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Contextualizing- Gender and Social Background to the Private and Public livelihoods of African women in the Diaspora (Case study -Gothenburg, Sweden).

Introduction

People in every community are ascribed to gendered attributes that shape and impact their life styles. Darly and Rake (2003) contend that such gendered attributes involve sex relations encompassing resources, social roles and power relations. Hence, the perception and doing of gender is very subjective and much so inferred according to social contexts and history (Gruber and Stefanov, 2002). The implication here is that the significance and consequence of gender construction and the way it is practiced is discrete upon background and contextual factors. The baffle often comes when individuals and groups of people settle on willful or involuntary choices to relocate to new places that have distinctive gender constructions and practices. How are they likely to cope; are their interpretations likely to change and embrace new ones-thereby turning out to be totally transformed? Would their gender norms be inflexibly maintained? Or would people consolidate and get lost between different cultures? Gendered research into migration demonstrates that migrant women (particularly those who originate from the developing world) as a rule experience troubles grappling with their changed gender roles as they settle in other countries (Gavanas, 2010; Sawyer,2008; Deacon, 2009). This is on the account that gender roles in the diaspora tend to differ from those of their original nations. This is especially so in the Western World where these tend to give more autonomy, self-determination and freedom (Deacon, 2009). This study sought to examine and clarify how the gender divisions of roles influence the status and position of a group of African women (living in Gothenburg) inside their families as well as their general participation in the Swedish society. The research was conducted between January to June 2012, as part of the fullfullment for my master study at the University of Gothenburg, Sweden. The main research question was; How does the gender division of roles affect the status and position of a group of African women (living in Gothenburg), within and outside their families? The current report will discuss the analysis outcome of three interviews with African women.

The process of analysis

Analysis can take various approaches including, literal; interpretive; and reflexive (Welsh, 2002; Miles and Huberman,1994). Miles and Huberman (1994) identify three types of activities that make up the analysis process.

First, is data reduction. This refers to “the process of selecting, focusing, simplifying, abstracting and transforming the data that appear in written-up field notes or transcriptions” (Miles and Huberman 1994, p.10). This procedure may likewise be known as data familialisation (Fielding& Lee,1991), indicating a process of condensing and consolidating of the data to make it sensible.

The second activity is data display.This refers to “an organised, compressed assembly of information that permits conclusion drawing and action” (Miles and Huberman 1994, p.11). This includes transforming expanded writings into instantly available, minimal frames of reference so that the researcher can perceive what is occurring and either reach defended determinations or proceed onward to the following phase of investigation.This can als be known as the decriptive (Fielding& Lee,1991) stage of data analysis.

The final activity of data analysis is conclusion drawing and verification. Drawing conclusions relates to deciding on the actual meaning of phenomenon, in otherwards data is explained. On the other hand, verification means “testing meaning for their plausibility, their sturdiness, and their confirmability” (Miles and Huberman 1994, p.11). These procedures happen persistently and iteratively and feed into each other, for the entire duration of the research.

Advantages and disadvantages of Computer Assisted Qualitative Data Analysis Software (CAQDAS).

There are different software packages ranging from text retrievers, code and retrieve packages as well as theory building software (Gibbs, Friese and Mungabeira, 2002; Fielding& Lee,1991). This section discusses the importance and shortcomings of using CAQDAS sduch as Nvivo.

Utilizing CAQDAS can save time and energy of a qualitative researcher. This is mainly because CAQDAS can help with the mechanical aspects of qualitative data analysis which include marking up the highlighted text with the codes, generating reports, searching the text for key terms (Gibbs, Friese and Mungabeira, 2002) which would be time consuming, inconvenient and fatiguing (Lee and Fielding, 1995) for the researcher. Besides, this also decreases the mistakes which could lead to some aspects of data being ignored by the researcher perhaps due to some bias or omission. Despite this though, the art and interpretation depends on the individual researcher. As Gibbs, Friese and Mungabeira (2002) have argued that conceptual aspects of the analysis such as reading the text, interpreting it, creating coding schemes and identifying useful searches and reports all depend on human art ( p.4).

CAQDAS can enable teamwork and exchange of ideas throughout the whole analysis process which can thus reduce on delays and also help with member checking as ideas develop. The research team does so by uploading all filed notes into the software and these may be easily shared among them electronically (Lee and Fielding, 1995). The only challenge with this way of working is that attention paid to issue salience or uniqueness of cases and situations may be reduced as teams try to share ideas.

CAQDAS such as NVivo decreases boredom which might be experienced in the repetitive procedure of transcribing and creating codes all through to the report writing stage. This is possible because other than the ordinary style working with just plain texts, these programs allow for incorporation of rich text, audio, videos and any multimedia data (Gibbs, Friese and Mungabeira, 2002) which can make the entire process of analysis interactive and engaging for researchers. The risk associated with this is ambiguity because as researchers attempt to deal with a blend of information, consideration might be moved to videos and the richness of content might be ignored. This may lessen the sort of depth of interpretation which they can give to any of the material. Aside from that, the software is not free, one may likewise require extra training in order to have the capacity to utilize it effectively.

CAQDAS can also help to make the analysis process more effective and transparent more than the manual method. This helps to improve the quality of the research that is produced. Gibbs, Friese and Mungabeira (2002 ) argue that while in quantitative research there can be techniques for checking authenticity, this might be hard for qualitative researchers.The counter contention by Welsh (2002) is that validity and reliability difficulties still exist notwithstanding when the analysis is done using a software, as a result of the fluid and creative routes through which the themes emerge; suggesting that the human analysist is especially vital and cannot be separated from this process. Additionally, the ‘theoretical lens through which the researcher uses to approach the phenomena, the strategies that the researcher uses to collect and construct data and his or her epistemological understandings about what might be relevant in answering the questions are all analytic process and influence data (Thorne 2000, p.68). Hence, the analytic process may not be entirely distinguishable from the actual data produced (Thorne, 2000).

That said, we cannot deny the fact that CAQDAS provides an efficient and smarter way of sorting and organizing data for proper management and analysis; much as it is critical to reflect on how much the software can be able to do. The software is not capable of undertaking the intellectual and conceptual procedures which are necessary for transforming data into useful research (Welsh, 2002; Thorne, 2000; Fielding& Lee,1991).

Process of analysis

First, I uploaded the transcripts into NVivo 11 software. After that, I started developing general codes according to the study goals (Bazeley & Richards,2000). However, as I read the transcripts over and over again, new nodes kept on emerging. With a full list of numerous nodes, I realised that some nodes actually expressed the same idea and could be merged, so I categorised and classified the related nodes, cut and pasted them into the parent nodes and came up with broader and expanded nodes. Bazeley & Richards (2000) assert that codes can are essential for identifying topics, themes or issues and unite the data segments. Categorising the nodes helped me to get rid of the redundant nodes. And actually a few redundant nodes which I had formulated earlier on, have been excluded from the analysis since they could not add up to any thick description of the data. This exercise involved an iterative and reflective process of working back and forth through the transcripts so as to avoid merging nodes that expressed different ideas. I also made descriptions and memos as I coded which helped me to reflect on the nodes afterwards. This was also important in developing a deeper analysis of the data.

Interview transcripts were analyzed through induction following a phenomenological approach. An analytic induction explores patterns and relationships in the data and uses such to generate tentative hypotheses or ideas so as to develop general conclusions or theory.I will borrow a few features from Grounded theory approach advanced by Strauss and Corbin (1990) and Miller (2000). The grounded theory approach allows for continuous and repetitive working with the findings in order to develop themes which can be built into models arising from the data. mechanisms of women towards addressing their health needs. The grounded theory approach was useful to draw comparisons (Thorne, 2000) between married women and the single woman. Thus, much as there are elements of grounded theory within my analytical approach, my research took a more inductive and phenomenological approach. All interview data were be analyzed using a phenomenological approach done in stages as proposed by (Hycner 1985,p.280-293).

Firstly, Interview were transcibed verbatim and literally in the way it was it will be presented by respondents. In addition, all nonverbal and para- linguistic communications (Hycner, 1985) from the interviews were noted so as to draw meaning from them.Secondly, I engaged in bracketing and phenomenological reduction. Bracketing involves suspension of the researcher’s meanings and interpretations and entering into the unique world of the individual who was interviewed while (Hycner 1985). , Keen (1975, p.38 in Hycner 1985) alludes that: ‘The phenomenological reduction is a conscious, effortful, opening of ourselves to the phenomenon as a phenomenon. And since, I already had the transcripts,I read through them with openness to derive meaning.The third stage involves listening to the interview or reading the transcription several times to get a sense of the whole. Hycner 1985 states that as you listen or read, its imporatnt to make memos; which aid in delineating the units of general meaning. This fourth stage is about crystallization and condensation of the what the respondents said leading to a unit of general meaning while referring to the reseacrh question (p.282).This involves paying attention to the actual content of the findings while referring to the initial research question to see if the collected data is relevant and at this point irrelevant findings might be excluded from the analysis.

Next is to have independent judges to verify the units of relevant meaning to see if the findings are authentic, then redundancies are taken out, depending on both the literal content and looking at the number of times and the way meanings were mentioned.

The other step is clustering units of relevant meaning. This is an iterative process of working through the units of meaning through examining their essence. This also depends on the context under which a unit was mentioned. Next is to determine central themes from these clusters of meaning. This also involves interrogating the clusters as well as working through the segments of the transcript. After this, next a summary of individual interviews is done while trying to incorporate the themes, this also gives a sense of the whole. After this, Hycner recommends to do validity check with our interviewees to see if what we have actually represents what they tried to bring forward. In my research this process will be done retrospectively, that is, immediately after interviewing.

After this then, themes are modified and then general and unique themes are identified for all the interviews. This step looks out for common themes in all the interviews as well as individual variations or uniqueness and these clustered under general themes. This step requires patience so as not to merge themes that do not match or are somewhat unique without which the significance of some themes may be lost.

Finally, is the contextualization of themes. This step requires that all the general and unique themes from the rigorous process are placed back into the initial contexts from which they developed so as to get a deeper understanding of the phenomenon under investigation. As such the analysis is presented with evidence from the actual words of the interviewees.

Hycner (1985) alludes that the process takes fourteen steps but in this research, some of these were done simultaneously as the research progressed. The phenomenological approach is not without limitations. For example, phenomenological analysis is associated with of the following challenges;

Phenomenological analysis may be very exhausting if you are dealing with large amounts of data and since it is suitable for few cases, the data may be difficult to generalise. This holds water but does not eliminate the value of the findings since these usually represent the experience of individuals which is itself unique and informative (Hycner 1985).

