their families. Because of this, there was a view that there should not be a second income in families as women were only allowed to look after the children at home. The current Dutch welfare system has the mixture of both paternalists, social democratic and liberal principles. Talking about the financing of benefits in Netherlands, they are mainly financed by social contributions, but when looking at the basic pensions, this is universal (Becker, U 2000).

Elder care in the Netherlands took the form of institutional care but over the years, it began to change in order of shifting from institutional care to domiciliary care. The government decided on an experimental basis to introduce new policy which was to support those who wanted to purchase private care in 1991 and it was introduced on a national level in1995. The new policy had set an arrangement of dependent people who were eligible for care allowance to use the allowance to purchase their care services through the Personal budget benefit. The government wanted to create a benefit which would help to move towards delivering care to individuals with the freedom and choices of choosing how best to service their needs. Similar to France and Germany, this was a way of paying carers and to help them move back to employment (Morel 2007).

Financing Social Care in Sweden

In the beginning of the 1990s, Sweden began some major changes on its welfare state. Sweden was going through some financial problems, so the reforming of the welfare state was a way of tackling the problem which the country was facing financially. They began to limit social insurance system and transfer schemes and they also made some cut backs on social care provision and the changes in priority. Because of the changes in priority, many who had been receiving help in their own homes were denied it. This led to less people receiving public care and this also happened when the government was fighting on helping those who were most in need of the care. However this made some of the elderly people to have alternatives of getting the help they required through the market, the family and volunteers (Blomberg S Edebalk PG and Petersson J. 2000).

The traditional social care services for the elderly before all the changes were made, consisted of local authorities financing social care and also publicly funded. However the measures they introduced was to limit the care they offered and they also wanted a system which was strict when it comes to assessing the needs of individuals. The traditional care of Sweden moved towards a mixed model which the family, neighbours and volunteers being more involved and the market forces seeing this as important (Blomberg S Edebalk PG and Petersson J. 2000).

During the year 1992, Sweden organised its social care system in a way that municipalities had to take the responsibility for long term care for the elderly and the handicapped. This reform which was introduced in 1992 for the municipalities to take control of social care was an advantage but this was also expensive. Municipalities began to modernize nursing homes and this was expensive even though there was also money coming from the state grants. However between 1992 and 1996 the municipalities faced demographic pressures. Municipalities targeted those who had higher priorities for the need of nursing. This was done in order of reducing expenditure. Their way of means testing, was to be strict on evaluating the needs of individuals who needed their help. Their strategies on structuring the help for the elderly was to put strategies which would affect the supply of services and also to put strategies which would affect the demand of services by limiting and adjusting the fees to reduce the net costs (Blomberg S Edebalk PG and Petersson J. 2000).

The Scandinavian countries such as Sweden mostly have the same system were the state provides, finance, and regulate welfare services to all the citizens throughout their life time. Esping Andersen’s types are defined by political ideology: social democratic, conservative and liberal. Leibfried (1992) and Bisley/Hansen (1991) cited in Abrahamson, P. (1999 p.33) developed a distinction which added the Catholic, Latin or rudimental model. Nordic welfare societies are those societies which state that every individual in the society has the right to social protection. From a Scandinavian model of welfare, Sweden is a universalistic welfare state. This kind of model has high level of organisation, strong political features, high welfare ambitions, low level of corruption and high level of efficiency (Abrahamson, P. (1999).

France, Germany and the Netherlands have similar logics and trajectories and this can be explained by the shared conservative and corporist traits of Bismarkian labour markets and welfare state institutions and their impact on labour market adjustment possibilities and preferences. The care policies of this countries, have been linked to the employment strategies, and the politics of welfare without work and the attempt of shifting from labour shedding strategy and this went on to explaining the nature and timing of child and elderly care policy reforms in Bismarkian welfare state. The Bismackian welfare state of the 1980s and early 1990s was the reinforcement of the traditional breadwinner model but in the late 1990s care policies began to be used on raising female employment levels. There was a shift from women being only allowed to stay at home to the shift of being allowed to be able to work. This shift bears the imprint of the conservative corporist legacy of their welfare states both in their design of policies and their outcomes. These countries target on promoting free choice led to some women to have much more free choice than others and it helped to reduce certain labour market strictness (Morel, N. (2007).

Esping-Andersen’s 1990 tripartite welfare regime typology, which identified a Social-democratic regime (the Nordic countries), a Liberal regime (the Anglophone countries) and a Conservative corporatist regime (continental Europe, i.e. Bismarckian countries), arrived at this typology by correlating a number of indicators including both causal explanations such as political and historical factors, the institutional design of the welfare states and a number of policy outcomes (mostly in terms of levels of deco modification and stratification resulting from these welfare institutions, but also in terms of women’s labour-market participation) (Morel, N. (2007).

The Bismackian welfare system is based on the idea of social insurance. The idea of social insurance schemes are based on labour market participation and performance, and welfare benefits earnings. The Bismackian welfare is also based on its strong reliance on the breadwinner model and its strong support of the traditional family. This model requires males to work full time whilst the women withdraw from the labour market and their job would be to care full time for the children, the elderly and the disabled. This has shown that women would receive benefits through their husbands and led them to lack individual social entitlements. This kind of welfare regime’s principles is that when an individual is in need of care, the family or local communities should be the first resort or from voluntary associations the state will be the last resort to step in. The principle of this welfare regime is that the family if the best provider of care and the state should not undermine the family so it will be the last resort when the family cannot able to provide care. In terms of financial transfers to families, the Bismarkian welfare usually offer financial transfers to the families in order of supporting them as their role of primary welfare providers but offer little in terms of social services (Morel, N. (2007).

Social assistance of the bismackian welfare is dealt with by local rather than central authorities. This idea of traditions family based on a male bread winner and a female as a care giver and the principles of subsidiarity testify to the catholic and politically conservative origins of this welfare regime. During the 1960s Countries such as Germany and France are different to Scandinavian countries as France and Germany would have workers from other countries instead of letting the women work, thereby reinforcing male breadwinner whereas In the Scandinavian countries, they chose to bring women into the labour market which encouraged the development of child care services and some other policies to help parents to bring together work and family life in the early 1970s (Morel, N. (2007).

Despite policies encouraging women to stay at home, the changes in social values and family structures led to more women wanting to be in the labour market. With more women into the labour market, it brought a conflict of women willing to care for the dependent elderly in countries such as Germany. In terms of child care and elderly care, there is much inter regime difference in terms of public spending on family services and the coverage of the services. The conservative corporatist welfare state is the less generous one than social democratic welfare states and a little more generous than liberal welfare states (Morel, N. (2007).

There are differences between the conservative corporist group and also between countries such as France. France is less generous in terms of public spending on family services than Germany and the Netherlands but offers a wider childcare than the two other countries. In terms of elderly care, Germany stands out with its low levels of home help and institutional care coverage on the other hand; Netherlands has high coverage levels with the same as Sweden. The French’s provision of childcare was due to the existence of the ecoles maternelles or preschools. Childcare policies in France included both day care services for women’s employment and cash benefits which were to encourage women to stay at home. France has also developed family policies which aimed at targeting and favour large families. However in terms of elderly care, their policies have remained undeveloped. From the early 2000, than when France began to develop policies which were aimed at dealing with long term care needs of the dependent elderly (Morel, N. (2007).

Germany and the Netherlands mostly remained to the traditional male bread winner model but recently those women with small children were expected to stay at home rather than work. The principle of subsidiary is still strong and childcare services being provided by voluntary welfare organisations. Germany and the Netherlands recently, began to invest more in child care services. These two countries provided care for the elderly since a long time ago and Germany only set up the fifth of its social insurance scheme aiming at dealing with dependency in 1994. Even these countries has cultural and policy differences, they all followed similar patterns of reform (Morel, N. (2007).

The idea of the breadwinner model in the Netherlands was the strongest but it all changed in the 1980s when the number of working women began to increase. Childcare in the Netherland s began to be developed during the 1990s and this was said to be a solution to the so called the Dutch disease/ problem. Netherlands remained conservative welfare regime on its child care policies and did not translate to the transformation of the male bread winner model. They still consider that care should be provided by the family and they reduced the working time of parent so that they can both care and also work. Netherlands has also remained quite corporatist in its mode of provision. Elderly care has also been developed in the form of institutional care but recently, like other countries, it beginning to shift towards domiciliary care (Morel, N. (2007).

The Nordic welfare states and Sweden have the same problems between two principles; universalism and local autonomy. The implementation of universalism is a responsibility of highly independent local authority or welfare municipalities whereas the nature of universalism is established at a national level. The Nordic countries, in Esping Andersen’s terminology, represent the Social Democratic welfare state regime in which all citizens are incorporated under one universal system but in the social policy literature, the Nordic countries are placed in a special welfare state model which is a universal citizenship based model with a high level of generosity. The Nordic welfare system is based on the provision of high degree of universalism and equality. Another principle is the increasing of the state’s responsibility for the care of the children, the aged and disabled people while minimising the responsibly of families (Trydegard, G.B and Thorslund, M (2010)

The increase of the elderly population is an issue as the need of long term care is increasing in so many countries. The demand and support for long term care, considerations of fairness and equity have increased and this has also put pressure on the long term care expenditures. Furthermore the cost of care and support has also increased. The main issue which is causing long term care expenditure, in so many countries, is the growing number of the elderly in need of services.

Ferna?ndez, J.L and Forder, J. (2010).

The similarities that England, Sweden, Germany and France have, is that they all deliver nursing care, personal care, housekeeping help, technical assistance with domiciliary care, accommodation centres, nursing homes, day-care centres, geriatric hospitals, and psychiatric institutions for either temporary or permanent accommodation. All these countries also have the availability of financial benefits to pay some of the needs of individuals but their significance to the benefits is not the same in all the systems. Sweden’s social care for the elderly is based on the needs assessment which draws up the care package. The United Kingdom allows every individual who submits an application form to be assessed on their needs, services and the management of their circumstances (Le Bihan, B and Martin, C. 2006).

Focusing on the financial contribution of the elderly in Sweden and the United Kingdom, these two countries have the strategy of co-payments whilst France and Germany has the strategy of social assistance in the case of municipal caring. Sweden and the United Kingdom have some similarities in what the elderly has to contribute on their resources and the cost of their care plans and both the municipalities and local authorities establish the guidelines. Germany has the combination extensive system, which is for long term care insurance and supplementary system which is for those on lower incomes (Le Bihan, B and Martin, C. 2006).

To conclude Social Care policies that have been implemented by other countries have differences in the attitudes of the society in terms of uncertainty, inequality, transparency, citizenship and the role of unpaid care. Constitutional and financial arrangements also influences the way different countries develops their social care policies. On top of these differences are Constitutional and fiscal arrangements that influence the way in which social care policy develops in different countries

Literature highlights some of the challenges for social workers assessing and making decisions about African children and families whose cultures differ from the majority of the white population in United Kingdom. The critical evaluation of knowledge and research in child protection and prevention of child abuse in black African children is important to the forming of social work policy, services and appropriate intervention. This is because there is need to provide appropriate intervention services which are culturally sensitive but at the same time preventing child abuse. It is important that black African children perspectives form part of policies and legislation. Several authors have critically analysed the evidence on service provision for black families in general. A pathologising approach to black families may lead to unnecessary coercive intervention and on the other hand a cultural relativist approach may lead to a non-intervention when services are required (Dominelli 1997, Chand 2000).

The purpose of the review is to explore if the child protection system is effective in preventing child abuse in black African children and their families. By child protection, the review will be referring to all the agencies and services involved in protecting and preventing child abuse. By relating to theory and research, there is hope to uncover gaps, themes and debates and also, raise questions which can be useful for future research. The literature review starts by setting the parameters that is, defining the terms that will be used, such as, child protection and child abuse. The literature review goes to set the historical and theoretical context because it is important to know how long literature and research has existed on the topic and what has been happening including research on culture differences, poverty, power issues and child protection. The review goes on to address the theoretical perspectives on the topic to analyse the theories that form the knowledge base in research. The review goes on to look at the major findings in research and literature by exploring the key themes such as factors that impact African children that can result them in being involved in the child protection system for example, child rearing practices, poverty and limited knowledge in cultural practices by social work professionals. Finally the review will look at the anti-discriminatory practice and user-involvement to show how professionals can work sensitively and provide culture appropriate services.

The literature search

Child protection system aims to prevent situations that can result in a child or young person aged sixteen and under experience abuse that puts them in danger of not developing appropriately or losing their life (Save the Children UK, 2008). The abuse can fall under the category of child abuse which could be in form of neglect, emotional, physicals and sexual, (Woolfson et al 2009). The search involved these terms. After establishing the specific area to be reviewed; the focus was on black African children and the child protection system. The area of child protection and black African children is a controversial area that has been neglected in literature and research and there is need to analyse themes and identify gaps in literature. The sources selected were journals, books, government records and articles. Electronic search engines were used because they provided a readily available wide range of literature and research articles which have been accepted for publishing. These sources were used as evidence and source of information because they had been accepted for publishing hence they would not provide with false information.