Secondly, there is the issue of randonmness and the subjective influence of the resaercher. The citisim is that respondents are selected because of who they are, or depending on their experienece with the phenomena. As result there might be subjective influence in both interviewing and in analysing data. The women were chosen purposefully to provide their experince, but the analysis has undergone a thoruogh process.

Findings

Gender and gender role formation

Gender refers to the “socially constructed roles, behaviours, activities, and attributes that a given society considers appropriate for men and women” (WHO, 2017). Gender categorization portrays cultural values and norms and is therefore an outcome of extensive interactions between individual socialization processes inside families and broader social-cultural order (Becker-Schmidt 1993, cited in Gruber and Stefanov, 2002). Buckingham-Hatfield (2000, p. 67) contends that the gender identity that individuals acquire over time infers two types of connections, “that between the two genders and that between gender and society” Gender roles thus allude to the degree to which standards and practices are social and patterned for women and men (Darly and Rake, 2003). The data shows that women mainly predominate in the traditional gender roles like cooking, taking care of children, doing laundry work and making their homes neat.

“I don’t even relax in the evening, I come back directly in the kitchen, starts cooking and then we eat around six o’clock then we see homework and what happened at school and then you prepare them for bed” (Married woman)

“Womanly in my view, I mean taking care of the home, having meals done and checking on the children’s’ work and following up to see that their home works are done, (Single woman)

In addition, all the women indicated that they are bread winners. Contrastingly, the married women work mainly to supplement their husband’s income but not necessarily to enhance their positions. As such, the married women take on part time work so that they can balance that with home assignments while the single woman labours to sustain her family. Kunovich and Kunovich (2008) contrasts that married women have less egalitarian attitudes toward housework and childcare compared with single women; that even in nations with more noteworthy gender equality (like Sweden) only have more libertarian attitudes toward separate spheres of work, yet not toward housework or childcare. On this account, Gavanas (2010) demonstrates that in European settings, care and household labor have been traditionally viewed as women’s domaincarriedout for free as a labor of love.

Determinants of women’s roles

The Swedish values and laws emerged as some of the factors that determine women’s roles. According to the Swedish Ministry of Integration and Gender Equality (2009), the Swedish gender equality policy is aimed at fighting and changing systems that preserve the sex-based appropriation of power and resources in society; and, guaranteeing that women and men appreciate similar power and chances to shape their own lives. Such impacts however usually stream less to the immigrants henceforth Sweden’s gender equality discourse is dominated by “various leveled classification of the population into ‘Swedes’ and ‘immigrants with representations of gender unequal ‘immigrants’ being eminent(Towns 2002, p.157). Additionally, numerous migrant women are utilized in the informal economy, especially as domestic workers, mind specialists, nurses or entertainers- henceforth, reinforcing conventional gender segregation and inequalities in the labor market (Anja and Andrea 2010, p.48). None the less, Brettell (2008) has put light to the new changes which happen in family and kinship patterns as an outcome of migration and highlighted the feeling of control that women gain as immigrants. To some extent, the women I interviewed have adopted the Swedish values of equality in their homes. This is partially because they are married to Swedish partners who are used to the values of equality and thus, occasionally accept to take on household chores flexibility.

“Yeah that’s something special for Sweden. And also then taking paternity leave, it’s very special for Sweden because also a dad participates” (Married woman)

“he earns more than me and he makes more decisions than me but also being in Sweden and being married to a Swedish person, they are very much about equality” (Married woman)

Further on, women have adopted equality values because of the demands on women. Women have familial roles yet they also have to work outside the home. Metz-Gckel (1993) and Becker-Schmidt and Knapp (1995) contended that the structural significance of gender is attached to the dual role of women in society “from one perspective in the private reproductive sphere controlled by patriarchal power structures and then again in the market – initiated societal sphere under the control of the profit-oriented organization of the productive sphere” (cited in Gruber and Stefanov 2002, p. 3).

“Yeah it’s because I have changed, I have changed. I came to understand that it’s very important to help each other especially in this, this Europe.” (Married woman)

Aside from demands, the women have also been influenced by the Swedish women whom they see as autonomous and independent in the way they live their lives. These relationships have made African women to reflect on their positions within their families.

“Again being here and looking at Swedish women here, the way they are independent, the relationships between a man and a woman” (Married woman)

“Yeah in one way I think, I have friends, I have Swedish friends and you see how people live, and you see them in the homes, how things are done, when I talk to my friends they say I did this, and it can a little bit yeah it can help you out”

(Married woman)

The challenge however is that because of the hierarchical gender relationship, male dominance controls the private and public spheres (Gruber and Stefanov, 2002; LeVine, 1966). Despite that, adopting the Swedish values of equality has empowered the women to be able to discuss their grievances with their husbands.

Norms also determine what women do inside their families and in general society circles. Each of the respondents battled that there are specific obligations which should be for women and others for men. In their view, the light tasks and those which are less stressful like dealing with the little things in the house are feminine. Male duties are those that need skill like fixing bulbs and those that require monetary assets like dealing with bills. This was alluded to irrespective of marital status. For stance, the single woman was content with the freedom she has-being the major decision maker for her children and family yet communicated trouble with taking care of bills.

“I think I’m comfortable, they are moments when I sit and I think, now I think I need a husband in my life who is going to pay for the rent, I don’t want to pay rent, I mean there are times, when I really have this mind that I need to turn down and also feel like a woman” (Single woman)

“once my mother called and then she asked me where I was and I said ok- Im in the living room watching TV, and your husband? I said he is in the kitchen doing dishes so my mother was very hungry on the phone. ‘What! You are sitting and your husband is in the kitchen doing dishes, I didn’t teach you that’. I was like ok, mama, this is Europe. ‘Yeah its Europe but you are not European” (Married woman)

Social role theory deduces that people occupy positions in social structures – associated with roles that may either be attributed or achieved (Payne, 1997). The model clarifies that the societal division of work produces diffuse gender roles for specific genders and in this way confers broad expectations depending on each gender (Diekman and Schneider, 2010). This sort of development implies that men and women take part in different household assignments to demonstrate and reaffirm their gendered selves as expected of them by others.

Personality also emerged as an imperative component that determines women’s roles and workload inside their families. For example, one woman insinuated the way she appreciates doing the family tasks yet for some, they are perfectionists trusting that they know best what is useful for their families. All these decide the workload of women and additionally whether they are ready to request for support from their partners and friends.

“But I sometimes feel that I take too much also and that way Patrick balances me and he tells me I don’t think you need to do this, although you have made a commitment here and there. Its personality”. (Married woman)

“I would say that I as a person I’m a strong person who would really like to take on what I’m not unable to do” (Single woman)

On the other hand, personality decides women’s engagement in the public sphere. Women who are open and ready to connect with the wider society say, through welcoming friends to their homes really have a bigger network or social contacts and a number of social activities to engaged in.

“I mean naturally I’m born, I’m a social person. So I easily create social contacts and through that I see that I’m reaching out more to others… So in that way I have more activities than I really want.” (Single woman)

“like I said, Swedes are very cold people, very difficult to have, it’s hard to have a relationship with a Swede, I remember I really worked on it because I wanted to meet them. I remember I was calling, inviting people home and all the friends we have now are from me, I mean from my efforts. I did really effort to have them” (Married woman)

Socialisation is the other factor that determines women’s roles. Women implied the way they were raised and indicated pride for their social childhood. The Social learningtheory explains how gender roles are produced in everyday lives particularly in childhood depending on the setting. The model is grounded on three main concepts including, observational learning, imitation, and modeling (Ormrod, 1999). This theory deduces that behavior is acquired through re-enforcements and modeling; however, in the absence of these, social learning may occur through observation and imitation of others (Golombok and Fivush 1994, p.76). Subsequently, gender role practices are acquired through the same procedures as every other conduct (Bandura, 1977, cited in Golombok and Fivush 1994, p.76).Miller (2011) demonstrates that the interplay between cognitive, affective, biological, and socio structural aspects influence the process of gender role development. Many women alluded to their childhood and the qualities they saw and learnt as children.

“I think it’s me. I think it’s also has to do with African upbringing and being the eldest”. (Married woman)

“You have to help your parents. Because I remember when my dad told us about that. We were there not to just lay back and sleep but we were there to help our mum”

(Married woman)

Interestingly these women are married to Swedish partners but one of them maintained that her Swedish partner emphasised the patriarchal structure through encouraging her to maintain her ‘African thing’. Now this is not known if this particular husband is really happy with the so called ‘African thing’ or if it is a strategy for him to relax as the woman takes on the donkey work.

“Like I said from the beginning my husband is more African than- I mean more Congolese than me, he says to me E, I feel you are losing that African thing… when I tell him my husband help me he says that E, men in Africa are not in the kitchen.” (Married woman)

In the African tradition, family and kinship are the most imperative institutions and social life is mainly structured on norms (Therborn, 2004); thus gender is generally a collective classification with regard to general norms and values (Adkins and Lury 1995, in Gruber and Stefanov, 2002). Therborn (2004, p.118) alludes that ‘African custom is for male control of women‘ and that wifely subordination is still a major phenomenon of African social life.

Spirituality is likewise critical in determining what roles women take on as well as the decisions they make for themselves and their families. All the women said that they are Christians and that God is an essential figure in whatever they do. As one of them described, “Of course Prayer is the foundation that builds a home.” Indeed, they all specified congregational activities as a major aspect of the social activities they take an interest in. One of them recounted,

“I devoted my life ever since I came to Sweden to do God’s work and that I can do, normally when you are doing dishes, you don’t clash with any one. When you are doing your cleaning or dishes” (Single woman)

These responses mirror Foucault’s elucidation of the social distribution of roles by referring to nature. He alludes that “gods directly prepared the woman’s nature for indoor works and the man for works of the open air. Thus, the natural oppositeness of man and woman and the specificity of their aptitudes are indissociably tied to the good order; and inversely, order demands them as obligations” (Foucault 1984, in p.158-159).

Impact of roles on the status of women

One of the effects of gender roles on women has to do with sacrifice. The dual role of women, makes it is inevitable for women to make sacrifices. They need to negotiate between seeking after their careers or to tend to their families. For instance, all the women perceived the significance of education and actually disclosed that they had enrolled for training courses. However, this meant negotiations on the priorities, they felt that they needed to deal with their family demands to start with, before they could consider undertaking courses or even pursue careers. Moreover, women do take on part time jobs as a sacrifice for their families particularly when they have little children. The less priority which women ascribe to activities outside the family further suggests that in the meantime, they forfeit their own economic progress.