Review of the literature

Historical Context

In setting the historical context, the most important development in child protection is the formulation of the Children Act 1989 which was influenced by the public inquiries of the 1970s and 1980s child deaths, for example, the Maria Cowell. The Act stressed that the Local Authority’s duty is to safeguard and promote the welfare of children. However, research into how the Children Act was being put into action found that the child protection system was still focusing on single incidents of child abuse rather than planning to meet the wider requirements of children in need (DoH, 1995a). The studies also noted that many children and families received little or no support, the assessment of risk was low (Stevenson, 1998) and ignored the influences of poverty, unemployment and poor housing. This meant that a new way in thinking was needed about working with families. The result was publication of the Framework for Assessment of Children in Need and their Families (DoH et al, 2000) and Working Together to Safeguard Children (DoH et al, 1999).

A Common Assessment framework was also developed to promote more effective earlier identification of children’s additional needs and improve inter-agency working. A review into previous deaths of children indicates failures to listen to children, sharing of information, follow procedures and recognising indicators of abuse. The main response to the deaths of children due to local authorities’ failures has been to seek bureaucratic solutions such as introducing new guidelines, laws and procedures (Ferguson, 2005). However, the Laming 2003 enquiry into the tragic death of Victoria Climbie in 2000 is particularly significant because it pointed out the inter-agency approach established after Maria Cowell’s death in 1973 was not followed and it considered implications for the whole of the child protection system (Batty, 2003). Laming (2003) highlights the misjudgements made on the Climbie’s case based on cultural assumptions that led to a tragedy. However, Garret (2006) argues that the Laming report (2003) appears to detach a child’s race from core assessments and this was echoed in the Every Child Matters which appears to mention very little about the needs of children from other races. After the Victoria Climbie enquiry there has been recent death of children known to social services such as, baby P (2007) and Khyra Ishaq (2008). This begs the question, where is the child protection system going wrong? There are debates on how to provide social work interventions and family support that are culturally sensitive and competent to African children and their families who are at risk of significant harm (Stobart, 2006; Holland 2004, Robinson 2007; Mama 2004). This was highlighted in the Laming Progress Report (2009) which set out challenges faced in safeguarding children such as: “aˆ¦ there is still need to improve knowledge and skills to understand children and their family circumstances. Also the laming report noted that despite the progress in inter-agency working there are still problems of day to day reality of working across organisational boundaries and cultureaˆ¦ “, Laming Progress Report (2009). When reviewing literature it is important to note that there is a sparse of research on black African children and the child protection system in the Britain hence it is difficult to set out the historical and theoretical context. Where research and literature exists, the data is still not plausible because it is mixed with other research data from minority ethnic populations and their experience differs widely.

Theoretical and research perspectives that shape knowledge

Different theories and perspectives inform knowledge base in literatures surrounding African children and the child protection system. When researching this area there is need to look at experiences of African people and their involvement with child protection hence researchers can use the black perspective which is based on the notion of common experiences that black people share. The black perspective criticises repressive research and theories that are likely to oppress black people, (Robinson 2007). African families will always refer to their culture as frame of reference to their parenting capacities (Bernard and Gupta, 2008) and understanding and acknowledgement of the black frame of reference will enable social workers to come up with accurate and comprehensive assessments of African black children involved with the child protection system, (Robinson 2007). Other literature is based on the ecological perspective and highlights the importance to analyse the impacts of social exclusion, poverty and immigration on black African children and their families, (Gibbs and Huang 2003). However, Robinson 1998 argues that there is a danger of over-generalising and stereotyping because individual members from the same culture can behave differently from the pattern that is typical of that culture. However, other researchers argue that postmodern theories have gained popularity in social work, (Pease and Fook 1999; Leonard 1997). Researchers have argued against postmodern theories who want a better understanding of identity, combining personal with structural elements of living (Dominelli 2002; Graham 2002), drawing on the idea of what holds people together, (Badiou 2001). The lack of appropriate preventative support services which are culture sensitive often result in social work operating against the interests of black children involved in child protection, (Barn 1993, Graham 2002). Social work has operated within a problem oriented framework which is characterised by deficit and dysfunctional theories of black families (Robinson 2008).

Major finding in literature and research

Research agrees that black African children and their families are disproportionately represented in child protection (Graham, 2006; Barn et al 1997; Bernard and Gupta 2008). When looking at experiences of black African children and their families and how best to offer them appropriate intervention it is important to acknowledge background in terms of religion, culture, language and beliefs (Bernard and Gupta 2008; Gibbs and Huang 2003; Robinson 2007). Research shows that black African families may experience oppression and discrimination within the child protection system (Chand, 2008). A lot of literature appears to draw attention to the parenting in African families and how their culture is neglected in a lot researches and there is little empirical evidence especially about African parenting in Britain (Bernard, 2002; Graham 2006). Parenting by African families is entwined into an already debate of what constitutes child abuse (Francis, 1993; Chand 2000). Barn, 2002 argues that child abuse is a socially constructed phenomenon and most of literature surrounding child abuse is based on western society’s views and middle-class. This can lead to discrimination and stereotypes towards African families’ rearing practices and lead to unwanted intervention and social care involvement. There is well documented literature focused on how culture influence parenting of African families involved with child protection system, (Brophy et al 2003, Bernard, 2002; Graham 2006). However, the empirical research is limited but the little data that exists poses the notion that cultural practices appear to play some part in African children being involved in the child protection system, (Mama, 2004). Literature suggests that African families practice harsh punishment for children, however, Barn et al 2006; Thoburn et al 2005; Nobes and Smith 1997, challenge such stereotypes and in their study, they found no significant differences between ethnic groups with regard to physical punishment. However, these studies cannot be generalised to African families easily because the majority of the participants where white parents.

There is gap in research on the parenting by black African families and a recurrent theme in literature is the need to acknowledge cultural and social contexts of parenting and experience of African black families to make sense of child abuse and provide appropriate intervention for children and families involved in the child protection system, (Holland 2004, Robinson 2007, Stobart 2006). A focus on ethnicity or identity, preclude issues of power and oppression operating in the everyday experiences of children’s lives to be appreciated, (Graham, 2007). Research found that most black African families live in poverty and social exclusion and how this impacts on parenting, (Bernard and Gupta 2008; Gibbs and Huang 2003; Robinson 2007; Platt, 2007). A study of more than 7,000 children looked after by 13 Local Authorities found that children who were not of the white origin where more likely to be put into care due to poverty (Sinclair et al, 2007). Sinclair et al’s study is very important because it is a comprehensive qualitative study which focuses on the needs of children in care systems involving their perspectives and investigates the outcomes for children. The study also suggests how the care system should function and managed which is important to social work professionals and policy makers. However, data produced cannot be easily generalised to the entire population of African children because their experiences varies.

There has been research critically examining the treatment of asylum seeking children and the child protection system and there is argument between the Children Act 1989 and immigration legislation and policy and Jones (2001) argues that ‘social work profession singularly failed to provide critical scrutiny on the status and relationship of immigration and child care law and the erosion of children’s rights’. Other researchers agree with Jones, that vulnerability of asylum seeking children has emotional and legal aspects, (Woodcock, 2003; Chase, 2009). Kohli 2006, argues that legislation obstruct the provision of preventative services to vulnerable children and their families. Research has highlighted the fragility of African children who claim asylum such as having suffering trauma due to their circumstances that led them to claim asylum such as war and torture, (Hodes, 2000, 2002; Ehntholt and Yule, 2006; Dyregrov and Yule, 2006). Research shows that there is a gap in research on asylum seeking children and social work to inform practice, (Kohli and Mather 2003; Okitikpi and Aymer 2003). Rustin 2005, states that there is a complicated interaction between social workers’ knowledge in asylum seeking children and the existing stereotypes regarding these groups of service-users, (Bernard and Gupta 2008; Robinson 2007; Barn 1993; Owen and Statham 2009).

Bernard and Gupta (2008) go on to cite other factors that affect African children such as asylum seeking, AIDS, loss and separation and this is important because when providing intervention to African children there is need to comprehend their background to offer appropriate services which do not discriminate them any further. Young (1990) states that black children often experience multiple-oppression for example, they suffer from stereotypes from society and also they are invisible to the child protection system. Graham (1999) goes on to argue that intervention with African families is at the centre of wider debates and conflict; and evidence from research continues to show over-representation of African children and their families in child protection. The debates seem to focus on power imbalances and how to involve African families to gain control over their lives, (Graham, 1999; Young, 1990). Other researchers highlight the issues of language in child protection and the provision of appropriate intervention services, (Chand 2000, Ahmed et al, 1982). The use of children as translators in sensitive child protection issues is unethical and inappropriate, and also the use of an interpreter can distort the assessment process, (Chand, 2000). Bernard and Gupta (2008) go further to look at other factors that affect black African children that other literature seems to neglect such as how gender norms place women in an inferior position within African cultures and this can limit mothers to protect their children in the environment of domestic violence, however Owen and Statham (2009) argues that the is limited evidence to maintain or challenge this notion. Nevertheless, in Masson et al (2008) study, domestic violence was evidenced as a cause of concern in the court files of half the children of Black African mothers implicated in their study of care proceedings.

Research and evidence from Climbie enquiry propose that social work professionals involved with black and minority ethnic families might not act in child abuse cases because of fear of being regarded as a racist (Scorer, 2005; Bernard and Gupta, 2006). Nevertheless, literature and research fail to provide a large amount of evidence to support this notion for example, Gordon and Gibbons (1998) in their study found no differences between ethnicity in terms of children being placed on the child protection register and factors such as parents’ mental health problems, criminal activities or the child not fitting in a reconstituted family were the reasons for involvement than ethnicity (Williams and Soydan, 2005). However, Selwyn et al 2008 found that social work professionals were more uncertain and occasionally puzzled regarding how best to promote the needs of ethnic children and they felt further self-doubting in their assessment. Recurring themes in literature is the significance of social work professionals to build up on culturally sensitive work with black and ethnic families (Gray et al., 2008; Sue, 2006; Laird, 2008; Stirling et al., 2009; Hodge, 2001).

Anti-discriminatory perspectives and the incorporation of knowledge from service users

Thompson, (2008) states that anti-discriminatory practice has been used in Britain to account for good practice in social work to counter structural disadvantages however, Graham 1999, argues that anti-discriminatory practice fails to provide a knowledge base for social work that is ‘engaged in the collective development of the black community’. Professionals can indirectly oppress African children and their families through practice for example, by imposing their personal values or power, (Dominelli 2007). Research and literature talks about the child protection providing cultural sensitive services and training social work professionals have the knowledge and skills in working with different cultures. However this can actually create further oppression and social divisions. The majority of the workers will have dominant Eurocentric views which encourage further social divisions for example, excepting the view that African families live in poverty and not fight and challenge this view by providing services that help families to counter these structural inequalities in society. Dominelli (2007) argues that there is need to address the systems that reaffirm racist dynamics rather than challenging them. Dominelli (1992) argues that black children and families are over-represented in the controlling aspects of social work and under-represented in the welfare aspects of social work.

Problems with communication and working in partnership have been highlighted in literature. Chase’s (2009) study found that young people described complex relationships with social workers and other social care professionals and were also more mistrustful of the interplay between social care and immigration services. There is limited research that incorporates service user involvement (Buchanan 2007; Bernard 2002) taking in their lived experiences however, an important study by Chase 2009 found that young people often described complex relationships with social workers and other social care professionals and were also more mistrustful of the interplay between social care and immigration services. Recent policy has tried to enforce advocacy as a way of promoting social justice and incorporate disadvantaged groups’ views on the services that are appropriate for them. In Bowes and Sims (2006) empirical study, they found that black and minority ethnic communities gave support to advocacy services, however, they were still marginalised by the services they were already using. There appears to be a need of qualitative research and literature that includes an extensive study of black African children’s perspectives and experiences, (Graham 2007) which forms a value base to inform practice in social work.

Relevance to policy and practice

Using the ecological approach the Framework For Assessment of Children in Need and their Families (DoH, 2000), places a requirement on social work professionals to take account of cultural background and socio-economic positions of families paying attention to power imbalances in relationships, (Dalrymple and Burke, 1995). Dalrymple and Burke (1995) argue that an understanding is needed of the association between personal experience and structural realism of inequality. Therefore service users perspectives should form part of policies and legislation respecting and literature highlights that children’s rights may still lack from policy and legislation, therefore, these notions challenge professionals to take children’s views seriously and appreciate their contribution to research, (Aubrey and Dahl 2006). Lots of research appears to focus on empowerment through cultural knowledge inviting new thinking about the challenges faced by black communities, (Aubrey and Dahl 2006). The complex social circumstances experienced by many African families pose challenges for social work professionals working to safeguard and promote children’s welfare.