“Family reasons, I mean my children are still young and I had to settle down in my job and I mean, somehow have a base in my working life and also balance it with the children at home, because now being a single mother in Sweden, it takes up all the energy and everything that I have so then I haven’t been able to take on extra studies beyond what I can do on a normal day.” (Single woman)

“I don’t work full time. From the beginning we decided with my husband that I will not do full time. He did- doing full time. We felt like I was needed home”

(Married woman)

These discoveries are not unique to these women. Research elsewhere demonstrates that women are more committed to the private sphere as moms, carers and domestic workers while men are more concentrated in the public circles (Buckingham-Hatfield, 2000; Donato et al, 2006). For instance, in a survey of European women, it was discovered that 90 percent of women valued the family as the most significant sphere of their life (Gruber and Stefanov 2002, p.21). Besides, women are also not completely accepted in the public arena but are rather permitted to participate there just on sufferance (Buckingham-Hatfield, 2000). Thus, for majority of partnerships in Central Europe, housework and caring for children are undertakings performed principally by women while fathers primarily play and only share their leisure activities with the children; yet women who struggle to be productive need to sacrifice child care and much more house work – to the formal paid employment (Esping-Andersen, 2009; Gruber and Stefanov, 2002).

Finally, power developed as one of the advantages that women derive from the sort of roles they undertake. Because women take care of the homes and children, they are more required in basic leadership and decision making particularly in matters regarding household welfare. This is for both the married and the single woman. In any case, the reasons behind this control are distinctive. The single woman derives her power from the reality that she is the sole provider in the home; whereas for the married women, it is mostly in light of the fact that their spouses tend to distance themselves from family unit matters.

“I have freedom of independence that at times I feel in myself and say thank you Lord, I’m able to make decisions on my own whether I make wrong decisions I come back to myself and say I did that wrongaˆ¦ Independent in every way economic, social, independent woman, very powerful”. (single woman)

Keeping in mind the end goal to see how gender roles, impinge on the societal position and prosperity of women in the private and open circles; it is reasonable to consider the measure of assets at women’s disposal and also power relations (Sen, 2001). Such viewpoints explain the agency aspects (like, women’s earning power, ability to act, economic role outside the family, literacy and education, property rights) which exceptionally contribute to women’s voice, independence and empowerment (Sen ,2001). For example, working outside the home and acquiring an autonomous wage enhances and upgr

Abstract

Approximately sixty percent of children living in therapeutic foster care, enter the system with a diagnosis of moderate to severe mental health issues. These children, placed in therapeutic foster homes, can present disruptive behaviors. Maladaptive coping skills on the part of the child or stress inducing behaviors on the part of the caregiver can cause a crises leading to potential removal from the home. Solution focused brief therapy, could increase the quality of the relationship between foster parent and child. Foster children and parents can have a disparity between the perception of a situation and improper communication of opposing views may lead to crisis. Using tools and tenants of solution focused brief therapy could decrease placement disruptions. The purpose of this article is to identify common issues and challenges facing foster parents and children, and examples of interventions using solution based therapy. The strength-based interventions, coupled with the current evidenced-based training, will decrease placement disruptions, and increase the potential of successful transitions from foster care. The article will discuss current evidenced-based interventions, and solution focused therapy as an additional therapeutic approach. In this article, common issues and challenges facing foster parents and children are discussed; and strengths and limitations of implementing solution focused therapy techniques are explored.

Keywords: Therapeutic Foster Care, Foster Parents, Foster Children, Solution Focused Brief Therapy, Training

Foster Parents and Solution Focused Brief Therapy:

An estimated 541,000 children in America live in the foster care system today (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2010). Residential treatment facilities, psychiatric group homes, and foster/ kinship care comprise most of these out of home placements. Therapeutic Foster Care, (TFC) is an additional type of out of home placement and is a specialized service designed to serve children with special needs (Berika, 1999). These special needs range from emotional, cognitive, and physical/medical and can serve as a step down between a residential treatment center and foster care (Strijker, Oijen, & Dickscheit, 2010).

Each specific type of out of home placement offers differences in the goals and functions of foster care and therapeutic foster care are numerous. Maltreated children are placed in foster care primarily to receive protection, and stability. If the child exhibits the need for mental health or substance abuse therapy, the service is provided outside of the home (Farmer, Mustillo, Burns, & Holden, 2008). Transitioning statement from fc 2 tfc (on the other hand ) Therapeutic foster care combines the structure of a residential treatment facility with the care and protection of the home environment. Fifty nine percent of children entering therapeutic foster care address serious levels of emotional behavioral issues; and need rehabilitation (Hochstadt, Jaudes, Zimo, & Schacter, 1987). Therapeutic interventions take place within the home, with the goal of integrating newly acquired interpersonal skills into the home environment, which are necessary for future family reunification.

Multiple reasons exist facilitating the need to place a child outside of the home for treatment. High-risk family factors include poverty, divorce within the immediate family, (Williams at all, 1990), biological parental mental illness, witnessing domestic violence, and prior incarcerations within the immediate family (Johnson, 1989). The inability or unwillingness of the primary caregiver to care for the child is additional reasons for biological parental rights termination (Pecora, White, Jackson, & Wiggins, 2009). Alternatively, the child may have been removed from the home due to neglect or poor parenting. Substance abuse by the biological parents, or even the young person themselves, are additional factors in the decision to remove the child from the biological home. Thus, due to numerous reasons, the youth may have difficulty acclimating to new living situations.

Children placed in therapeutic foster care tend to exhibit poor coping skills, low frustration tolerance, and externalizing disorders such as Oppositional Defiant Disorder, Conduct Disorder, Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (Fiegelman & Harrington, 1993). The behaviors that accompany such externalizing disorders may cause foster parents to experience empathy fatigue (Lipscome, Moyers, & Farmer, 2004). Empathy fatigue is a leading cause for which a foster parent decides to surrender the foster child (Parker, 2009). This is known as a placement disruption or the child’s unscheduled removal from the foster home permanently.

Numerous publications report findings, that placement disruption has a detrimental effect on foster children. The American Academy of Pediatrics reported placement disruption, “Hinders the development and healing process of children” (American Academy of pediatrics 2000). Placement disruption jeopardizes the opportunity for children to develop trusting and secure relationships with adults (Robertson, 1989). The act of separating a child from biological families induces feelings of rejection, guilt, abandonment, and shame, (Garland et al., 2000, Simm at el 2000) regardless of the reason. “Multiple placements before the age of 14 are associated with higher rates of delinquency in youths”. Recent studies show a relationship between foster child placement disruption and the increase of foster care alumni homelessness, incarceration, and victimization. (Courtney, Dworsky, Lee, & Raap, 2009).

According to the Midwest Evaluation of Adult Functioning of Former Foster Youth, “Far too many foster youth are not acquiring the life skills or developing the interpersonal connections they need if they are to become productive young adults” (Midwest Evaluation of Adult Functioning of Former Foster Youth, 2010). Foster parents’ are to provide a safe and nurturing home, which will instill interpersonal communication and effective life skills to youth. The establishment of the connection between the foster parent and the foster child needs is critical due to beliefs that foster parents would benefit from the use of solution focused based therapeutic techniques with the foster child as these techniques provide____________________________________.

Multiple training programs have attempted to incorporate these skills within the juvenile’s daily routine (Price, Chamberlain, Landsverk, Reid, Leve, & Laurent, 2008). LIST PREVIOUS MODLES “Multidimensional Treatment Foster Care is a strengths-based intervention promoting child and adolescent resiliency in youth exposed to early adversity”. Application of MTFC within a treatment foster care home employs a point and level privilege system. Multiple studies show the effectiveness of using a reward level program (Fisher Chamberlain & Leve 2009). A second intervention model, which is a modified version of the multidimensional treatment foster care intervention designed for younger children is called keeping foster parents trained and supported (Price, Chamberlain, Landsverk & Reid, 2009). Other models of worth mentioning.

When a child faces the instability of placement disruption, they do not have a consistent environment where they feel safe to mature; instead, they must re-adapt the new living situation. We suggest following the tenants and techniques of solution focused brief therapy in addition to the aforementioned foster parent training will increase placement stability. Training the foster parents in solution focused therapy techniques we believe they will assist the youth in becoming solution oriented. This new set of skills taught to the child, by the foster parent has the potential to increase the foster child’s quality of life by decreasing placement disruptions.

Solution focused therapy lends itself well as an additional element training of foster parents. Through a question and answer conversation, it enables the foster parent to see the perspective of a given situation through the eyes of the child. Solution focused brief therapy is strengths-based and future oriented, while still validating the person’s experience (Littrell, 2006). Major tenants of this theory are (a.) change is constant (b.) there is always an exception to the problem (c.) there are many ways of looking at a situation, all equally important (Bannink, 2006/2010). It brings small successes to the child or foster parents awareness, and assists them in becoming solution oriented.

This article will discuss several solutions focused based therapy techniques with examples of their application. Scaling questions, including what identifies and increase or decrease of one point and the application will be discussed. Coping questions, which illuminates the caregivers and foster child’s strengths, will be investigated. The use of language tool statements, such as “You must have had a reason to”, will be explored. The identification of the child’s resources both internal and external will also be examined with examples illustrating the application.

The implementation of solution-focused therapy to increase foster care placement stability has been used in residential therapeutic treatment facilities. In a recent study it was found during the first year of treatment, the youth were counseled using the techniques of Cognitive behavioral therapy. In the second year they were counseled using solution focused brief therapy. It was discovered, the number of disruptions from these youth decreased from mean equaling 6.29 (standard deviation equaling 3.6) to mean equals 1.45 (standard deviation .68), P <001. Statistics show when used with displaced children solution focused brief therapy has the potential to decrease behavioral disruptions (. It is our belief using solution focused brief therapy techniques will increase interpersonal communication skills and problem-solving skills of these youth. It is also our belief that using solution focused brief therapy techniques in conjunction with proven training programs will decrease placement disruption and in turn decrease the negative societal effects of placement disruption.

In this article, we will discuss various emotional health rehabilitation needs of foster children referred to therapeutic foster care. A concise exploration of current evidence-based therapeutic foster parent training models highlighting their strengths and weaknesses will take place. The core tenants of solution focused brief therapy will be explored with the intent purpose of identifying specific interventions for use with this population. Furthermore, examples of the preferred intervention techniques of solution focused brief therapy will be provided. Finally, the strengths and limitations of using solution focused brief therapy with this population will be discussed with suggestions for further research.