In order to safeguard and promote welfare of African children acknowledgement of sources of discrimination and oppression, a commitment to human rights and social justice must be met.

Several authors have critically analysed the evidence on service provision for black families in general. A pathologising approach to black families may lead to unnecessary coercive intervention and on the other hand a cultural relativist approach may lead to a non-intervention when services are required (Dominelli 1997, Chand 2000). Either way appropriate intervention is not provided for black and ethnic minority children. The quality of services in black communities is a focus for debate and raises important issues about the lack of policy initiatives based upon needs and aspirations of local communities (Graham, 2002). By drawing on strengths perspective professionals can illuminate how parents draw on cultures as a resource to parents in circumstance of adversity whilst not excusing behaviour that is harmful to children.

Conclusions

There is gaps in research on child protection and black African families and a recurrent theme in literature is the need to acknowledge cultural and social contexts of parenting and experience of African black families to make sense of child abuse and provide appropriate intervention for children and families involved in the child protection system, (Holland 2004, Robinson 2007, Stobart 2006). Research shows that there is a gap in research on asylum seeking children and social work to inform practice, (Kohli and Mather 2003; Okitikpi and Aymer 2003). There is need for research centred on black African children and there is also need to involve them in forming of policies, challenging the notion that only ethnicity causes the experiences faced by African children. This is because by having cultural sensitive intervention, there can be reinforcement of stereotypical services and discrimination ignoring other things such as gender, age and class.

This paper will reveal various research findings of children under the age of six who has witness or has been the victims of domestic violence. Some of the research found will reveal that by witnessing domestic violence in many forms has proven to be very harmful to the children and many of the children has lifetime scars as a result. Many of the findings will indicate that the child’s social, cognitive behavior and physical development has affected the way the child responds in certain situations. This paper will generate awareness that these children can live a productive life if caught in time and the necessary provisions and assistance is provided. Statistics and data will show that there are as many unreported numbers as there are reported numbers of domestic violence in young children. There will be a number of references to show the much research that has been conducted relating to the abuse witnessed by young children and also research to show the increased number of abuse that young children experience from domestic violence.

How Domestic Violence Affect the Lives of Children

This research paper is intended to address issues of abused children and how domestic violence affects their lives in so many different ways. Domestic violence can happen to anyone. Domestic violence is defined as the pattern of abusive and threatening behaviors that may include physical, emotional, economic and sexual violence as well as intimidation, isolation and coercion. There are many ways that children can experience abuse.

Children exposed to overwhelming and potentially traumatic events early in their lives are considered ataˆ?risk for problems in adjustment. Yet it is not known whether it is the age of first exposure (AFE) to violence or the amount of violence that the child witnessed in their lifetime that has the greatest impact on adjustment. For a sample of 190 children ages 6 to 12 exposed to intimate partner violence, their mothers reported that the average length of their abusive relationship was 10 years. The majority of children were first exposed to family violence as infants at 64 percent, with only 12 percent first exposed when schoolaˆ?aged. However, in regression analyses controlling for child sex, ethnicity, age, and family environment variables, cumulative violence exposure accounted for greater variance in adjustment than did the age of first exposure. Furthermore, cumulative violence exposure mediated the relationship between the age of first exposure and externalizing behavior problems, indicating that the cumulative exposure to intimate partner violence outweighed the age of first exposure in its effect on child adjustment (Grahamaˆ?Bermann & Perkins, 2010).

Domestic violence can sometimes go undetected, and can sometimes be missed if it is not visible. Sometimes it can be seen in their actions and how they interact with the other children. Sometimes small children are bitters and they bite as a way of protecting themselves. The statistics above shows that 64 percent of children exposed to violence were in their infancy stage. The child’s character is shaped in their early years by the parent or parents. This is where they receive their first level of education. The children learn to model their parent’s behavior and develop life’s lessons from their parents. So when domestic violence is witnessed in the home, the child learns that manner of behavior as well. Therefore, the child is able to learn violence at an early age. The first year of a child life is the infancy stage. This is the stage when the child shows rapid growth physically, psychologically, socially and developmentally. The child’s brain is developing at an alarming rate and so the child is able to comprehend what is going on around them. They might not know how to explain it, but they know what is going on.

More and more children are witnessing and experiencing domestic violence. Domestic violence does not just happen to poor people, it happens to anybody regardless of the social or economic status. Domestic violence is great among boys, because they feel it gets them what they want. And among the girls, they are at a risk of feeling the violence is normal in relationships. Therefore, as young children, both boys and girls grow up feeling that domestic violence is part of life and to experience it in relationships is normal for them and they expect it from their relationship as they grow up and to some degree it makes them feel like they are in control.

Children experience a wide range of exposure to domestic violence and they always feel that they are somehow responsible for it happening in their homes. They develop a sense of guilt and they experience a great deal of anxiety. Because they do not know how to express how they feel, they sometimes become withdrawn and have a develop sleeping problems and sometimes, especially in small children, might awake from their sleep crying as a result of what they have witnessed relating to domestic violence. Children who are exposed to domestic violence, especially repeated incidents of violence, are at risk for many difficulties, both immediately and in the future. These include problems with sleeping, eating and other basic bodily functions; depression, aggressiveness, anxiety and other problems in regulating emotions; difficulties with family and peer relationships; and problems with attention, concentration and school performance (Holt, Buckley, & Whelan, 2008).

Children under the age of 6 years old were at greater risk of direct sensory exposure.

Domestic violence households with children were more likely to be low-income, non-White, and headed by a single female, compared to households at large. Police collected data on the demographic characteristics of the victim, characteristics of the incident, and whether children were present. Results showed that 44 percent of all substantiated domestic violence events had children present. These children were more likely to be from ethnic minority households and 47 percent of them were less than 6 years old (Evans, Davies & DiLillo, 2008).

Childhood exposure to domestic violence appears to produce many of the same developmental consequences, although these are generally less well documented. For example, children exposed to DV have higher than average rates of cognitive, psychological, and emotional impairments (Fantuzzo,& Fusco, 2007). These children are left traumatized because of what they see happening during the course of the violent actions. It leaves some children severely damaged. They are not only witnessing the violence, but they are sometimes the ones that are violated. They feel that they are the ones that cause this to happen and are left feeling void and alone.

Interventions that help children are usually those that help parents to increase their own safety and to increase the resources available to provide safety for their children. Child abuse, youth violence and domestic violence are inextricably interwoven. The presence of domestic violence in a child’s life not only hurts the child, it has reaching effects on all of society. Community based interventions may be the best hope for families in our society struggling with violence in their homes. Early education on the subject can help prevent the cycle of domestic violence from continuing (Holt, Buckley & Whelan, 2008).

In order to minimize the risk of long-term damage, child witnesses to domestic violence need the safety and security of their environment to be restored. Children exposed to domestic violence also need support from the adults around them, most importantly their own parents or other primary caregivers. Interventions that help children are usually those that help parents to increase their own safety and to increase the resources available to provide safety for their children. Child abuse, youth violence and domestic violence are inextricably interwoven. The presence of domestic violence in a child’s life not only hurts the child, it has reaching effects on all of society. Community based interventions may be the best hope for families in our society struggling with violence in their homes. Early education on the subject can help prevent the cycle of domestic violence from continuing. Health care workers, law enforcement officers, educators, domestic abuse and child welfare organization workers all play overlapping roles in the prevention and intervention of cases of harmful domestic violence. (Jaffe, Baker, & Cunningham, 2004).

Children who witness domestic violence may have impaired educational attainment as well as facing other challenges such as struggles with self-esteem and forming relationships. Two typical types of responses by children were identified: those who became quiet and withdrawn, and those who became loud and aggressive. There seemed to have been progress in terms of professional understanding and service responses regarding domestic violence, but there seemed to be limited structured cooperation between the professional groups in addressing the effects of domestic violence on children (Byrne & Taylor, 2007). When children are quiet and withdrawn, they tend to bottle everything up inside and after a while they will begin to experience other problems in their lives that will interfere with them socially and physiologically. It is especially bad on a young child because they don’t know how to express themselves and become angry and will sometimes lash out at other children as a means of venting their anger.

Exposed children showed lower verbal functioning and higher internalizing behaviors than did their non-exposed peers (Ybara, Wilkens, & Lieberman, 2007). Children that are bought up in violent homes will sometimes end of hating their parents and develop bad feelings to towards them and will in some instances rebel against them. They start to feel that they have been let down by both parents and as a result of what they have witnessed or experience will believe that they always have to protect themselves and be on their guard to not allow anyone else to harm them and they can become dangerous to themselves and others.

Children were present in nearly 50 percent of the domestic violence events. They were disproportionately present in domestic violence household as compared to all other households in the municipality. Domestic violence households with children were more likely to have mothers and fathers involved in the violence and were disproportionately minority households headed by single females in relatively poor neighborhoods (Fantuzzo, Fusco, Mohr, & Perry, 2007). There are many ways that children can be exposed to domestic violence; they can see it, hear it or suffer domestic violence. They can also be used to do greater harm to the person that has been battered. For instance is a father is beating the mother, the father could demand that the child hit the mother as well. That makes them both batterers.

Domestic violence does not just affect the abused spouse. The children living in the home are as victims as well even if the violence is not aimed directly towards them. Children who are raised in the homes where domestic violence is practiced are 60 percent. They are more likely to get involved in juvenile delinquency and 30 percent more likely to become a perpetrator of abuse when they turn into adults (Martin, 2011, p.292).

More research is also needed that fol­lows children into adulthood to assess the effects of violence on their long-term health and well-being. Such research would complement those studies, such as the Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACE) study discussed earlier, that have taken a retrospective look at the effects of adverse childhood experiences. The National Sur­vey of Children’s Exposure to Violence (NatSCEV) findings affirm that more needs to be done to measure children’s exposure to violence on an ongoing and systematic basis using public surveillance mechanisms, including follow-up surveys and long-term monitoring (Kracke & Hahn, 2008).

Nearly one-half (46.3 percent) of all the children surveyed were physically assault­ed within the previous year, and more than one-half (56.7 percent) had been assaulted during their lifetime. Physical assaults are extremely common across the entire span of childhood and peak during middle childhood. Assaults by sib­lings especially show a marked develop­mental trend, peaking during the middle childhood years (ages 6 to 9) and then declining. Incidence for the most severe assaults, however, rises steadily with age (Finkelhor, Turner, Ormond & Hamby, 2009). This research was very alarming to know that the number of children, youths and adolescents would and have been assaulted in their lifetime. If the child is assaulted during the early stages of their life, it is likely it will follow then throughout their lifetime.

NatSCEV found that witnessing violence was a common occurrence for children, particularly as they grew older. Over­all, more than one-quarter of children surveyed (25.3 percent) had witnessed violence in their homes, schools, and communities during the past year; and more than one-third (37.8 percent) had witnessed violence against another per­son during their lifetimes. The proportion of children who witnessed violence both within the past year and during their life­times rose from one age group to the next (Finkelhor, Turner, Ormond & Hamby, 2009).

Rates for witness­ing family violence were fairly constant across the span of childhood, with all age groups falling in a fairly narrow range of approximately 6 to 11 percent. Over the course of their lifetimes, boys overall were slightly more likely than girls to witness violence (40.1 percent of boys and 35.4 percent of girls). Boys were more likely to witness violence in the commu­nity, murder, and shootings both in the past year and during their lifetimes. There were no gender differences in witnessing family violence (Finkelhor, 2009).

In the past, I have as a Court Advocate for Women affected by Domestic Violence. I have witnessed and counseled many that have indicated that their children were present during their domestic violence disputes. In some cases, the children were injured as a result and there were cases of domestic violence committed against the women by their own children. These children had grown up in an abusive environment and had become the abusers. If the mother is abused during the pregnancy, it is likely that the effect on the unborn will be destined that they will turn out as an abuser.

The children are sometimes removed from the homes and placed into foster homes or both the mother and children are placed in shelters for their safety. The signs that the child is living in a violent home setting is sometimes hidden. When the child is young the child will have multiple behavior problems. Small children will become bitters and cry continuously. They will wet in their pants and they will become disruptive to other children. They are restless and they become withdrawn and alienate themselves from other children. When they are at play with other children, they feel a need to always be in control. They fight often to stay in control and power.

These children also suffer nightmares and wake up yelling and screaming in their sleep.

Some of the children that have suffered from domestic violence are also known to become autistic and perform at a much lower learning and comprehension than children that have never been exposed to domestic violence. They are defiant in school setting. It is known that they have excessive temper tantrums, they become easily irritable, their concentration is off, and they show no interest in any social activities.

There have been many facilities built to assist the human service professionals to be able to work with children that have been exposed to domestic violence. Some of these services include: crisis intervention, shelters, victim advocate programs, court accompaniment and several others. Children are not able to make their own decisions and so there are court appointed professionals that are assigned to make sure the child is placed in a safe environment.