I. Socioeconomic ramifications of child maltreatment.

Neglecting the therapeutic foster care populations has a debilitating effect on the economy.

Homelessness (check tense and safe assign)

In studies focused on homelessness in adulthood, placement in foster care in childhood or adolescence frequently emerges as a risk factor. {{57 Fowler,P.J. 2009;}} For example a study conducted by the Casey Institute showed within a two year period shows homelessness for foster alumni exceeded 12.%, which is the rate for a single episode of homelessness amid US adults. One fifth of the adolescents taking part in the study experienced chronic homelessness. {{86 Anonymous ;}}

Homelessness in adolescence and young adulthood has been shown to be associated with elevated risks of a number of negative outcomes. {{57 Fowler,P.J. 2009;}} These services need to begin earlier, to be extended to all eligible children in foster care, and to remain available until former foster care youth have attained stability as young adults (Kushel et al., 2007; Pecora et al., 2006).

Research findings indicate that services need to begin early when a family first arrives at a shelter or the child first enters foster care, particularly since early intervention for young children can reduce the magnitude of trauma and subsequent problems later in life {{80 Dozier M Higley E Albus, K Nutter A. (2002);}} Housing instability was related to emotional and behavioral problems, physical and sexual victimization, criminal conviction, and high school dropout. From this information Fowler concluded adolescents transitioning from foster care are at considerably higher risk of homelessness {{57 Fowler,P.J. 2009;}}

A.1 Maltreatment leading to out of home placement

Sixty four percent of cases involved in the child welfare system are due to parental neglect. Failure to attend to the child’s physical, emotional, or educational needs may cause severe, long term psychological challenges.

Domestic violence in the child’s presence; familial substance use that interferes with parenting abilities, Physical abuse (16%), sexual abuse (9%), and psychological maltreatment (7%) are other reasons children are reported to child welfare.({{72 Leve, L.D. 2009;}}

b. Needs of Those in Therapeutic Foster Care
Characteristics of Those in Foster Care
Social and Academic Health

Children involved in the foster care system are at a higher risk of low academic performance and school failure. Children facing challenges, usually present with psychosocial problems at a substantially increased rate than the general population. These range from impulse control, to Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, to conduct disorders which maturate during young adult hood and beyond. Children who fail to develop successful peer relations during school entry are at increased risk for conduct problems, peer rejection, and academic failure throughout childhood and adolescence {{91 Anonymous 2001;24 Egelund, Tine 2009;}} emotional and behavioral problems, exposure to physical and sexual abuse, adolescent pregnancy, incarceration and high school dropout. {{57 Fowler,P.J. 2009;}}

A preponderance of children in the welfare system have been identified as experiencing cognitive delays as evidenced by the Denver Developmental Screening Test II {{91 Anonymous 2001;}}. This is the most widely used psychometric test utilized for this young population. Early behavior problems among children placed in foster care have predicted delinquency, substance use, and sexual behavior 6 years later {{62 Linares,L.O. 2006}}

Medical and Physical health

The gravity and extent of the health care problems facing abused and neglected children are truly alarming.

Specified underlying neurobiological systems are influenced by types of adversity witnessed by children in the system increase risk for negative outcomes. These include common childhood diagnosis are at uncommon levels such as ADHD, disruptive behavior, anxiety, and affective disorders.{{72 Leve,L.D. 2009}}

Studies observed increased shifts in the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal HPA Axis, a hormone affected by cortisol imbalances. This hormone controls reactions to stress and has been discovered among children experiencing stress in foster care. Increased atypical diurnal cortisol levels{{74 Pears, K.C. 2008;}} are known to be higher especially among young female children who have experienced biological caregiver neglect {{70 Fisher,P.A. 2007;}}.

Similar to the HPA axis studies, problems with executive functioning are more common in foster children than in the general population {{74 Pears, K.C. 2008;}}. However therapeutic interventions designed for foster children may positively affect the HPA axis activity as it has been noted decreasing stress decreases the levels of cortisol{{70 Fisher,P.A. 2007;}}. (More research needs done) Fisher Suggests interventions which decrease stress levels of younger juveniles in out of home placements may produce increased outcomes on the social cognitive level and increase the functioning of an neurobiological systems.

{{95 Fisher,P.A. 2008;}}{{72 Leve,L.D. 2009}}

d. REHABILITATION NEEDS OF CHILDREN IN FOSTER CARE:
EVIDENCE-BASED INTERVENTIONS

Evidence-based interventions were formed and assessed to supervise the psychological and physical welfare of children in foster care. Stress inducing behavior on the part of the parent can cause disruptive behavior in the foster child which leads to early termination from the home. Maladaptive coping skills of the child that haven’t been rectified affect the child’s relationship with their caregiver and over time start to give negative connotations to authority figures. Implementing the interventions has shown a decrease in the need for extraneous mental and physical health care by increasing the probability of attaining placement stability. Interventions must target young people while they are still in foster care, before the age of 17 years, to ensure connection to services such as tuition assistance, employment training, and health insurance. {{57 Fowler,P.J. 2009;}}

Models
MTFC

The MTFC model acknowledges and identifies the affect of emotional hardships on the physical and psychological missing word of the foster care population. It originated in 1983 in response to an Oregon State request for proposals from the juvenile justice system to develop community-based alternatives to incarceration for adolescent placements in residential/group care. (Leve,2009) This model gives an evidence based solution to strengthen the self-esteem of the foster children and teach them resiliency to improve behavioral problems. Additionally, consistent with research on resiliency, the model now incorporates key positive individual and interpersonal relationships, adaptive neurobiological functioning, and adaptive social behavior. (Leve, 2009)

How it works

The MTFC intervention teaches caregivers how to give positive mentoring, improve parental skills and the importance of consistency through training, supervision and the endorsement of a skills coach. MTFC was selected by the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (Elliott, 1998) as 1 of 10 evidence-based National Blueprints Programs; was selected as 1 of 9 National Exemplary Safe, Disciplined, and Drug-Free Schools model programs; was highlighted in 2 U.S. Surgeon General reports (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2000a, 2000b) (Leve,2009) These reports recorded government savings, showed improvement of behavior in child, and helped stress level of caregiver. State Public Policy group reported a $32,915 cost savings in 2006 to taxpayers for each (Leve,2009) In order for the intervention to be effective, the foster child needs positive reinforcement, individual and family therapy, along with social skills and academic mentoring.

The team

The skills coach is conditioned to focus on beneficial skills and actions rather than past behaviors or problematic situations. The foster parents and program supervisor work together to carefully monitor youth adjustment in the classroom. (Leve,2009) Classroom observations and evaluations allow the caregiver to evaluate behavioral changes without excessive amounts of external influences in a neutral setting. These caregivers are taught to use the same incentives or point systems employed in the foster home to provide positive feedback and brief, non-emotional consequences for problem behavior. (Leve,2009)The consistency from one environment to another eases the transition process for the foster child. Positive outcomes, including the likelihood of achieving permanency ( this effect is particularly marked for children who have had multiple prior foster placement failures), children’s attachment to caregivers, foster-parent stress levels, older children’s delinquency and antisocial behavior, participation in school and subsequent time incarcerated. (Fisher P.A. 2009)

Racism embodies the ideology or practice via demonstrated power of perceiving the dominance of one group over others by on the grounds of color, race, ethnicity, or cultural heritage, whereby ethnic minorities might be perceived as being biologically (intrinsically) inferior and, thus, practices detailing their domination and exploitation are justified. In many places across the world, racism is manifested at individual, group, or institutional level. Individual racism comprising of overt acts perpetuated by individuals that injure another or their property; institutional racism, which details processes that, deliberately, or not, yield to the prolonged exclusion of a subordinate group and activities and practices that are fashioned to safeguard the advantages of the superior group and/or sustain or broaden the uneven position of a subordinate group. Racism has over the years been institutionalized and sustained via educational, economic, religious, political, social, and cultural policies and activities.

Racism is functional in that it is employed to sustain structural inequalities within the society that are skewed against individuals of color or minority groups. Systematic discrimination against certain members of visibly identifiable racial and ethnic groups has continued to pervade most aspects of people’s lives inclusive of education, politics, economics, religion, social relationships, housing, and employment.

Sources and causes of racism and deeply embedded throughout major aspects of many societies. The sources and causes of racism can be delineated as colonialism whereby the intrinsically racist process of colonialisation availed the basis and continued presence of systematic racism within most societies. Other causes of racism include pervasive ignorance, fear and lack of appreciation of cultural diversity, power and privilege. One of the outstanding impacts of racism in disadvantaging the minorities details the invisibility of the achievement of minorities over the centuries. Since capitalist societies mainly recognize achievements that can be translated into monetary terms, the portrayal of minority groups as criminals or poverty stricken serves to paint them as burdens of history. As a result, racism leads to entrenching of disadvantaged position of ethnic minorities.

Historically, racism has been employed to validate the conquering of ethnic minorities to obtain key resources such as land, strategic military outposts, or forced cheap labour. In most societies diverse racial and ethnic groups possess unequal access to power, prestige, presumed worth, and resources whereby individuals possessing superior power, majority group, develop a system of inequality by controlling the less-powerful groups. The resultant system of inequality is then sustained and perpetuated via social forces.

The impact of racism within the society are widely manifested in poor health and health services, low wages, inadequate access to mental health services, substandard housing, high incidences of school dropouts, high unemployment and under-employment, and reduced access t higher education opportunities, as well as other institution maladies. It is ironical that the lack of jobs, housing, or other resources has led to minority scapegoating whereby ethnic minorities are increasingly becoming a scapegoat for prevalent social problems within the society.

Forms and modern manifestations of racism

In equality in access to critical resources within the society such as health across ethnic groups may not be necessarily reducible to socioeconomic arrangement. Indeed, the relative deprivation encountered by ethnic minorities within the society is highly likely to involve more than mere material disadvantage as ethnic minorities face significant alienation and racial harassment. Research indicates that racial harassment and perceptions of prejudice possess significant impact in disadvantaging ethnic minorities within the society.

Political sphere

In the contemporary society, there is an increase and support gained by political parties and entities that that openly express racist, bigoted, and xenophobic views. This has placed ethnic minorities, who are marginally represented, at a disadvantage mainly through exclusion policies. Minorities are also underrepresented in decision-making and administrative positions and the instituted affirmative programs have only yielded conflict and polarity among the employees.

Employment,

Racism has been widely reported in the arena of employment, which leads to economic depression for members of the oppressed racial and ethnic groups. The experience of majority of ethnic minority within the job market has not been always pleasant or positive with some individuals from minority groups and recent immigrants earning relatively lower pay than their white counterparts despite being sometimes well qualified and highly educated. In some cases, racial discrimination is reported within the workplace centring on an individual’s appearance, denial of career advancement opportunities, and ascription of cultural stereotypes to individuals.