In my conclusion, as a Marriage and Family Counselor, I will do the best job as I can as a professional to ensure that my clients receive the best professional service I can provide. It is important in my profession to treat each person with the utmost urgency and know that they are most important to my practice. As I did the research on the children and how domestic violence affected their lives, I did not realize the number of children that were damaged by domestic violence and the different effects that it had on their lives. Not only does it affect their lives, but the lives of others that surround them. It has a great effect on their education, community and their environment. I plan to work hard to make a difference in the lives of children, youths and families with a great emphasis on the at-risk population.

All countries developed and are developing, have a culture. A culture in turn can be represented by such things as a person use of language, choice of clothing and media and advertising portrayals. These representations reflect a mix of influences and influence how people treat one another.

There is not enough support from the government when we look at the case of Sabine Akhtar , she was 26 year of age and was stabbed through the heart by her husband Malik Mannan in Manchester in 2008 and police had previously arrested him twice and gave him a order to stay away from his wife but no charge had been brought the 36 year old husband and the police made a wrong decision in failing to charge the husband at an earlier stage. (BBC 2009)

The British Crime Survey (BCS) measurement of the culture effect on domestic violence is different to the police statistics according to the statistic. The culture effect on domestic violence plays an important role here

The aim of my research is to define how the culture has an effect on domestic violence in UK. Over the last 3 years the Coventry Refugee Centre has changed my life I learnt too many things about the different culture of many countries.

In UK domestic violence is affecting women and children lives. For many women home is where they face an abusive of relationship at hands of somebody really close to them. They suffer a long term of physical and psychological. They haven’t got any chance to make their own decision and voice their opinions cannot even protect them as well as their children.

This research seeks to determine the different impact of cultural effect on domestic violence in women and children in UK. It will also assess the impact of domestic violence towards the physical and mental health of women and children in UK.

The beliefs of abused women may be part of the reason and woman accepts the violence and stays in the relationship for example witnessing physical abuse during ones childhood may predispose some women to believe that it is tolerable in adulthood. Woman who witnessed parental abuse as children tended to be more depressed which may put them at greater risk for tolerating abuse. (Davis 1998) as he noted specifically that such woman tended to replicate to their parents violence and this may teach them that a passive response is the best. As the (Home Office 2008) statistic shows that 54 % of woman in persistently abusive relationships had witness’s parental abuse. Woman’s cognitive and psychological development may be affected by parental abuse in such a way as to place her at increased risk of victimization. One reason that woman stay is that they may believe that their husbands have the right to beat the

Key literature

Research literature identifies the following risks factors of domestic violence that can be faced by minority ethnic women:

Endorsement of patriarchal views of marriage and woman’s sexual autonomy

Members of a community or family not intervening in cases of domestic violence

Isolation from the rest of their community

Immigration and asylum legislation that increase dependence on their partner

Changes in status, gender roles and traditional supports following migration

The low income has also been identified a risk factor for domestic violence and minority ethnic. Woman has a greater risk of living in poverty than majority ethnic women (Newburn 2003)

These risk factors also act as barriers to leaving a violent relationship and or even seeking support. Patriarchal norms lead to associations of stigma and shame with leaving a violent relationship. An d also restrictive immigration laws have been identified as a trap for immigrant woman experiencing domestic violence and in response to this issue many countries have adapted their immigration laws to include domestic violence concessions. Minority ethnic women can face discrimination from the majority culture while simultaneously experiencing sexism against them from both the majority group and their own minority ethnic community. This racism and sexism can also make it more difficult to seek for help. Fear that the perpetrators may be arrested or fears to immigration status and lack of trust in the police all acts ad deterrents to seeking support from the police for minority ethnic women.

According to the statistic the media has been considered one of many contributing factors in domestic violence. It has been criticized for its portrayal of violence in movies, television and printed form resulting in the desensitization of people with regard to their tolerance of violence. on the other hand the media has also been used a modern communication tool in increasing public awareness of domestic violence and increasing support for ongoing research, funding education and prevention and treatment programs and support for improvement in the laws the criminal justice system and the public policy.

The impact of income inequality and social structure may also crate more domestic violence to women’s. Men’s unemployment or part time employment has been associated with increased rates of domestic violence. (Natalie, Sokoloff and Pratt 2005) Recent study found that unemployment was a significant predictor of violence. That suggested that some men might perceive employment as a critical component of their masculine identity and resort to violence as an effort regain lost status.

Some studies report that middle class Asian women are more likely to experience domestic violence than white middle class women among some ethnic and racial minority groups are attributable in part to poverty. Some research has suggested that the discrepancy between employment and income places women at risk. When women earn more than men or have a higher education qualification and employment skills, many men feel psychologically threatened and some use violence to reassert power in their relationship (Lockton and Richard 1997)

Immigrants coming to the UK seeking a better quality of life for themselves and their families but the barriers they face are tremendous. Fearing deportation and or the loss of her children and women may be intimidated by her partner’s threat to report her to the UK Immigration and Naturalization service. She may not realize that the domestic violence is against the law that she has the legal option to stop the battering and those agencies and community resources are available to support her. Different countries and cultures may have their own values and attitudes toward a woman place family, marriage, sex roles and divorce

Domestic violence against women occurs in families from all cultural and ethnic groups (Roberts 2003) and intervention policies and practices in treating battered women should accommodate their diverse cultural backgrounds

According to the British Crime Survey statists shows that one in five women have experienced domestic violence in their lifestyle and many of these women ended their relationship because of abusive relationship. . According to the survey shows that woman chose to stay in abusive relationship because of fear if they attempt to leave, they will be tracked down and beaten or killed because of this the most women think that any prison time would be temporary and the subsequent and consequences even worse.

When it comes to the culture effect on domestic violence Uganda has the highest crime rates of domestic violence, 41 % of women reported being beaten or physically harmed by their husbands. This is because related to the economic factor as well as different life styles and culture differences in Uganda.

Methodology

” research is a complex process, rooted in philosophy in terms of what is there to know and how do we go about knowing it .” ( Jewell 2007-2008, 4.4 p 71 -72) I will be dealing with human rather than materials and in order to finish my dissertation and I have to understand the behaviour of the women’s with different culture and belief and religion e.g. As I spent of my two years at the Coventry Refugee Centre as an Interpreter and Case worker this gave a good knowledge about diverse people and I understand their opinions and feelings. It will be easier for me to do my interview by using my experience in the past. To describe this philosophy Saunders said that “the challenge here is to enter the social world of our research subjects and understand their world as their point of view”.

To complete my research I will use three data collection methods:

Secondary data
Interview
Questionnaires

The secondary date will be used from books, articles to update my literature review to have the best knowledge and to understanding of the general theory aspect on culture effect on domestic violence. I will also get some help from the Coventry Refugee Centre by going on their websites and speak to them face to face when needed. This secondary date will help me to designing the interview questions in order to get the best answers.

I will also organise some face to face semi structured interview to understand the effect of culture on domestic violence. I will also use internet search for this search. I have already offered my help to victim support to work for them without getting any paid and hopefully this work placement will give me more about the victim of domestic violence in order to finish my dissertation.

I will do some questionnaires to assess the domestic violence this will provide me a good feedback about the domestic violence and the trust in the police and Criminal Justice System. These questioners will provide me some quantitative date in order to get the best possible answers these questioners will given to the random women’s.

Qualitative result from interview I will use them in a two different ways first I will compare it to the secondary data which is (theory) secondly to the questionnaire results (practice) will examine the peoples view on domestic violence.

Results that taken from the questionnaires will be quantitative. The statistic will give me an opportunity analyses the results in order to create some charts, graphs and pies.

Sample

As I worked as an interpreter and case worker at the Coventry Refugee Centre it is easy for me to access into the centre and get the support that I need. I chosen my participant through my experience place because my topic is based on culture effect on domestic violence there are many women been victim of domestic violence in their home countries. I will hopefully do my interview at the Refugee centre everything will be confidential and no one will be allowed to see it. However there are some difficulties to do this interview. I will try to arrange an interpreter for them in order to finish my research proposal.

Ethnical issues

A different example is research on domestic violence for example interviews with those who haven abused to determine the effects of such violence or surveys of how frequently such episodes take place (husbands being violent to their wives or children and wives being abusive towards their husbands). Research on domestic violence investigation topic that are private and stressful and because of this have the potential to cause further pain harm to individual who are already experiencing abuse. It may also expose incriminating information and expose individual to risk. Therefore I need to be fully prepared to deal with the likely effects of the research for example the effects on participants on their families on the researches themselves (conduction such research may be distressing) and on the implications of the research for legislation.

Another example of a sensitive issue the false memory and recovered memory debate( ) over the past 20 years the famous memory psychologist Elizabeth Loftus has written about the validity of recovered memories of childhood abuse. These memories commonly come to light only after therapeutic sessions with people who use techniques such as guided imagery to explore early life experience. This domestic violence research is socially sensitive because there are potential consequences for people who have claimed to have recovered memories and for their families. Therefore to complete my research some ethnical rules that I have to take into account and consideration in order to achieve the best results. I will sign the ethics checklist and compliance form and will sign it will give it to my supervisor.

And also the questions that I will ask during the interview have to approve by my tutor. For each interview that I will ask for a signed agreement as a proof for my research. Interview data may be confidential therefore I have to keep this data and let anyone else to see it. Then I will show my questionnaire to my supervisor before I giving them out to the people.

I will be dealing with woman with cultural views, being sensitive to other cultures is easier said than done. Cultural sensitivity has nothing to with the art and music of a culture and almost everything to do with respect, shared decision making and effective communication. Too often researches ignore these values, the life style and the cognitive and affective world of the subject.

Reflection

I have learnt too many things about the research method and technique that are used in it. Having completed this research that based on culture effect on domestic violence improved my argument skills in a paper. Using and collecting the data’s and example of statistics my arguments has become much better than what it used to be. And a reader will take my arguments more seriously.

My researching skills also improved in a positive way during this research proposal. In previous researches for my study I used to stuck on how to gather information but now I am able to use a largely different of sources I can now understanding the topic more widely and it also helps me to make a better argument. In my opinion this research my best research paper that I dine in my life the grade that I will get for it might not show a good grade but what I learned from it will benefit for my future researches. I spent about two days just for doing then actual research. It will be useful for the next year when it come to the dissertation by using these new techniques that I have learnt from this research proposal my arguments will hopefully more clearer and will be more apparent. How to write a research proposal will benefit me in future lessons in my life from this view of benefit I will be able to give good examples about the topic that I do I will also be able to give and create a better argument for research proposal. When you come to the conclusion for your research you than start thinking that you have achieved something that will be useful in future to support your studies.

To do my dissertation I have to stay focus on my chosen topic in order to complete it by using different skills that I have learned from this research proposal.

A definition of defining parenting could include ‘One who begets, gives birth to, or nurtures and raises a child; a father or a mother’ An ancestor; a progenitor. An organism that produces or generates offspring. (Dictionary.com, 2010) However, the role can include step-parent, adopted parents, foster parents, residential care staff and biological parents.

The Scottish Executive states ‘Families come in all shapes and sizes. Grandparents, aunts, uncles and cousins can all play an important role in nurturing children. While parents are responsible for caring for children and ensuring their needs are met, the wider family can play a vital supporting role’. (Scottish Executive, 2006, p. 1)

Stephen Leverett quotes, ‘Throughout the twentieth century, the state progressively and simultaneously increased its level of support to, and its surveillance of, parents and carers (in bringing up children). Much of this centred on ensuring children were healthy, educated and safe. Although sometimes difficult to translate into practice, the ethos of working together with parents was usually maintained even in situations requiring more interventionist approaches such as child protection’.

Leverett continues to quote, ‘This has continued into the twenty-first century when the expected outcomes for children from the perspective of the state have been more clearly defined and linked to the political and economic goals of the day (for example, children’s rights, social inclusion, respect and citizenship, competitive economy. (Leverett, 2008 pg 45)

‘There has been a constant shifting of the boundaries between the state, families and the voluntary and private sectors in terms of responsibilities for education and childcare, financial support for children and the management of children’s behaviour. Consequently the expectations and demands placed upon parents and carers are more clearly stated (and open to scrutiny), extending their responsibility to promote wellbeing for their children to the wellbeing of society’ (Wasoff and Cunningham-Burley, 2005). It can be stated that the ability of parents fulfilling these responsibilities can be affected by their position in society such as socially, economically and culturally. In response to this, the government intervened by introducing interagency support initiatives such as Sure Start. This delivers services by bringing together family support, health, childcare and early education. Sure Start covers a wide range of programmes and targets those from a particular disadvantage group and local areas. Many agencies work alongside existing services to support parents.

Parental responsibility is the term used to describe the legal status of the relationship between parent and child. Leverett states ‘It governs all the rights, duties, powers and responsibilities which by law a parent of a child has in relation to the child. People who have parental responsibility for a child can take decisions about a range of matters such as education, religion and consent to medical treatment for the child’ (Leverett, 2008 pg 48). Mothers who gave birth have parental responsibility, the same as married and unmarried fathers who are named on the birth certificate or obtained legally. Local authorities, if agreed by the court can acquire or share parental responsibility, however, those with responsibility must cooperatively work together in making decisions for the child. The court can be used to resolve any disagreements, if necessary.