There is a continued absence of employment opportunities for ethnic minorities, although the general agreement cited mainly details lack of skills on the part of the ethnic minorities. Nevertheless, in most cases structural barriers hamper access to the labour market, plus other economic opportunities. Similarly, the unemployment rate for adolescents from ethnic minorities is in many instances disproportionately distributed with higher percentages reported among people from ethnic minorities compared to their white counterparts.

Education

Individuals from minority groups often have lower education attainment. The persistent low levels of educational and occupational outcomes attained by ethnic minorities can be cited, in part, as resulting from structural discrimination within the education sector. This can be regarded as systemic racism and the reluctance education authorities and the government to introduce various cultural models of learning and teaching within the curricula, which in turn leads to a disproportionate access of education. The education system in some societies systematically denies similar access and prospect to children from ethnic minorities, especially where the minorities are poor.

Accommodation

Some minority groups encounter challenges in gaining accommodation whereby minorities (people of different race or color) are expected to reside in separate districts. This represents a microcosm mirroring all the major facets at all levels of society. Ethnic minorities are often denied accommodation based on race manifested in numerous cases where individuals from the ethnic minorities are informed of availability of accommodation, but later informed of non-availability after their race or ethnic background became known. Similarly, individuals from ethnic minorities are sometimes issued with inadequate and inappropriate public housing stock. In many instances, ethnic minorities have minimal choice as to places that they reside and often end up paying higher rent for less adequate housing. It is documented that mortgage and lending institutions within the U.S. have on several occasions perpetuated the illegal practice of redlining mortgages in minority neighborhoods. Studies in this area have unearthed consistent discrimination against ethnic minorities by financial institutions, real estate agencies, and landlords.

Service provision

Individuals from ethnic minorities often face discrimination in the day-to-day provision of goods and services manifested by the lack of services availed by majority of Councils. Social service mainly masks symptoms of larger problems such as racism, illiteracy, unemployment, and poverty. The need for social service stem from economic policies and practices and in many cases, the society puts the blame on minority groups and constantly adjust the individuals to suit the existing societal conditions.

Criminal justice

The pervasive disproportionate high rates of incarceration of individuals from ethnic minorities are frequently cited as mirroring the systemic discrimination within the society. Individuals from ethnic minorities often, especially males, often complain of over-policing. There are numerous claims of individuals from ethnic minorities being searched by security personnel devoid of reasonable justification. The ethnic descriptors employed by the police, politicians, and the media yields “criminalization of ethnic minorities. As a result, Ethnic minorities sometimes are unwilling to report incidences of racist crime to law enforcement authorities in the belief that their report will not be acted upon.

Minority ethnic groups often possess disproportionately high incidences of criminal offending and victimization. This is largely driven by factors such as persistent racial inequality and concentrated poverty that culminate into frustration, which, in turn, heightens delinquency and possible aggression. Ethnic minorities who are racially segregated and who manifest high rates of poverty, family disruption, social isolation, and unemployment experience high levels of crime and violence. High concentrations of poverty and high levels of racial segregation have interacted to create social conditions that disadvantage ethnic minorities.

Healthcare

The core factor influencing health inequality within the UK centres on the social class. A significant section of ethnic minorities are frequently located within the lowest social classes, which renders them vulnerable to diseases of poverty and deprivation. Healthcare systems in societies where racism is rife do not meet the needs of people of ethnic minorities whereby healthcare costs continue to increase while the quality and accessibility of services decrease. Moreover, too many health care facilities tend to be established in places that are inaccessible to low-income urban neighborhoods where most ethnic minorities reside.

Public welfare

The welfare system has in instances been exploited to keep wages low and sustain a pool of people available undertake menial, unskilled jobs. Public welfare services in most instances fail to include services such as educational, child care, family planning, job training, or unemployment insurance services that will contribute to the empowerment of individuals to gain from the economic system. The disregard for individual rights and human dignity, incoherent policies, and contravention of regulations has frequently typified the administration and delivery of public assistance, which, in turn, places minority groups who apply for assistance at a disadvantage.

Conclusion

Racism significantly restrains and minimizes the contributions that ethnic minorities deliver in any society. Racism is pervasive within majority of societies and continues to be silent code that methodically constrains the opportunities for most minority groups. The consequent discrimination and social exclusion of ethnic minorities can yield to a disadvantaged socioeconomic position and poor health of ethnic minorities within the society. Similarly, racism may disadvantage ethnic minorities as a result of the psychological processes that might stem from the direct experience of racism, or perceptions regarding living in a racist society. It is apparent that members of racial and ethnic dominated groups persist to struggle for equal access and opportunity, especially during moments of widespread, unemployment, and inflation.

Introduction

In Singapore, foreign workers are assets to the workforce because they take up low-skilled jobs which Singaporeans are reluctant to do (National Population and Talent Division, 2013, p. 22). However, foreign workers are ill-treated and their issues include underpayment and undesirable dormitory standards (Chia & Zaccheus, 2012). In this essay, besides examining foreign workers’ issues, I will discuss my interest and assumptions about them.

Interest and Assumptions

I am interested in foreign workers because their public and unruly display of resentment in the recent Little India riot suggests an urgent need to address their issues so that such violent behaviours and their consequences could be prevented in the future. Therefore, foreign workers are selected to have their issues examined in this essay.

Naturally, I have two assumptions about foreign workers which are suggested to be true by evidence. The first assumption is most foreign workers belong to the low social class and that is true because their monthly wages ranging from $700 to $1200 (Tan & Mokhtar, 2013, para. 15-16) is lower than the $1500 to $5000 range earned by the middle class in Singapore. The next assumption is foreign workers are isolated in Singapore due to the anti-foreigner sentiment. As International Labour Organisation (2013) has surveyed, nearly 60% of Singaporeans perceived foreign workers as threats to Singapore’s culture instead of valued members in the society. Moreover, the growing anti-foreigner sentiment is shown by the strong protests carried out in 2013 to discourage further intake of foreign workers (Goh & Mokhtar, 2013). Therefore, foreign workers are highly likely to feel isolated due to the escalating anti-foreigner sentiment.

Importance of Addressing the Issues

As mentioned earlier, it is important to address foreign workers’ issues to reduce their resentment and prevent their violent behaviours because these behaviours can lead to severe economic and social consequences as shown in the Little India riot in 2013.

As a result of the riot, livelihood of 134 businesses in Little India was threatened as they experienced 50% reduction in customers (Lim, 2013, para. 2) and some had 90% loss in revenue (Au, 2013, para. 7). Moreover, the riot disrupted social harmony by intensifying the tension between foreign workers and Singaporeans. After the riot, Singaporeans’ criticism towards the foreign workers was so overwhelming that Acting Minister for Culture, Community and Youth had to step forward to remind Singaporeans to “keep xenophobia and racial remarks out of the conversation” (Heng, 2013, para. 16). Therefore, as such unruly behaviours threaten social harmony and adversely impact the local economy, it is important to avoid them by reducing foreign workers’ resentment through addressing their issues effectively. To do so, we need to first examine foreign workers’ needs using Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs Theory.

Foreign Workers’ Needs and Support

Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs Theory classifies needs into basic needs like physiological and safety needs, psychological needs like love and esteem needs and higher level needs like cognitive and self-actualisation needs (Maslow, 1987). Based on the theory, the foreign workers’ physiological needs to get sufficient sleep are not met because their overcrowded and unhygienic dormitories affect their quality of sleep (Chia & Zaccheus, 2012, para. 3). Besides, the foreign workers’ safety needs to have the security of jobs are not fulfilled because “65% of injured and salary-claim workers had been threatened by their employers with premature repatriation” (as cited in Kaur, 2014, p. 9). Furthermore, foreign workers’ esteem needs to be respected by others are not met due to xenophobia in the society (Heng, 2013, para. 16).

Currently, various forms of support are available for foreign workers: to address their physiological needs to live in conducive conditions, the scheme of accrediting dormitories was established in 2012 to ensure satisfactory dormitory environments (Grosse & Khamid, 2012); to fulfil their safety needs to have the security of jobs, the Employment of Foreign Manpower Act [EFMA] and the help service by Migrant Workers’ Centre [MWC] are in place to stop unreasonable employment practices (Ministry of Manpower, 2013; Migrant Workers’ Centre, 2014); to meet their love needs to have more friends, National Trades Union Congress [NTUC] organises social activities for foreign workers and its advocacy efforts has led to many revisions in the EFMA to better protect foreign workers (National Trades Union Congress, 2010, para. 2-3). Next, to examine the support for foreign workers, Bronfenbrenner’s ecology system theory will be used.

Bronfenbrenner’s ecology system theory suggests that individuals’ interactions with their communities and the society can be classified into in five environmental systems: microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, macrosystem and chronosystem (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). In the foreign workers’ context, their microsystem consists of the people whom they interact with the most like their colleagues and roommates; their mesosystem consists of the interactions between the microsystems that they are involved in; their exosystem includes service providers like NTUC and MWC which directly impact the microsystems; and their macrosystem includes law and policies like the EFMA and the scheme of accrediting dormitories which are greatly influenced by the government and the society.

After examining, it is clear that the current support mainly addresses the workers’ basic needs and much of the efforts comes from the authorities. Hence, my proposed idea aims to fulfil the workers’ psychological needs by involving the public.

Proposed Idea

“Love Across Distance” is an annual event that requires its volunteers to help foreign workers of different nationalities send their photographs and love messages back home and publish the their life stories on Facebook. The recipients of love messages and the types of stories published each year will vary according to the occasion that the event focuses on; if the event focuses on Valentine’s Day, the foreign workers’ valentines will be the recipients of love messages and the stories published will be their love stories. Because the event focuses on a different occasion each year, as years go by, different aspects of foreign workers’ lives will be shared with Singaporeans online to deepen their understanding of foreign workers.

For example, weeks before Valentine’s Day, the volunteers will find foreign workers and take polaroids of them holding the flowers which symbolise romance in their culture. Then, the foreign workers will write down their love messages which will be mailed together with their polaroids. Next, the volunteers will ask them questions like “How did you meet your valentine?”, “What do you like the most about her?” and “Is there anything you wish to do for her after working in Singapore?” to find out their love stories. Lastly, permission will be gained to publish the stories online and the foreign workers’ privacy will be protected if they prefer not to have their identities revealed online.