‘Garrett highlights the extent to which New Labour social policy, in his view, is very much a neoliberal project. He identifies how welfare services promote specific ‘material and cultural change’, for example, the reshaping of policy and practice encouraging and enabling people to take up positions within a neoliberal workforce’. ‘Garrett argues, the creation of new sites for capital accumulation (across health, education and social care) and the transformation of working practices in the public sector through mimicking traditional business models (setting outcomes and treating parents as customers)’. (Garrett, 2006, p.10). The government intervened by encouraging childcare settings to be set up. According to Ball and Vincent (2005, p. 558), ‘childcare is seen as having the potential to bring women back into the workforce, thereby increasing productivity’. Ironically many of these women are finding jobs caring for other women’s children’. According to Blackburn (2004), ‘the day nursery market is expanding and in 2003 was worth more than ?2.66 billion’.

‘The government responded to such criticisms through its Ten Year Strategy for Childcare’ (HM Treasury, 2004). Leverett states ‘This showed more sensitivity toward the position of parents and children by making the parental leave system more flexible and increasing the availability of part-time free childcare for 3-and 4-year-olds. However, parents of younger children are still very much at the mercy of local market conditions which can vary greatly; some areas have a surplus of childcare in contrast to others which possess insufficient amounts to satisfy parental choice’. (Leverett, 2008 pg 54). ‘The government suggests that the success of families is, first and foremost, down to the commitment and behaviour of those within them’ (PMSU, 2007, p. 55).

‘Concern has been expressed by some commentators at the way inadequate parenting has always been seen as a moral issue closely linked, particularly within policies on social exclusion, to poverty, low aspiration and antisocial behaviour’. (Leverett, 2008 pg 56). ‘Policy literature commonly cites the “condition” of exclusion referring to a disconnection from mainstream values and aspirations, as opposed to marginalization from material resources’ (Gillies, 2006, p. 283).

‘It can be easy to overlook the wide diversity of relationships and cultures within which children are embedded, but children’s own accounts reveal that they recognise the interconnectedness of the wider network of people who contribute in different ways to their wellbeing’ (Leverett, 2008 pg 47). ‘People help little children – like teachers, dad, the bank, the big sister, mam, people, uncle, your grandma, grandpa, hospital, auntie’ (Child quoted in Crowley and Vulliamy, 2003, p. 11). ‘Yet they also reveal that children hold differentiated views of key people in their networks, with parents (particularly mothers) and friends usually being the main confidants’ (Hill, 2005, p. 81). To coincide with above quote ‘Listening is important for the children who are being listened to, but also for the adults who are listening, whether at home or in an early years setting, at school, at a local authority level or in national government’. (National Children’s Bureau, 2008, pg 1). ‘I may not have speech, but I have a voice – I can give my opinions, I can even argue’. (National Children’s Bureau, 2007)

‘Every Child Matters is underpinned by the importance of listening to children and young people. The ECM outcome ‘Making a positive contribution’ should be a high priority at every stage of planning and delivery if services are to be successful and enjoyable’. (4Children, 2009, pg 2)

Leverett states ‘parenting cannot be understood without reference to each individual’s wider context, which in turn implies that parents are different from each other’. (Leverett, 2008 pg 58). There are four theoretical concepts that parents may possess, often referred as ‘capital’. Leverett quotes:

‘Economic – This generally relates to financial physical and material resources available to parents that can be utilised to promote children’s wellbeing and may involve obtaining a good education, good health or leisure for children.

Human – This describes the skills and knowledge possessed by people usually associated with education or work. Human capital can also refer to skills and knowledge acquired at the level of the individual’. (Leverett, 2008 pg 59). A good way to measure human capital is to examine whether the results have increased wealth or productivity.

Social – Coleman (1991, 1997) ‘identifies social capital as a resource that can be generated and employed within the family through parent-child relations and outside of the family through relationships within the local community. Social capital is considered important for some parents who wish to develop their children’s human capital and educational achievement’.

Cultural – ‘Bourdieu’s concept of cultural capital goes some way to bringing together these different theories. As we have seen, social capital is knowing who can help parents achieve their goals to raise children; in contrast, cultural capital is knowing how to use these assets and other qualities to achieve goals’ (St Clair, 2005)

The capitals are very much interrelated, once one of the capitals has been acquired, you are very likely to acquire the other forms of capitals. Leverett states, ‘Human and social capital are concepts that have been interpreted as beneficial to society, as well as individuals, and therefore have been influential in the design of children’s services and the role and working relationships of practitioners. Economic, human, social and cultural capital are concepts that enable us to understand resources unequally possessed by parents and unequally provided by parenting support’. (Leverett, 2008 pg 65)

Coleman (1991, 1997 pg 59) ‘identifies social capital as a resource that can be generated and employed within the family through parent-child relations and outside of the family through relationships within the local community. Social capital is considered important for some parents who wish to develop their children’s human capital and educational achievement. ‘Where you live and whom you know – the social capital you can draw on – helps to define who you are and thus to determine your fate’ (Putnam, 1994, p. 14).

‘Three components of social capital have been identified’ (Woolcock, 2001). ‘Bonding social capital, such as within families, helps create a sense of belonging and understanding’. The importance of family interconnectedness and resource sharing is evident in a study by Bayat (2007) of families with autistic children. It suggests that adversity can promote bonding between family members which in turn can build resilience’ (Leverett, 2008 pg 60): ‘My son’s autism has made our family life tougher, emotionally and financially. Each member has to devote additional time and effort to help him, and learn how to live peacefully in such environment. Through working together, we all learned how to help my son together. In some sense, this also makes our family closer, because an individual cannot handle the toughness alone.’ (Mother quoted in Bayat, 2007, p. 709)

‘Children’s services as a result are now much better positioned to assess parents fairly without discrimination linked to factors such as age, sexuality, health status, social class or ethnic background. It is also recognised that the capacity of parents can be enhanced or undermined by factors and experiences, sometimes within their control sometimes not, located in family and wider social networks or created by the cultural, social, political and economic environment’. (Leverett, 2008 pg 66). To link this statement, a good example to support parents is using services such as Sure Start. However, Quinton (2004, p. 181) ‘argues that formal services should see themselves as part of the ecology of parenting: ‘inter-agency working needs to be part of an effort to understand the whole of parenting ecology – not just a desire to see agencies work together better’. This can illustrated with state education, even though it is expensive for parents in terms of clothing, for example, it can still have a negative effect on children whose parents are on low incomes.

We can promote and support positive parenting by promoting capital by interventions such as the Knex Club run by Rebecca Howell. Rebecca states, ‘They design and make their models. So we thought it would be nice in Year 3 for the parents to come, to be invited to come in and to work with the children to see what goes on in school, to make them feel more comfortable coming into school’. (Open University, 2008)

To conclude ‘If we were to write a job description for the role of parent or carer it would surely present itself as a complex and challenging task, subject to high levels of scrutiny and anxiety. Despite this, significant numbers of people in all populations continue to derive great pleasure and satisfaction from doing it. Attention has been drawn to the way in which those directly involved in the day-to-day care of children can be supported by agencies and adults (both formal and informal) located in a wider network’. (Leverett, 2008 pg 47)

‘The concepts of social and cultural capital are useful thinking tools when supporting parents through social networking or when constructing fair, accessible and equitable services’. (Leverett, 2008 pg 81)

WHO ARE HOMELESS VETERANS?

Abstract

It ought to be evident at this point that destitute veterans are not being served well by any means. On the off chance that the destitute veterans were legitimately looked after by our nation, the aggregate destitute populace would fall by more than forty percent over night. Destitute administrations would then have adequate subsidizing to move huge numbers of whatever is left of the destitute off the roads into transitional lodging with administrations that bring them again into the working populace. It would be a fantasy works out. If our nation would venture up to the plate, vagrancy in our nation would be essentially disposed of. Vagrancy among veterans is a real issue in United States. There are projects and administrations to help veterans, yet these endeavors are insufficient to viably address the emergency. This paper characterizes destitute veterans, analyzes their conditions, distinguishes current projects that address the issue, presents contentions for business as usual, presents contentions against the norm, and afterward closes with an ethical position.

Thesis statement

Destitute veterans are a real social issue confronting our general public today. Vagrancy among United States veterans are of specific concern to the general public in light of the fact that everybody sees a percentage of the weights confronting vets after coming back to regular citizen life. Who are homeless veterans then? The U.S. Division of Veterans Affairs (VA) states that the nation’s dejected veterans are male, with around 7.5 percent being female. The larger parts are single; live in urban zones; and experience the evil impacts of passionate insecurity, alcohol and/or substance sick utilization, or co-incident issue.

Background Information

The specialists accept that destitute veterans make up around 11 percent of the United States destitute populace. Veterans encountering long haul vagrancy are more inclined to be white to have a poor job history, to have side effects of mental and substance ill-use issue, and to have weaker social backing (Applewhite, 1997). Ladies veterans and those with handicaps including post-traumatic anxiety issue and traumatic mind harm are more prone to end up destitute, and a higher rate of veterans coming back from the present clashes in Afghanistan and Iraq have these attributes.

Prepared volunteers with the 100,000 Homes Campaign overviewed more than 23,000 destitute Americans in 47 groups the nation over and discovered that veterans have a tendency to be destitute longer than non-veterans. Indeed, destitute veterans reported a normal of about six years destitute, contrasted with four years among non-veterans. The researchers acknowledge that desperate veterans make up around 11 percent of the United States down and out masses, which are around 31 penniless veterans for every ten thousand veterans. This figure is much higher than the rate of vagrancy in the overall population (Peterson, 1987). Veterans experiencing long term vagrancy are more disposed to be white to have a poor occupation history, to have reactions of mental and substance sick utilization issue, and to have weaker social support. There is stress over what’s to come. Women veterans and those with debilitations including post-traumatic uneasiness issue and traumatic personality damage are more inclined to wind up dejected and a higher rate of veterans returning from the present conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq has these traits (Bascetta, 2005).

Arranged volunteers with the 100,000 Homes Campaign diagramed more than 23,000 down and out Americans in 47 gatherings the country over and found that veterans tend to be penniless longer than non-veterans. Undoubtedly, penniless veterans reported an ordinary of around six years down and out, appeared differently in relation to four years among non-veterans.

The Main Body

Veterans are 50% more inclined to end up destitute than different Americans because of neediness, absence of bolster systems, and grim living conditions in packed or substandard lodging. Around 1.5 million veterans are considered at-danger of vagrancy. At danger is characterized as being beneath the neediness level and paying more than 50% of family unit salary on rent. It additionally incorporates families with a part who has a handicap, an individual living alone, and the individuals who are not in the work power (Baumohl, 1996). Exploration demonstrates that the most serious danger components for vagrancy are absence of bolster and social detachment after release. Veterans have low marriage rates and high separate rates; and, at present, 1 in 5 veterans is living alone. Informal organizations are especially essential for the individuals who have an emergency or need interim help. Without this help, they are at high hazard for vagrancy (Jasper, 2009).

Ladies veterans face challenges that could add to their dangers of vagrancy. They are more prone to have encountered sexual injury than ladies in the overall public and are more probable than male veterans to be single folks. Truly, couple of destitute projects for veterans has had the offices to give separate housing to ladies and ladies with youngsters.

How do Veterans get to be destitute? Our Veterans, the ones who serve in the United States Military, have battled for our nation and others. They have served us well by deserting their families and wandering off into obscure terrains like Iraq and Afghanistan to do right by us of them. We call them Heroes until they return home. Our Heroes return securely home from death and annihilation just to be made mindful that they are the same as any other person. Well if our Veterans are dealt with more any other individual than vagrancy won’t separate. Our Heroes get back home excited to see their families and to begin a so call ordinary regular citizen life. Their psyches are loaded with recollections of seeing companions kick the bucket or recollections of taking an individual’s life. The Veteran are faced with issues ranging from managing trials, tribulations and dissatisfactions of unemployment in view of absence of abilities and preparing which prompts exorbitant lodging to look after dependability (McNamara, 2008).

Vagrancy happens among families with youngsters and single people, in provincial groups and in addition vast urban communities, and for differing times of time. Contingent upon circumstances, times of vagrancy may differ from days to years. Transitionally vagrants are the individuals who have one short stay in a destitute asylum before coming back to changeless lodging. The individuals who are verbosely destitute every now and again move all through vagrancy however don’t stay destitute for drawn out stretches of time. Chronically destitute people are the individuals who are destitute ceaselessly for a time of one year or have no less than four scenes of vagrancy in three years. Chronically destitute people frequently experience the ill effects of maladjustment and/or substance utilization issue (Nchv.org, 2015).

Destitute veterans started to go to the consideration of general society while vagrancy for the most part was getting to be more normal. News records chronicled the predicament of veterans who had served their nation yet were living and kicking the bucket in the city. The usually held idea that the military experience furnishes youngsters with occupation preparing, instructive and different advantages, and in addition the development required for a profitable life, clashed with the vicinity of veterans among the destitute populace.

With a specific end goal to fit the bill for support under the destitute veteran projects administered by Title 38 of the U.S. Code, veterans must meet the meaning of destitute veteran. Declining wages and increasing expenses of lodging have confused veteran vagrancy and have put lasting lodging out of scope for a few veterans. Giving these veterans Section 8 vouchers, or other comparative lodging vouchers, are viable approaches to get the veterans off the lanes (Peterson, 1987). Both male and female Veterans are more inclined to be destitute than their non-veteran partners in the same age companions. Rates of dysfunctional behavior and substance misuse and wellbeing issues, for example, HIV/AIDS, and hypertension may be higher among destitute Veterans.

Conclusion

Reasons for vagrancy among Veterans are like reasons for vagrancy among non-Veterans interrelated monetary and individual variables and lack of reasonable lodging. About a large portion of a million Veterans pay more than a large portion of their pay for rent. Dominant part of destitute Veterans are single; social disengagement is connected with higher danger of vagrancy (Rosenheck & Koegel, 1993).

Destitute veterans are a real social issue confronting our general public today. Vagrancy among United States veterans are of specific concern to the general public in light of the fact that everybody sees a percentage of the weights confronting vets after coming back to non-military personnel life. Genuine measures need to be taken to spare the fallen troopers from the hazards of a frantic life in the city of America. We should first comprehend the life of destitute vets to draw profitable knowledge into why customary endeavors at fathoming this issue are unprofitable. The general public needs to bring possession in living up to expectations with State and Federal Government to execute effective arrangements which create positive results in wiping out vagrancy among our veterans. Destitute female vets are frequently disregarded in current techniques and we have to contemplate this and create suitable answers for the overlooked sexual orientation. At long last, restoring vets to a gainful part in the public arena is a continuous process and requires more than putting a transitional rooftop over their heads and rotating entryway recovery treatment (Sweet, 1987).

Other psychological well-being issues that may bring about subjective disabilities challenges with focus or recalling errands, troubles in social connections or controlling temper or motivations, or different impacts that may make boundaries to business and stable connections. Veterans have a tendency to be more youthful and are more prone to have youngsters. Contrasted with destitute male Veterans, ladies Veterans are more inclined to have a background marked by sexual injury or genuine maladjustment, and less inclined to have genuine substance misuse issues(McNamara, 2008).

Bibliography

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Bascetta, C. (2005). Homeless veterans. [Washington, D.C.]: U.S. Government Accountability Office.

Baumohl, J. (1996). Homelessness in America. Phoenix, Ariz.: Oryx Press.

Jasper, M. (2009). Veterans’ rights and benefits. New York: Oceana.

McNamara, R. (2008). Homelessness in America. Westport, CT: Praeger.

Peterson, M. (1987). Homeless Veterans, Continued. PS, 38(7), 774-775.

Rosenheck, R., & Koegel, P. (1993). Characteristics of Veterans and Nonveterans in Three Samples of Homeless Men. PS, 44(9), 858-863.

Sweet, M. (1987). Homeless Veterans. PS, 38(1), 78-79. doi:10.1176/ps.38.1.78

Homelessness among youth is a comprehensive, multi-faceted social problem in Canada. (Roebuck.2008). According to public health agency (2007) the estimated official number of homeless people in Canada ranges from 150,000 to 300,000, one third of which are youth of age 15 to 24 years.(Stewart et al.2010). Homelessness means living in outdoors and in abandoned building with unsafe situation. (Kisely et.al, 2008). The factors that leads youth into homelessness are family dysfunction, school related problems, need for more freedom and poverty; this issue is being addressed by the services that are available for them in the area of housing, income and support services. (Kisely, 2008). This study also includes the critical analysis of policies relevant to youth homelessness, anti oppressive organisational structure for the marginalised youth and recommendations and suggestions to prevent youth into homelessness.

The understandings about the homelessness among youth in Canada

The most significant reason that leads the young people into homelessness is family dysfunction. The family conflict may lead the young people into homelessness. This starts when youth have gone through emotional and physical conflict with their parents and also some youngsters leave their home due to lack of financial support from their parent. (Miller et al, 2008). On the other hand, lack of family functioning and support leads some youth into homelessness. Similarly, the situational factors like parental divorce or separation and death of the parents also make youth into a stage of homeless. Sometimes parent’s alcohol and drug consumption may lead youth in to homelessness condition. (Duroff,2004).

The poor school performance is another reason for the youth who leaves their home. The premature leaving of the school added to family conflict and the combination of these two factors leads them to leave home. Moreover, failing a grade in school, and problems with teachers or students also leads some youth into homelessness. Based on my understanding lack of education create them barrier in finding job. Later on it leads to extreme poverty and unemployment among the youth homeless. (Miller et al, 2008).

A strong sense of independence is the primary factor some of the youth leads to homelessness. In some cases youth are like to stay their own family but due to family conflict they like to stay away from the home. The desire for the more freedom sometimes youth leads into homelessness. And also, parents over interference to the youth’s personal matters may become the another reason for the youth to live their home.(Miler et al,2008)

The financial crisis of the family or poverty of the family leads to some youth into homelessness. The lack of available housing, limited employment opportunity, and insufficient wages also leads youth into homelessness. Moreover, lack of education sometimes creates barriers to youth find employment. The insufficient material needs of the money lead them into poverty. (Miler et al,2008).

Homelessness among youth is a growing concern in entire Canada. (Stewart et al. 2010). Eventhough Canadian government is offering some service to the youth homeless; their support needs and support interference preference always not match with services available to them. (Stewart et al. 2010). Moreover, youth homelessness are considered as vulnerable due to shortage of affordable housing, lack of employment or income, poverty, poor physical or mental health, reduced government support, and violence or abuse in the home. Stewart et al.2010 (as cited in Campaign, 2009; Laird, 2007) Furthermore, the pattern of life style brings them exposure to violence, neglect, chronic poverty, physical and sexual abuse, crime, drug and alcohol use, unemployment, and social isolation. (Stewart et al 2010 as cited in Naboss et al., 2004; Reid, Berman, & Forchuk, 2005). Apart from that, the homeless youth often reported with inadequate social relationships, conflict within their families, and exposure to violence, criminal peers, and abusive situations.( Stewart et al 2010 as cited in Haber & Toro, 2004; Reid et al., 2005). Therefore, the personal and structural reasons that contribute to oppression to find adequate housing for the youth should be addressed by anti oppressive approach of social work practice.

According to Martin (2002) one of the major reasons that leads young people into homelessness is lack of normal activities has to do with a lack of readiness and ability to seek and find paid employment. (Klodawsky et al.2006). The homelessness youth most of the time doesn’t show much interest to do any kind of physical activity due to lack of knowledge, skill and interest.

The lack of formal support contributes major challenges among homeless youth. In the most of the time homeless youth shows withdraw from the social network. This creates them barriers to know about the services available for them. The homelessness youth barriers to seeking services include denial problems, pressure to focuses on basic resources such as food, clothing and shelter, fear of not been taken as seriously, concerns about the confidentiality, and lack of knowledge about available services. In spite of all available services still they face discrepancies in available and needed service (Stewart et al, 2010).

The housing support helps the youth to stay in a safe situation. The homelessness youth improvement needed in shelters including additional beads, a home like environment, less fighting among themselves and caring staff. The income support helps them to gain financial support. Most of the youth needed financial needs is for the educational expense. Furthermore, most the homelessness youth needed information about the support services in the area of returning to school, skill training, getting a job, budgeting, and seeking counselling. Generally, the support service for the homelessness helps the youth to overcome the situation they are living now. (Stewart et al, 2010).

The strength and limitation of the social policy for youth homelessness

The social policies are necessary for the homeless youth to correct systemic and historic inequalities they are facing in the society. The social policy is important to homeless youth to overcome the systemic barriers they are facing in the affordable and secure housing, lack of income or income support services, and support services. (Hulchanski et al, 2009). In Canada the policies related to homelessness youth include housing policies and program which include tenant protection act and rent supplement units, emergency shelter policies, income assistance, deinstitutionalisation, social services and discharge of policies from correctional facilities. (Ministry of social development and economic security,2001).

The social hosing programs provide housing for the individuals and families who are unable to compete in the housing market. (Ministry of social development and economic security,2001). The social housing program gives benefit to the homeless youth to find better place to live but the insufficient supply of housing due to lack of new rental construction and demolition of existing affordable rental unit are create them less accessibility to the social hosing. The loss of significant number of affordable rental units resulted to tenant protection act. In Canada the most of the tenant and land lords are covered by this policy. According to this act a rental unit can be an apartment, a house, or a room in a rooming or boarding house. And the act also can apply to care homes and retirement homes. (Government of Ontario, 2010). The main critique about this act is that most of the time tenant wants to pay first and last month pay and it create barrier to youth to utilize this opportunity because of insufficient money. The housing cooperation of Ontario has portfolio of rent supplement unit in a private building; these units are available for the low income households. The rent supplement is a financial support directly paid to land lord by provisional government. The main critique about this policy is eligibility criteria of accommodation need the proof of Canadian residency and most of the homeless youth don’t have any document to prove their residency. (Ministry of social development and economic security,2001).

In Canada, the absence of permanent housing for the risk population emergency shelter policies for the homeless population. According to this act the police can use force to compel the homeless people to use shelters especially extreme whether alert. The emergency housing should not provide permanent housing options for the homelessness youth. According to homelessness action task force in Toronto, some of homeless people are using shelter as permanent housing these creates the availability of the beds less. Due to lack of privacy some homeless youth don’t prefer to stay in the shelter. The main critique about this act is the emergency shelters opposed to the development of permanent housing solution for the youth. (Ministry of social development and economic security, 2001).

There are lot of income assistance services are available for the person who are living in the street. The homelessness single person is eligible to receive $195 per month, on a month by month basis. These services are available for the individual who are living in the most vulnerable situation. Homeless youth who are staying in a shelter would not be eligible for income assistance because it is assumed that their needs would be fulfilled in the shelter. The main critique about this policy is that the eligibility criteria for the income assistance create barriers to the youngsters especially the age group of 16 and 17. This makes many youth to turn into illegal or uninvited source of income. (Ministry of social development and economic security, 2001).

The deinstitutionalisation policy offered by the provisional government after the dramatic decline of mental health beds in the psychiatric hospitals in Ontario. The deinstitutionalisation policy offers community based mental health services and addiction service for the homeless people. Deinstitutionalization is often credited with the decrease need of medical care and also it is the new beginning of psychiatric care. The deinstitutionalization process is together with the shortage of community-based care and related to the visible problems of homelessness. The major critique about this policy is that due to lack of societal interaction most of the homeless people are not aware about the mental health issues they are having and the services available for them. (Ministry of social development and economic security, 2001).

The social service policies are helping the individuals, who are insecurely housed to keep their housing and give assistance to the people who became homelessness. Usually these services are given by case managers, housing workers, and different type of people who are working in the social and housing sector. The social service agencies are giving referral service to the homelessness youth to find appropriate services according to their immediate needs. According to social service scheme, the homelessness youth are getting employment skill training and skill development program but due to budget cut many of these programs are cancelled by the social service agencies. The one of critical impact of this policy is that most of the time homelessness youth shows less interest for the skill development. (Ministry of social development and economic security, 2001).

The discharge policies from the correctional facilities help the homelessness youth find emergency shelters upon their release. This policy is made available to the people who are being released from the provisional correctional facilities. It ensured the people they have a place to go in the community. The discharge policy is authorised with the condition of release of the person from the jail. However, the authorised person could not compel the person who already finished their sentence to go in an emergency hostel. Moreover, the discharge plan is accessed by all offenders who are about to return the community. The major critique of this policy is that most of the time the young offenders don’t prefer to live again in an institutionalised setting. (Ministry of social development and economic security, 2001).

The strength and limitation of the anti oppressive social work practice

Anti oppressive approach is a form of social work practice to address the structural inequalities and social division of the people who are living in a particular social system. It tries to change organisational structure and people attitude about the particular issue. (Mullaly, 2010).’An anti-oppressive framework involves several key overarching tenets: awareness of the mechanisms of oppression, domination and injustice; acknowledgment of the structural elements at play in human behaviour; acceptance of diversity and difference; recognition of the complexity of power; and necessity for action.’ (Karabanow, 2004 as cited in Campbell, 2000). In the anti oppressive approach the homelessness among youth can be addressed by locality development, social development, active participation, structural definition of the situation, consciousness raising and social action. (Karabanow, 2004).