The mailing of love messages is to make the foreign workers feel important by involving them in celebrating the joyous occasions. The online sharing of their life stories such as love stories is to arouse Singaporeans’ interest in foreign workers and to increase their awareness that foreign workers are also humans who love and have aspirations for their beloved; hence, they deserve respect and less discrimination. Therefore, this event aims to reduce the barrier between Singaporeans and foreign workers by deepening Singaporeans’ understanding of foreign workers and by diverting their attention from the foreign workers’ unruly behaviours to their hopes and aspirations. This event hopes to reduce stereotypical views towards foreign workers and encourage Singaporeans to create a more inclusive society that makes foreign workers feel at home.

Conclusion

In conclusion, to maintain Singapore’s social and industrial harmony, it is crucial to address the foreign workers’ basic and psychological needs so that their resentments and unruly behaviours could be prevented. Besides, more efforts are needed from Singaporeans to create an inclusive society which makes the foreign workers feel valued regardless of their social status. It is when Singaporeans and foreign workers unite as one, Singapore can progress socially and economically with peace and stability in today’s competitive world.

(1312 words)

References

Au, Y. (2013, December 22). Business in Little India improving slightly, but still slow. The Straits Times. Retrieved from http://www.straitstimes.com/the-big-story/little-india- riot/story/business-little-india-improving-slightly-still-slow-20131222

Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human development. United States of America: Harvard University Press.

Chia, Y. M., & Zaccheus, M. (2012, December 10). Hard life, but foreign workers labour on.

AsiaOne. Retrieved from http://news.asiaone.com/print/News/Latest%2BNews/Singap ore/Story/A1Story20121209-388579.html

Goh, C. L., & Mokhtar, M. (2013, February 16). Large turnout at speakers’ corner for protest against Population White Paper. The Straits Times. Retrieved from http://www.stra itstimes.com/breaking-news/singapore/story/large-turnout-speakers-corner-protest- against-population-white-paper-2

Grosse, S., & Khamid, H. M. A. (2012, December 17). Foreign workers’ dormitories could be accredited. Channel NewsAsia. Retrieved from http://www.channelnewsasia.com/ne ws/singapore/foreign-workers-dormitor/530468.html

Heng, J. (2013, December 9). Little India riot: political office-holders urge calm in Facebook posts. The Straits Times. Retrieved from http://www.straitstimes.com/the-big- story/little-india-riot/ story/little-india-riot-political-office-holders-urge-calm-faceboo k-

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Tan, A., & Mokhtar, M. (2013, January 5). Low pay may deter foreign workers. The Straits Times. Retrieved from http://news.asiaone.com/print/News/Latest%2BNews/Singapo re/Story/A1Story20130103-393242.html

In his statement to the House of Commons when presenting Lord Laming’s Inquiry Report into the death of Victoria Climbie, on 28 January 2003, the Secretary of State for Health, Alan Milburn, said:

“It is an all too familiar cry. In the past few decades there have been dozens of inquiries into awful cases of child abuse and neglect. Each has called on us to learn the lesson of what went wrong. Indeed, there is a remarkable consistency in both what went wrong and what is advocated to put it right. Lord Laming’s Report goes further. It recognises that the search for a simple solution or a quick fix will not do. It is not just national standards, or proper training, or adequate resources, or local leadership, or new structures that are needed.”

I will give an overview of the inquiry. I will also give an overview of the themes, lack of accountability right through the organizations to the most senior level and staff not adequately trained in child protection. I will analyse and critique these themes in relation to agency policy, legal requirements, research, practitioner knowledge and the voice of the service user. Previous inquiries and there link to this inquiry will be discussed along with have we learned any lessons from this. The failure to implement a legal, ethical and political framework to inform current best practice will be utilized. I will reflect on the implications of evidence informed practice and how this will inform future social work practice.

This paragraph will provide a summary of the events leading to the death of Victoria Climbie, and establish why there was a need for the inquiry. From the report (Lord Laming, 2003) we know that Victoria Climbie came to England with her great-aunt, Marie-Therese Kouao in April 1999. Within a year, she was dead. On 25th February 2000, Victoria died of hyperthermia at St Mary’s Hospital, Paddington. She was just eight years old and had 128 separate injuries to her body. On 12th January 2001, her great-aunt Kouao and her boyfriend, Carl Manning, were convicted of murder. The level of cruelty experienced by Victoria was truly horrific, with daily beatings using several different implements. Her final days were spent living and sleeping in an unheated bathroom in the middle of winter, where she was bound hand and foot, lying in her own urine and faeces in a bin bag in the bath. The secretary of State set up the independent statutory inquiry into her death, under the Chairmanship of Lord Laming, in April 2001, to establish under section 81 of the Children Act 89 the concerns with the functions of the local authority social services committees and the way they relate to children. The inquiry wanted to examine the way in which local authorities in respect of their social services functions and identify the services sought or required by, or in respect of Victoria, Marie-Therese and Carl.

This section will now aim to analyse and critique the key theme I have identified that emerged from the inquiry report which is lack of accountability right through the organizations to the most senior level and staff not adequately trained in child protection. Lord Laming (2003) points out ‘There were at least 12 key occasions when the relevant services had opportunities to successfully intervene to help Victoria, but had failed to do so.’ Within the Report Lord laming (2003) states ‘That not one of these interventions would have required great skill or made heavy demands on staff, sometimes it needed nothing more than a manager doing their job by asking pertinent questions or taking the trouble to look in a case file.’ He continues to states Lord Laming (2003) ‘There can be no excuse for such sloppy and unprofessional performance.’ As Lord Laming (2003) commented ‘Not one of the agencies empowered by Parliament to protect children in positions such as Victoria’s emerged from the Inquiry with much credit, what happened to Victoria, and her ultimate death, resulted from an inexcusable “gross failure of the system.’ Lord Laming’s (2003) expressed ‘His amazement that nobody in the agencies had the presence of mind to follow what are relatively straightforward procedures on how to respond to a child about whom there is concern of deliberate harm.’

The Inquiry Report (Lord Laming, 2003) highlighted “widespread lack of accountability through the organisations” as the principal reason for the lack of protection afforded to Victoria. Who should be held responsible for these failures? As Webb (2002) states: ‘Lord Laming was clear that it is not the hapless and sometimes inexperienced front-line staff to whom he directs most criticism, but to those in positions of management, including hospital consultants, I think that the performance of people in leadership positions should be judged on how well services are delivered at the front door’. Professor Nigel Parton (2003) points out that ‘Too often in the Inquiry people justify their positions around bureaucratic activities rather than around outcomes for children. Frankly, I would be the very last person to say that good administration is not essential to good practice. Professor Nigel Parton (2003) continues to state that ‘Good administration-and we did not see a lot of it, I have to say-is a means to an end. I cannot imagine in any other walk of life if a senior manager was in charge of an organisation and that organisation was going down the pan-to put it crudely-in terms of sales and performance that someone would say ‘My role is entirely strategic, do not hold me to account for what happens in the organisation’. People who occupy senior positions have to stand or fall by what service is delivered at the front door. The Inquiry Report Lord Laming (2003) highlighted the apparent failure of those in senior positions to understand, or accept, that they were responsible for the quality, efficiency and effectiveness of local services. As Rustin (2010) states Lord Laming pointed to the ‘yawning gap’ in the differing perceptions of the organisation held by front line staff and senior managers. Lord Laming was unequivocal that the failure was the fault of managers whose job it should have been to understand what was happening at their ‘front door.’ As the Report Lord Laming (2003) pointed out, some of those in the most senior positions used the defence “no one ever told me” to distance themselves from responsibility, and to argue that there was nothing they could have done. Rustin (2004) states this was not a view shared by Lord Laming. Rustin (2004) also continues to state that Lord Laming went even further in evidence to us, telling us forcefully that, in his view, accountability of managers was paramount, and that the front line staff were generally doing their utmost. In addition to the fundamental problems of a lack of accountability and managerial control, it was also apparent in the course of the Inquiry Lord Laming (2003) that other failings existed in all aspects of practice. This section will evaluate previous inquiries and how they link to this inquiry and have any lessons been learned from them. As Rustin (2004) states: ‘As with many previous inquiries into child protection failures, Maria Colwell (1973), Jasmine Beckford (1984), Tyra Henry (1984) and Kimberley Carlile (1986) it was clear that the quality of information exchange was often poor, systems were crude and information failed to be passed between hospitals in close proximity to each other. As the Report commented Lord Laming (2003) ‘Information systems that depend on the random passing of slips of paper have no place in modern services’.

The evidence from another report, Maria Colwell, who had died in January of 1973 pointed to similar weaknesses, which were found in Victoria’s report these weaknesses were, lack of accountability and staff not adequately trained (Corby et al, 2001).

Inquiry reports are sources of evidence to inform social work practice and even though they have many weaknesses within them as illustrated. Professor Nigel Parton (2004) points out that ‘In many respects public inquiries have proved to be the key vehicle through which changes in policy and practice have been brought about over the last thirty years in relation to child protection policy and practice in this country.’ Professor Nigel Parton (2004) continues to point out that ‘Rather than public inquiries being ignored, they have been fundamental to the way child protection operates. In this respect, they are as much a part of the problem as they are the solution.’

Have lessons been learned from the many public inquiries over the previous thirty years. It was as if states Professor Nigel Parton (2004) ‘The frontline professionals, and the key organisations and agencies who have responsibility for children and families were quite incapable of learning the lessons and, crucially, putting these into practice in such a way that such horrendous tragedies could be avoided. It is hoped by many, therefore, that the report by Lord Laming, and the changes brought about as a result, will mean that this will be the last report of its type.’

This section will address the other theme I have highlighted adequate training. The question of adequate training and supervision for staff working in all the relevant agencies were also an issue identified in the Inquiry. Professor Nigel Parton (2004) points out that In Haringey, for example, it was observed that the provision of supervision may have looked good on paper but in practice it was woefully inadequate for many of the front line staff. Professor Nigel Barton (2004) also points out that nowhere was this more evident than in the fact that in the final weeks of Victoria’s life a social worker called several times at the flat where she had been living. There was no reply to her knocks and the social worker assumed, quite wrongly, that Victoria and Kouao had moved away, and took no further action. As the Laming Report (Lord Laming, 2003) commented, ‘It was entirely possible that at the time Victoria was in fact lying just a few yards away, in the prison of the bath, desperately hoping someone might find her and come to her rescue before her life ebbed away’.