In the anti oppressive approach, the social development helps the person to address their needs in a collective way. The organisation that works based on the anti oppressive approach do not look for the street youth’s deviant behaviour such as criminal behaviour and drug addict on the contrary, it works for the holistic development of the person. The holistic approach helps the youth to learn values and respect themselves and others. Moreover, through the social development approach an organisation can make better understanding about the issues related to youth homelessness. The anti oppressive approach helps the youth to build self identity and strength to change things in their life. (Karabanow, 2004)

The active participation based on the anti oppressive approach helps the youth to design and implement the shelter plan which include youth resident represent the committees responsible for shelter policy. Moreover, there are several position available for street youth in the organisation especially the areas of self help, mutual aid group, peer mentoring and cooking. Participation within the organisation helps the youth to understand mainstream culture. The active participation in the organisation always associated with the acceptance and respect which make the marginalised youth feeling worthy and being needed. The active participation represent both street youth and workers to join together to construct a common vision and direction for the organisation. (Karabanow, 2004)

The anti oppressive organisation’s main insight is to make balance between the populations self constructed images about homelessness youth. The structural approach helps the organisation to believe that the social, political and economic factors of the youth push them into street life. The survival of the most youth on the street is due to lack of affordable and clean houses and adequate employment. The anti oppressive organisations always admit the street activities instead of criticising the street behaviour because the organisations place them within the large context of exploitation and victimisation. (Karabanow, 2004)

The conscious raising help the youth to share past, present and future goals and experience in genuine manner. Through the consciousness raising a youth can share experience to others and connect with deeper understanding of particular issue. In the anti oppressive practice, conscious raising involve an intimate and in-depth exploration of one’s action through a process of knowledge building, commitment and solidarity. (Karabanow, 2004 p.56). Furthermore, for the part of consciousness raising a person can critically self reflect about the situation they are facing now. Consciousness raising come out as an intimate process of exploring, accepting and ultimately reconstructing the ideas of one’s past, present and future orientation. (Karabanow, 2004 p.56). The anti oppressive organisations promote safe community settings where marginalised youth can build and rebuild a sense of identity, worth, and understanding of their immediate environments. (Karabanow, 2004 p.56).

In the anti oppressive framework an organisation move a step further to advocacy for the alienated and stigmatised people. Social action involves a commitment to the fundamental change in the society on the form of equal treatment for the marginalised youth. The social action endeavours includes when the street youth to petitioning in the provisional leaders to increase the number of affordable housing and youth employment. Through the social action movement, the service users and service providers try to achieve specific goals based on the common needs of the population. Based on the anti oppressive approach social action is sense of commitment and trust for the social development. Through the social action the marginalised group also can participate in the societal activities. (Karabanow, 2004)

The anti oppressive approaches help the organisation to build safe and respectful environment for the marginalised populations. Moreover it helps the marginalised youth to identify the grass root of the problem and the structural inequalities they are facing in the society. The anti oppressive practice at the structural level tries to change intuitional arrangements, social process and social practice that work together to benefit the dominant group at the expense of subordinate group. (Mullay,2010)

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The anti oppressive is useful to identify systemic inequalities, discrimination, and violence faced by marginalised youth based on their gender, age, race, poverty, disability, sexual orientation, immigration or aboriginal status. Moreover the anti oppressive approach is very useful to understand how these types of structural inequalities make possibility to youth become homeless. The anti oppressive social work practice is necessary for reconceptualise the idea of power. (Mullaly, 2010). This help the marginalised youth to recognise that how age and poverty create them barrier to find appropriate housing.

The anti oppressive practices in the structural level help the marginalised youth to find alternative services and organisation. According to these services marginalised homeless youth can connect homeless people in the mainstream organisation. The mainstream organisation helps them to find adequate solution to the problem in a collective response. The collective response always gives immediate response to the problem. (Mullaly, 2010.)

The recommendations and suggestions for the homelessness youth

‘The four primary recommendation to reducing the homelessness among youth of includes build on the youths’ optimism and determination through the development of peer networks; mobilize and support interest in education and employment through contacts with employers; support ties to family, including extended family or families of choice when available; and use current living arrangements or create living arrangements which can facilitate education and employment.'(Miller etal,,2008)

The hopefulness is very important for the youth to gain strength to mind.. Building strength is very important among the homelessness youth because the studies conducted by Millier et al 2008 shows that to stay longer as homelessness made them remain as homelessness. The strength can build among homelessness youth through counselling in the school, shelters and other and other social service agencies and also to the youth support group and networks. The most of the homeless youth consider their situation is temporary and look for the future development, this shows the clear need of the building the sense of optimism and determination among youth especially in the areas of education and finding a job. (Miller etal,,2008)

The organisation that works for the homelessness should support and mobilize the youth to gain interest in education and employment. The lack of education creates employment barriers to the youth but the part time work helps them to continue their education. The marginalised youth is looking to improve their ability to work through education. This shows necessity of the guidelines for youth employment appropriate schooling and training. Moreover, the alternative schooling option also helps the youth to satisfy their expressed needs in the education. This shows the clear need of more educational grants and subsidies for the marginalised youth. (Miller etal,,2008)

A support tie with family is very important for the marginalised youth. The family dysfunctions are one of the major reasons for the youth to leaving their home. Family and friends are able to provide assistance in the accommodations, financial and emotional support. Generally youth has lots friends in the variety of fields. The family counselling is very important to prevent homelessness among youth. Through the family counselling the worker can prevent family systems break down in the first place. (Miller etal,,2008)

The living arrangement and support service for education and employment is the most important wanted thing for the youth homelessness. The current living arrangement creates barriers to youth in education and finding employment. And some of the marginalised youth think that living or socialising with similar issue having peers is not favourable for their development. They also express similar concern in the shelter system. On the other hand, the marginalised youth express to live in a both positive and supportive environment. This can accomplish by the government through development of teen program that offer alternative living arrangement and positive peer groups through foster or group homes. (Stewart et al, 2010)

Hosing is the fundamental right of the human being. The main recommendation of this study is to improve housing facilities for the youth. Homelessness sometimes leads to the offending and victimisation. The government also should arrange social and income support services for the youth. Through the counselling service the worker can guide the homeless into proper track. Moreover government should spent more money for the social service who are giving services for the youth. The funding cutbacks always affect the service agency to provide adequate services for the youth. And also federal government also organise some support services for the youth homeless. (Stewart et al, 2010).

Conclusion

The community based approaches is necessary for the homeless youth to satisfy their needs especially in the areas of housing, income, and support. The positive attitude of the social service agency helps the youth to come out of the situation they are living now. Moreover the alternative service of the agency, especially in the area of skill training and alternative schooling also help the youth to overcome the systemic barriers they are facing in the society.

Ethics: Texas Homeless Network
Samantha Maggiani

Ethics are a critical component in any profession. This is particularly true for professions rooted in health or other human services. Professional ethics are at the core of the Social Work profession and are utilized when focused attention is needed on ethical issues that arise in practice. Ethical codes provide insight on ethical norms, provide guidance for ethically informed decisions, and contribute to the strengthening of professional identity (Warren, 2014). The literature and research on professional ethics has considerably expanded in recent years and many professional training programs address ethical issues. This awareness of ethical issues is necessary in a field like social work because of the complex ethical dimensions of practice. Social Workers often serve disenfranchised or vulnerable populations taking on a variety of roles and responsibilities. The profession focuses on the client and encourages taking a person-centered, humanistic approach to services. This approach lends itself to ethical dilemmas as practioners are involved in very personal, sometimes life changing events with their clients. Because of this, it is important that professional ethics remain at the core of the work of social workers and other human service workers.

Ethics are of extreme importance to Texas Homeless Network (THN) and are a value identified in their Guiding Principles to Service. THN works to provide exemplary standards of ethical behavior and believes it is imperative to achieving its mission (THN.org, 2015). THN does not provide direct services to clients. Rather, THN works with service providers and individuals working to end homelessness in Texas. Although they do not assist clients directly, staff at THN still encounters ethical dilemmas in practice.

For example, a current ethical dilemma identified in practice is related to Source of Income Protections advocacy work. In April 2014, the city of Austin amended its housing discrimination ordinance to add “lawful sources of income” as a protected class. The ordinance classifies lawful sources of income as non-employment income such as social security benefits, child support, and tenant-based rental assistance otherwise known as housing vouchers. This amendment was approved unanimously by city council and was intended to increase housing opportunities for low income families, working poor, disabled, veterans, and the elderly. Austin City Council adopted this amendment in response to the large amount of fair housing complaints and increasing economic segregation the city was experiencing.

Another piece of evidence supporting the ordinance was a 2014 Austin Tenant’s Council survey that found 91 percent of private landlords across five area counties who own units within a voucher price range refused to accept Section 8 vouchers (Austin Tenants Council, 2014). This refusal to accept vouchers concentrates voucher holders in areas of high crime, high poverty, and low performing schools, thus exacerbating the problems around economic segregation and economic mobility. Immediately after the ordinance was passed, the Austin Apartment Association (AAA) filed a lawsuit claiming the ordinance “contravenes both state and federal law” demanding it be declared invalid and unenforceable. Their argument is that private property owners have the right to use it as he/she sees fit as long as overt discrimination is not involved. The AAA says that their members are not refusing to rent to Black or Hispanic applicants because of their race and therefore no discrimination is taking place.

On February 27, 2015 Federal District Judge Sam Sparks rejected the AAA’s request for an injunction that would have blocked the implementation of the ordinance. The court ruled that the AAA failed in its “burden of demonstrating a substantial likelihood of success on the merits” of the case noting that although some burden is placed on the landlord the ordinance was advancing “an obvious legitimate government interests of ensuring low-income, minority populations have access to affordable housing.”(Sparks, 2015) The judge also ruled that “the AAA was violating the liberty to contract or not to contract…except as restricted by antitrust, antidiscrimination, and other statues.”(Sparks, 2015) Judge Spark’s ruling allowed the City of Austin to continue working on implementation of the fair housing ordinance but now Texas’ lawmakers are getting involved. Legislators from around the state have introduced legislation that would reverse Austin’s Source of Income protections, as well as legislation that would not allow local municipalities to enact or implement similar ordinances that are more restrictive than state law. This attempt to turn the legislature into an appellate court is in response to Austin’s fair housing ordinance and other local more controversial ordinances, such as identifying LGBTQ as a protected class for housing. The proposed legislation would restrict local governments from enacting locally driven solutions for issues such as fair and affordable housing.

The topic of housing discrimination of voucher holders has many ethical concerns. On one side is the AAA and its members who claim that the American system of laws and ethics allow them to rent to whomever they choose as long as they provide safe housing for all residents. On a different side of the ethical debate is the National Association of Social Workers that posits six ethical standards that are relevant to the professional activities of all social workers, some of which are directly related to this issue. For example, an ethical dilemma that THN has identified related to housing discrimination is (1) the responsibility to our clients to promote their well-being and (2) to respect and promote their right to self-determination (NASW, 2008). For this example, a caseworker is helping his/her client obtain and secure permanent housing with the use of a housing voucher. Ideally, the client would be given the opportunity to choose where he/she wanted to live and the case worker should respect that client’s right to self-determination and autonomy and diligently help the client obtain their housing of choice. If the property owner does not accept vouchers, it is then the caseworker’s responsibility to serve as a liaison between the client and property management to educate property management and build a relationship for the client. This is where the ethical dilemma arises. As the social worker in this situation, does the client’s right to autonomy and self-determination trump the landlord’s right to the same? Do we restrict those rights to our clients and no one else? What if the landlord feels disenfranchised by the ordinance from the city taking away his property rights to choose who he wants to serve? These are all questions related to ethics that social workers must pay very close attention to in a situation like the one described.

The factors impacting this dilemma on a micro level relate to the client and the landlords. If a client does not get the choice to live outside of high poverty, low opportunity areas, then the likelihood of his/her progressing toward self-sufficiency and success could decrease. For the property owners, they argue that their freedom to run their business as they see fit is unnecessarily, and illegally, compromised. On a macro level, not addressing the issue and accepting apartment owner’s ability to have a “no Section 8” policy would only intensify the already dire economic segregation and goes against the social work value to challenge social injustice. Based on analysis of the consequences of not implementing an ordinance like the one in Austin, as well as the actions and other alternative options that City Council looked at prior to enacting the ordinance, the ethically responsible response is to support the ordinance and combat social injustice. This argument is strengthened by the decision of Judge Sparks. Part of his reasoning is that the real world damage or “burden” to the AAA members of abiding by the ordinance is small given the fact that the voucher holders are still paying the rents charged by the property owners. They are not suffering an economic loss at all. So the bigger loss to society would be with the AAA’s reaction to the attempt by the City of Austin to address the realities of discrimination against voucher holders since it would further discrimination and maintain the racially segregated status quo that has existed in Austin for far too long. Other cities and some whole states have enacted ordinances similar to Austin’s with many already found constitutional in respective higher courts.