This section will now look at the failure to implement the legal and political framework within the inquiry report. Lord Laming within the report (Lord Laming 2003) told us that he continued to believe that the Children Act 1989 was “basically sound legislation”. His recommendations do not argue for a major new legislative framework. However, Lord Laming (2003) states he did not believe that the Act was being implemented in the way that had been envisaged for it, and, in his view, there was “a yawning gap at the present time between the aspirations and expectations of Parliament and the certainty of what is delivered at the front door”. Rustin (2004) states ‘In the absence of adequate managerial accountability, front line workers were obliged to make crucial strategic decisions, for example about the use of the Children Act, and between using sections 17 and 47 (relating respectively to a child in need, and a child in need of protection)’. The sections of the Act had been developed with the intention of as pointed out by Rustin (2004) ‘Of recognising the different needs of children’. How the sections were being applied on the ground however as stated by Lord Laming (2003) is ‘Quite different, far from employing the section of the Act that would best meet the needs of the particular child and their circumstances, what they were actually doing was using these sections to restrict access to services and to limit the availability of services to people’. The Children Act, Lord Laming (2003) argued to us ‘Should be about promoting the well-being of children, not about putting labels around people’s neck’. Lord Laming (2003) went on to suggest that ‘Front line workers were being forced into making decisions that should properly have rested with management and policy decisions’. This raised major questions about the role of public services and the basic principles that should underpin them, as (Lord Laming 2003) stated ‘We need to stand back and say that we need to discover the basic principle that the public services are there to serve the public, not just some of the public and not just some people who can get through eligibility criteria, or who are sufficiently persistent’. Therefore services must be more accessible and they must be more in tune with their local communities. If, as Lord Laming believes Kirton (2009, p.17) states ‘The Victoria Climbie case was not unique, but highlighted widespread and major deficiencies in the implementation of the Children Act, this raises issues that Government should address.’ I believe that the Children Act 1989 remains essentially sound legislation. However, there is concern as pointed out by Professor Nigel Parton (2004) ‘That the provisions of the Act which sought to ensure an appropriate response to the differing needs of children are being applied inappropriately, used as a means of rationing access to services, and have led to section 17 cases being regarded as having low priority.’ The Laming Inquiry (Lord Laming 2003) recommended that consideration should be given to unifying the Working Together guidance and the National Assessment Framework guidance into a single document, setting out clearly how the sections of the Act should be applied, and giving clear direction on action to be taken under sections 17 and 47.

Within this section I will discuss the ethical framework. It is important to include the issues of social class and gender, which were not evident in the Victoria Climbie inquiry. However, it is issues around ethnicity and race that are more evident. However, the diversity referred to is incredibly complex. This is illustrated at various points states Webb (2002) For example: ‘At the time Victoria’s case was handled in Brent, all the duty social workers had received their training abroad and were on temporary contracts. (In Brent) at least 50 per cent of social workers time was spent working on cases of unaccompanied minors.’ As Webb (2002) states ‘There was evidence that Haringey has one of the most diverse populations in the country, with 160 different languages spoken locally, a long tradition of travellers settling in the borough and a high proportion of asylum-seeking families (9 percent of the total population).’

Within the report Lord Laming (2003) points out that ‘In relation to all the London boroughs involved there were high levels of poverty and deprivation, diverse ethnic, cultural, linguistic backgrounds, as well as the diverse backgrounds of the workers themselves.’ In many respects, it seems Victoria’s situation was not unique in these respective boroughs. Webb (2002) indicated ‘The impact of increased global mobility, more specifically the rapid increase in asylum-seeking families, together with the diverse backgrounds of the workers themselves increasingly seems to characterise work in many metropolitan areas.’ This has a particular impact states Webb (2002) ‘On the nature, stability and cohesion of local communities.’ It is worth noting that, compared to the Maria Colwell case, no referrals are noted in the Victoria Climbie case from neighbours or other members of the community apart from the ‘child minder’ Mrs Cameron. We are not simply talking about diversity here but incredible complexity. Kirton (2009) argues that ‘Not only does it pose major linguistic challenges but also it poses major challenges for statutory departments in relation to the familial and cultural identities of those with whom they work and to whom they have responsibility.’ Issues around racism are clearly important here, however they cannot be reduced to a simple black and white community and cultural divide.

This section will reflect on the implications of evidence-informed practice (EIP) and the usefulness of the inquiry to inform the development of future social work practice. Often, in hindsight, those who put people at risk are blamed for the misfortune and harm they cause. (Kirton, 2009) This is arguably the most signi¬?cant professional context in which EIP has emerged. According to Munro (1998) ‘Social workers rely on vague assessments and predictions, rather than considering what is more or less probable. In everyday life decisions have to be made on a limited evidence base and professional decisions are also at best problematic’. There are numerous unexpected and complex outcomes in social work, many of which rest on having to make judgments under conditions of uncertainty. (Kirton, 2009) The main problems associated with making effective decisions in social work as stated by Kirton (2009) include: risk and uncertainty, intangibles, long-term implications, interdisciplinary input and the politics of different vested interests pooled decision making and value judgments. Decision analysis has developed as a statistical technique to help overcome these kinds of problems. Decision analysis is closely related to risk assessment and actuarial practices. Evidence-informed practice and policy are self-explanatory. They involve the adoption of evidence-based protocols and use local standards for conducting social work practice and developing organizationally speci¬?c policies. (Webb, 2002) It has been suggested that evidence-informed protocols feed directly into the practitioner context to provide guidelines for carrying out EIP. Essentially evidence-informed practice and policy in social work will entail the explicit and judicious use of current best evidence in making decisions about the social care of service users. This de¬?nition is widely used and derived from Sackett et al.’s ‘Evidence-based Medicine’ (1996). A pragmatic approach as stated by Sackett (1996) ‘Has been adopted here, which regards the practice of evidence as integrating practitioner expertise with the best available external evidence from systematic but multiple research methods.’ The implementation model outlined is the idea that the practice-based process begins with the evidence rather than the individual or groups of clients.

Clearly the application of evidence-informed practice and policies will be governed by the economic scope of social work agencies in terms of resources and the development of an evidence-informed infrastructure. (Kirton, 2009) Sackett (1996) points out that ‘At a local level it will also be dependent on incremental learning and accumulative professional development which are likely to be facilitated by the practice research networks and evidence-based brie¬?ngs discussed above.’

In this essay I have analysed and critiqued two key themes from the inquiry, lack of accountability right through the organizations to the most senior level and staff not, adequately trained in child protection. I have also analysed and critique these themes in relation to agency policy, legal requirements, research, practitioner knowledge and the voice of the service user. I have linked previous inquiries and discussed have we learned any lessons from these inquiries. I identified the failure to implement a legal, ethical and political framework to inform current best practice will. I also reflected on the implications of evidence informed practice and how this will inform future social work practice.

A closing quote to finish from the Secretary of State, Alan Milburn (2003)

“It has felt as if Victoria has attended every step of this inquiry, and it has been my good fortune to have had the assistance of colleagues whose abilities have been matched by their commitment to the task of doing justice to Victoria’s memory and her enduring spirit, and to creating something positive from her suffering and ultimate death.”

The male breadwinner model, which puts an emphasis on the household as the woman’s sphere and the workplace as the man’s sphere, no longer defines how most families divide labor between men and women (Crompton 2006). The increased participation of women in the labor market, along with technological change and globalization, have dramatically changed the structure of the labor market, and have most likely changed how workers balance their life between work and family. (copy)

Good as well: flexible working practices brought upon by an increasing need for work-life balance which have been largely if not wholly due to external forces that are beyond the control of organisations. However, all organisations operate and seek to support in the environments that are continuously subjected to change. These changes can have a marked effect on an organisation, its performance, even its survival. Meanwhile, time after time, organisations react to the drivers of change by taking short-term or knee jerk decisions that predictably have an effect on the way work is organised.

What is work life balance?

“Work life balance is employment based on emergent new values, which doesn’t discriminate against those with caring or other non- work responsibilities, and which provides an opportunity for people to realize their full potential in work and non work domains”. Lewis (1996:1)

According to a recent study by Georgetown University, employee stress from trying to find time for their children correlates with decreased productivity and increased absenteeism. The study found that unplanned absences were costing some businesses nearly $1 million a year.

Thus, HR specialists are trying in many attempts to help employees reach work-life balance by introducing new working strategies. One of these strategies is flexible working time. Flexible scheduling allows employees to adjust the time or place their work as completed. It can mean compressing 40 hours into four days, starting and ending workdays at different times, or doing some of your work at home. The reason may be as simple as wanting to better manage a long commute. Some parents choose to arrive at work later so they can take their children to school. Some companies may offer these options to retain female employees who might consider leaving their jobs after having children. But is it really that flexible time always helps to achieve work-life balance? Does employee prefer to manage his/her time or like to be committed to a specified timing because he/she may not be able to manage time, which leads to a more mess and imbalance? And which of these two options will increase the productivity?

This research brings together material from diverse sources to provide an overview of recent research, current thinking and future debates on the key work-life policy issues, especially those which affect organizations in Bahrain.

To build an informed policy debate on work-life balance issues in Bahrain, more Bahraini based research is essential.

Chapter Two – Literature review:

2.1 Work-life balance:

The (phrase) Work-Life Balance was originated as a consequence of the Family Friendly Policies that were introduced in the 1970s and 1980s in UK, primarily as a retention tool for women, and since then it has become a widespread concept. With this, they were for women and about women. To avoid the pitfall of being viewed as discriminatory and the need to bring a more, all-inclusive significance into these policies, they were renamed as work-life balance policies. Since the 1970’s, the UK Government has introduced several governmental changes to strengthen and to protect the rights of workers. In response to these changes, demands from employees as also from customers who want a larger “business window” a large number of organizations in the UK, have today introduced varied and innovative Work-life balance policies. The Government continues to play a key role in ensuring that (WLB) continues to gain momentum through legislation, financial incentives and support and promotion of best practices (Milburn, 2003).

** DTI (2003) Work and Parents: Competitiveness and Choice’ Department of Trade and Industry, London.

2.2 What is Work life Balance?

Meanwhile, the definition of ‘Work-life balance is about people having a measure of control over when, where and how they work (DTI, 2003). This is achieved when an individual’s right to a fulfilled life inside and outside paid work is accepted and respected as the norm, to the mutual benefit of the individual, business and society.’

work life balance emphasizes on the adjustment of working patterns, and it focuses on the need for everyone, regardless of age, race or gender, to find a pace (that suits them) to help them combine work with other responsibilities or aspirations. Work-Life Balance has an important underlying implication that Work-Life Balance is for everyone, not just for mothers or families and is critical in not just developing policies but also in reviewing them and their impact on employees (Alexandra, 2003), that’s why the idea that employers should enhance flexibility has been promoted recently.