Possible consequences to Austin’s plan to address housing discrimination is the effect on the relationship between AAA and local housing service providers. The service community has expressed concerns with such a public fight against the group since they often work together in partnership to house people within their programs. The AAA has identified reversing Source of Income ordinance as a priority this legislative session and there have been many heated conversations during public hearings and sessions on the chamber floor. This high-profile battle could have consequences on housing placement options for providers in the near future.

But source of income protections are not enough to solve economic segregation. Texas cities are facing an unprecedented lack of affordable housing. Low wages and the underfunded, often inaccessible mainstream programs such as SNAP or TANF also contribute to the issues surrounding housing affordability for a large percentage of citizens. An effort to create a local minimum wage of fifteen dollars per hour would be needed also. To prevent similar ethical dilemmas from occurring it takes concerted, strategic efforts from all stakeholders involved. Public Housing Authorities and other city entities need to work harder to outreach to property management and apartment associations to educate them on their programs. Housing providers and human service agencies must work with their clients to advocate and share experiences with lawmakers. And agencies like THN that work with both, need to make more efforts to bridge the gap between providers and consumers. The current efforts by THN during the 84^th Legislature are exemplary of this effort to combat housing discrimination and prevent homelessness for vulnerable Texans.

References

Austin Apartment Association vs City of Austin. U.S. District Court for the Western District of Texas Austin Division. 27 Feb. 2015. Print.

Austin Tenants Council. (2014). Voucher Holders Need Not Apply: ATC 2014 Study Housing Discrimination

National Association of Social Workers. (2008). Code of ethics of the National Association of Social Workers. Washington, DC. NASW Press.

“Resources.” Texas Homeless Network, Helping Communities End Homelessness. n.d. Web. 06 Apr. 2015

Warren. (2014, January 1). Ethics in Social Work: An Ethical Code for Social Work Professionals. Retrieved from http://cdn.ifsw.org/assets/Socialt_arbete_etik_08_Engelsk_LR.pdf

Homeless Children in America

The presence of adequate housing plays a crucial role in the well-being of children during their growth. Furthermore, stable housing plays a pivotal role in the progressive development of children into their adulthood. Unfortunately, the number of homeless children has witnessed exponential growth in the recent years warranting more efforts to forestall the impending crisis. This is mainly attributable to inaccessibility of affordable housing and the worsening economic crisis. Moreover, the current economic recession and the resulting housing crisis have greatly increased the likelihood of more children succumbing to the threat of homelessness.

Homeless children can be categorized into those who experience family homelessness and those who are unaccompanied. The former are children living in homeless families while the latter are homeless on their own. According to Aratani (2009), approximately 1.5 million children in the United States live in families without adequate housing. More worryingly, about 42% of these are children under the age of six thereby greatly reducing their chances of having a prosperous adulthood. Children of African American descendant are greatly disadvantaged with 47% coming from homeless families. Moreover, children from the Indian and Alaskan ethnicities have approximately 2% chance of homelessness in the United States. Aratani (2009) further states that another notable fact amongst these homeless families is that a single mother in her twenties usually acts as the breadwinner.

A further 1.7 million children constitute the unaccompanied youth segment of the homeless children annually. These include youth who stay away overnight from their homes without their guardianaa‚¬a„?s permission. Another category comprises of those children who were chased from home or opted to leave at their own volition. This category also comprises of throwaway youth whose parents could no longer live with them due to their deliquesce behavior. The final category of unaccompanied children comprises of children who left home due to irreconcilable differences with their families. Such cases usually results from conflicts within the family leading to loss of contact with their parents.Girls are also considerably larger in number among runaway homeless and independent children. In addition, African-American and Native American youth form the largest proportion among all three types of unaccompanied youth.

Factors that Contribute to Homelessness

Swick, (2010) argues that homelessness represents a major deprivation from one of the most fundamental human needs. Another type of deprivation includes lack of inadequate food leading to hunger and malnutrition. The main causes of these inadequacies are majorly linked to poverty and economic insecurity. However, other factors that adversely contribute to homelessness are multi-faceted. These factors also vary depending on the type of homelessness experienced by children in the United States. They include inaccessibility to affordable housing, economic instability, home based violence, behavioral health, inadequate social support, and involvement in the child welfare system.

Lack of Affordable Housing

The number of affordable housing units in the United States has steadily declined in the past decade. As Arattani (2009) affirms, the period between 1993 and 2003 witnessed a 13% drop in the proportion of affordable, low cost houses due to the massive loss of older, low-quality apartments in the private market segment. He further argues that in 2005, approximately 40% of households with children aged between 0 and 17 reported at least one housing problem. These ranged from inadequate housing space leading to crowding to rising costs of renting. Generally, any household paying in excess of 30% of its annual income on rent is regarded as living in the red.

Although the percentage of families reporting challenges of inadequate housing and crowding declined between 1978 and 2005, 34 % of households reported a rising cost burden resulting from rising rental costs in the same period. On the contrary, a paltry 15% of households reported this worrying cost burden in 1978. Overall, the number of families reporting severe housing problems had drastically increased from just 8% in 1978 to 13.8 % in 2005. Indeed the unmet demand for decent and affordable rental housing units had been on the rise way before the current housing crisis (Hicks, Burnside & Peters, 2003).

Gray (2009) agrees that way before the financial and foreclosure crisis hit, the number of homeless children in the United States had peaked at alarming rates. The Center on Family Homelessness in its 2009 report disclosed that at least one in every 50 children in the United States was homeless between 2005 and 2006. The cumulative 1.5 million kids between that period was further expected to rise due to the worsening economic conditions. Moreover, a study conducted with different parameters and published in 2000 had already put the total at 1.35 million homeless kids each year.

Economic Insecurity

According to Hicks, Burnside & Peters (2003), by 2005, more than 60 % of families were spending more than 50% of their disposable income on rent. A similar percentage of households were also living in pathetic and inadequate housing units. Inadequate affordable housing coupled with the current economic crisis will certainly add to the rising levels of homeless children. From the beginning of the economic recession in late December 2007, the proportion of unemployed people has risen by roughly than seven million, to 14.5 million. In addition, the overall unemployment rate has also risen to approximately 9.4%.

This essentially makes low-income families vulnerable to layoffs. They further add that amongst homeless households with children, a higher proportion of 80% are female headed. Furthermore, 54 % of children from low-income households reside with a single parent. To worsen the situation, the larger proportions of homeless mothers rely on public assistance. This has also contributed to widespread escapes from home leading to forced homelessness.

Violence at Home

Aratani (2009) further agrees that violence at home is a major contributor to children homelessness. For instance, amongst homeless households, more than 80% have previously experienced domestic violence. Disturbances at home occasionally lead to instances of c children running away from home to seek better children. Moreover, domestic violence causes major challenges in the childaa‚¬a„?s physical and psychological development. These include exposure to traumatic experiences that affect their emotional well-being. Consequently, parental has been proven as a major determinant of housing instability. Furthermore, unaccompanied children normally have prior experiences of violence. These range from witnessing actual violence to being abused physically or sexually. In most cases, children in foster care and homeless initiatives recall incidences of physical and psychological abuse from their family members.

Involvement in the Child Welfare System

Indeed, children living in foster care are severely exposed to homelessness. About 49% of children in foster care have a history of running away from home. Furthermore, American children of the Indian ethnicity in foster care are more likely to run away from home compared with their white counterparts.

The Impact of Homelessness on Children
Behavioral Health

Behavioral health problems are consequences of children running away from home and eventually becoming homeless. This is partly due to the higher risks of exposure to violence and trauma when a child is away from the care of an adult. Moreover, unaccompanied youth are at a higher risk of going into depression (Swick, 2010). This may in time lead to mental health issues or substance abuse compared with children living in their families. Therefore, children who have previous experience with homelessness are at a higher risk of exhibiting tragic behavioral problems compared with sheltered children.

Lack of Positive Social Support

Homeless families generally exhibit unreliable, weak and unsteady social support structures to aid in a childaa‚¬a„?s development. Moreover, such families have fewer viable social networks consequently resulting in reduced social support. Furthermore, homeless families that have wider social networks rarely utilize the importance of such networks. However, these networks play a crucial role as resources for positive support and form strong foundations for strong relationships when used wisely. Aratani (2009) reaffirms that unaccompanied children are more inclined to expose problems within their families. Furthermore, they tend to rely on their friends as a more significant source of support than their parents do. In addition, they substitute street networks in place of their failed family networks.

Food Insecurity

Swick (2010) adds that about 60 % of homeless children face the challenge of inadequate food in terms of quantity, preference and frequency of meals. Approximately 40% cite fasting as an everyday experience while due to their inability to access food. Indeed children coming from homeless families experience severe food insecurity given their diminished capacity to secure adequate food.

Health

The problem of food insecurity due to homelessness further affects negatively on the health of the affected children. Therefore, homeless children often bear the consequences of poor health compared with sheltered low-income children. Moreover, homeless mothers report more cases of health complications affecting their children ranging from fevers to diarrhea and asthma compared to sheltered mothers. In addition, homeless youth are at a higher risk of contracting STDs because of their risky social lifestyles. These include the inconsistent use of condoms, having multiple sexual partners and sharing needles. Moreover, homeless female children have a significantly higher chance of falling prey to unplanned teenage pregnancies (Hicks, Burnside & Peters, 2003).

Exposure to Trauma

According to Hicks, Burnside & Peters, (2003), children from homeless families also have a greater risk of experiencing severe mental health problems in comparison to their sheltered peers. A study on school-going children amongst homeless families indicated that a large proportion of homeless children experience mental disorders. Such children are often exposed to disruptive behavior disorders, social phobia, and depression that significantly affect their interaction with their peers. This is in huge contrast with their sheltered counterparts who rarely suffer from these conditions. In addition, homeless children and youth often experience or witness violence from their early ages.

This significantly raises their risk of mental instability. Moreover, this public nature of their living conditions worsens their already dire situation and raises their vulnerability to mental breakdowns. These sustained deplorable living conditions also expose them to both physical and emotional traumatic experiences leading to long-term mental disorders. Unaccompanied children are also more vulnerable to physical and sexual victimization that may affect them into adulthood. Eventually homeless children often suffer from posttraumatic stress disorder due to the living conditions they are exposed to (Swick, 2010).

Education

The link between family residential stability and educational success of children significantly raises the concern about the welfare of homeless. The affected children have certainly proved that homelessness contributes greatly to poor educational performance. Therefore, homeless children are more likely to undergo grade retention than their sheltered colleagues are. As Aratani (2009) reports, previously homeless children attend 4.2 schools on average from kindergarten compared with 3.1 schools for sheltered children. He further asserts that absenteeism and school mobility contribute greatly to school performance. While homeless children occasionally miss school, their sheltered counterparts are always present therefore increasing their chances of passing their examinations.

He further argues that across all age levels homelessness impacts greatly on academic performance with homeless children lagging in their reading and writing skills compared with their sheltered peers. Although homeless children merit a special evaluation criterion, the education system is unfair benefiting only the sheltered kids. Consequently, homeless children rarely complete high school spelling doom in their future endeavors.

Juvenile Delinquency

Aratani (2009), agrees that homeless children usually engage in delinquent survival strategies on the streets thereby endangering their lives from an early age. However, several factors can be attributed to these thought provoking survival instincts. Firstly, children on the streets have limited legal means to support themselves to guarantee their survival. Moreover, children with a previous history of runaway experiences are automatically engaged in delinquent survival strategies. These include peddling drugs, shoplifting, burglary, violent robbery and prostitution.

Therefore, runaway children are occasionally arrested by law enforcement agencies resulting in long jail terms that wipe away most of their useful life period. These homeless children usually start as juveniles and transform into hard-core criminals as they enter into adulthood. A Canadian research study indicated that the longer unaccompanied children encounter homelessness, the greater the probability of them committing criminal activities. Furthermore, inadequate monetary assistance from the government also raises the probability of homeless children and youth engaging in violent crime (Aratani, 2009).

Conclusion

The challenges posed by homeless children in America pose a widespread problem that needs to be handled by all concerned authorities. Some measures that could be adopted to tackle the issue include increasing housing subsidies to facilitate permanent homes for children coming from homeless families.

Also by raising school and community-based healthcare services, a huge segment of the homeless children will benefit. Such measures must also encompass assessing and screening all genuine homeless children. A trauma focused trauma approach to handling mental development of homeless children is also crucial in alleviating the high rate of mental torture amongst these children (Hicks, Burnside & Peters, 2003). Moreover, these programs must seek to better identify and serve all deserving children in the society without discrimination. The federal government is therefore obligated to raise funding for both transitional and independent programs targeting homeless children. This will facilitate the provision of adequate food in major outreach shelters and temporary housing for homeless children. In addition, more funding should be directed towards providing education to lower the prevailing high school dropout rate amongst this lot. Vocational training on the other hand would empower homeless children to attain economic independence. Finally, only a paradigm shift in the approach to aid the homeless children will help the society get rid of this menace (Hicks, Burnside & Peters, 2003).