Within the UK, The Prime Minister Tony Blair launched the Work-Life Balance campaign, in March 2000. The aim of the campaign was in two-fold. First, to convince employers of the economic benefits of work-life balance (this was done by the employment of real-life case studies). Secondly, to convince employers of the need for change (DTI, 2003).

Work-life concerns are simply added to an organization’s bundle of practices that are designed to benefit competitive strategy – to aid attraction and retention in tight labor markets, reduce high levels of absenteeism, and establish long-term relationships with employees based on commitment and productivity.

2.3 The need for a work-life balance

As individuals, are all expected to play multiple roles, i.e. employee, boss, spouse, parent, child, sibling, friend, and community member. In turn, each of these roles imposes demands on us that necessitate time, energy and commitment to fulfill. The conflict of work-family or work-life happens when the cumulative demands of these many work and non-work life roles are miss-assorted in some respect so that participation in one role is made more difficult by participation in the other role (Duxbry and Higgins, 2001). Duxbry and Higgins conceptualize work-life conflict to include areas such as, role overload (RO) (having too much to do and too little time to do it in) as well as role interference (when incompatible demands make it difficult, if not impossible, for employees to perform all their roles well).

Additionally, role interference can be divided into two factors: family to work interference (FTW) and work to family interference (WTF). With the first case, interference occurs when the roles and responsibilities of the family hinder the work related responsibilities (i.e., a family illness prevents attendance at work; conflict at home makes concentration at work difficult). With the latter case (WTF) interference occurs when work demands make it harder for an employee to fulfill their family responsibilities.

2.4 Background to Flexible Working Rights

In April 2003 employees in the UK were first given the right to request flexible working. In the modern work environment, the introduction of these new rights helped to point up that traditional working patterns could no longer be sustained by employers and that there was a need to address the work/life balance. Organizations – already facing skills shortages – would find recruitment and indeed retention made harder if a more flexible approach to working patterns was not adopted.

Suite of Rights

The flexible working rights which were established were significant in themselves, however, they formed part of a new set of rights which sought to create a more ‘family friendly’ work environment. Until April 2003, individual parental rights were primarily limited to maternity leave for a new mother giving her the right for a leave, the right for parents to take emergency time off for dependants (not just limited to children) and to take up to 13 weeks’ parental leave, which had been introduced in December 1999.

In April 2003, however, the following new rights were introduced:

The right to maternity leave was extended considerably so that, for the first time, all employees (regardless of their length of service) were entitled to 26 weeks’ maternity leave and those with more than a year’s service acquired the right to 52 weeks’ maternity leave.

Fathers also gained rights, albeit limited to 2 weeks’ paternity leave, on the birth of their child.

Extraordinary new rights were given to those seeking to adopt, with statutory adoption leave and statutory paternity leave, giving rights reflecting maternity and paternity leave, for adopting parents.

It is significant (and perhaps indicates the extent to which this Government is keen to support working parents) that the next item on the flexible working agenda, announced in 2004, is the possibility of allowing flexible maternity leave between parents; instead of only a mother having the right to take up to 52 weeks’ maternity leave, there is the vision of some limited swapping of the right to maternity absence as between the mother and father of the child.

Before these revolutionary new rights in 2003, the ability of any employee to work flexibly or indeed part-time was very much limited to circumstances where an employer agreed through good will or good practice to such an arrangement. Critics of the flexible working rights argue that the new provisions have not moved this position forward because all they provide is a right to request and to have that request considered seriously. Before they existed, however, there were only two circumstances where flexible working patterns of any sort could be enforced:

Firstly, where an individual was a disabled employee and could demonstrate that some form of adjustment to their working hours or duties and working arrangements amounted to a reasonable adjustment which their employer was grateful to make in accordance with the disability discrimination.

Secondly, and only as a way of challenging a refusal, female employees could argue that in respect of part-time working, a refusal to agree to part-time work was contrary to the sex discrimination. This is on the basis that it can be shown that a practice within an organization prohibiting part-time working (or indeed a practice allowing only full-time working) operates to the greater disadvantage of women than men and thus falls within the concept of indirect sex discrimination.

Why was it Implemented?

The history that reflects the flexible working laws introduced in 2003 goes back a number of years. In June 2001, the UK Government established a Task Force whose role was to consider specifically the issues which working parents face; in particular the Task Force was to consider how to assist parents in meeting their desire for flexible working patterns, whilst at the same time remaining compatible with the need for business efficiency and requirements.

The establishment of the Task Force was against the background of a voluntary campaign and Government funding to encourage employers and businesses to address work/life balance issues. In March 2000, the Prime Minister launched a campaign known as the Work/Life Balance Campaign with a view to persuading organizations to improve the lot of working parents in such a way as to nevertheless continue achieving business and customer requirements. The original campaign was not in fact focused upon parents, but looked at all employees regardless of whether they had caring responsibilities or not. It was significant, however, in recognizing that the attitude, culture and philosophy of workers had moved on considerably from the ambitious society of the 1980s and 1990s.

According to information from the Department of Trade and Industry, the Work/Life Balance Campaign was accompanied by a test fund which, in the run up to the introduction of legislative requirements and legal obligations, encouraged employers to introduce and develop innovative working arrangements. By helping to fund consultancy support, projects were undertaken with work/life balance in mind, including the introduction of new working patterns as well as specific recruitment projects. Over the three years from 2000 to 2003, the Work/Life Balance Challenge fund benefited employers to the sum of ?10.5 million.

In its report on 19 November 2001, the Government Task Force made nine recommendations to the Government, many of which were translated to form the basis of the new legislation.

In addition to the campaign and the recommendations of the Task Force, the Government had also informed itself of the views of the working population, through the issue of a green paper: Work and Parents: Competitiveness and Choice. This consultation paper was issued in December 2000. The responses to the consultation paper made clear that whilst improving maternity and indeed paternity rights (such as parental leave) would be of benefit to working parents, by far the most popular and indeed significant benefit was improved flexibility to meet childcare and work responsibilities. Armed with these responses and the Task Force report About Flexible Working, the Government tabled parts of the Employment Act 2002 which resulted in implementation of significant new flexible working rights, implemented through an amendment to the Employment Rights Act 1996 and two sets of regulations.

Demographic Changes

Demographic changes have played a significant role in impressing the need for organizations to develop more varied and non-traditional working patterns:

With the ageing population, many more people are finding that they have caring responsibilities such as looking after elderly or disabled relatives.

As we are all living longer, more individuals are becoming disabled, according to the Employers’ Forum on Disability in UK.

With the move away from extended families and as people become more mobile, so they are not living close to relatives and parents, those with children are less able to rely on grandparents or other relatives to help with child care responsibilities.

The percentage of women who have taken up employment has increased.

The trend for life expectancy, although different for men and women, has increased by roughly five years.

The Business Case

So much for the demographic changes, but there are also business benefits for organizations which offer new or more flexible working arrangements, particularly given the high skills shortage in the UK and more older people who themselves are keen to work but may prefer or indeed require more flexibility.

Employers may be surprised to know that for some individuals the ability to work flexibly is more important than the pay or benefits that a particular job may provide. In an online poll carried out by Reed Recruitment in conjunction with the Department of Trade and Industry in UK as part of its Work/Life Balance Campaign 2002, a third of those polled (out of 4,000 people) expressed a preference for having the opportunity to work flexibly, rather than having a ?1,000 pay rise (Reed.co.uk). Over 43% of the men who responded to the poll selected flexible working as the benefit they would most look for in a new job, compared to 13% who would look for a company car, and 7% who considered gym membership to be the priority.

Adopting family friendly and flexible working policies has the following advantages for employers:

Retention of staff is the key to the stability and knowledge of the organization. Knowledge is lost when somebody leaves and networks are broken. This can be critical in a small business where major customers can go elsewhere when an employee, who understands their needs and whom they trust, moves on to a competitor.

The typical recruitment costs of replacing an individual have been estimated at an average ?3,500, ranging from ?1,000 for an unskilled manual worker to over ?5,000 for a professional employee. These costs do not take account of the investment made in training (both formal and informal training) which is lost if skilled employees leave the workplace, as well as lost time and experience. Consequently, it makes commercial sense to try and retain staff rather than recruit new staff [Labor Turnover, Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development, October 2000].

Savings in absenteeism. Absenteeism costs approximately ?500 per employee a year. A quarter of employers rank home and family responsibilities as one of the five main causes of sickness absence.

Employers that help their employees to balance their work with their family lives see improvements in business performance (Cheibl, L. and Dex.S, 1998). It enables businesses to benefit from a greater contribution from the workforce and maximizes the contributions that working parents are able to make to their employers.

A strong track record in work/life balance can be a selling point to potential employees who consider that such a balance is important.

Many employers sees benefits from flexible working and leave arrangements including:

improved employee satisfaction and motivation

improved retention rates and recruitment benefits

increased employee productivity

reduced labor turnover

improved reputation

Reduced absenteeism.

All of which provide improved business results.

After having introduced the new rights for parents in 2003, a survey was conducted and analysis of how successful the new rights have been within the UK (Employment Relations Occasional Papers: Results of the First Flexible Working Employee Survey, Tom Palmer, Department of Trade and Industry). The outcome of that report demonstrated that one million parents had made requests for flexible working. That is only a quarter of those who are eligible, meaning that three million who could have made such a request have not done so. Perhaps significantly, it seems that employers when faced with such requests do not have any major difficulty acceding them. 80% of those employees requesting flexible working had their request agreed. The shortfall of those pursuing their new rights and the three million who have not, may be explained by the survey’s statistics which demonstrate that 52% of parents who are eligible are unaware in the first place that they have the right to request flexible working.

The Government has declared an intention to extend these new rights beyond parents with children under six. However, the success and significance of new rights such as these can only be measured when individuals become fully aware of their abilities. The fact that 10% of employees without dependent children were reported in the survey to have requested flexible working, suggests that there is a need on the part of individuals without children to gain this benefit. In organizations where requests were made, despite that individuals did not always have the statutory right, the reasons for the change warrant examination:

13% quoted work life balance

11% cited family responsibilities

11% simply because they wanted more free time (i.e. voluntary and not driven by childcare or family pressures)

7% because of travel arrangements

7% to meet the caring needs of relatives or friends

6% due to health problems.

As these statistics demonstrate therefore, an organization’s ability to offer flexible working arrangements provides a significant benefit to an extremely wide pool of actual or potential employees.

This may, however, just be the tip of the iceberg. What the survey does not analyze is how many individuals simply do not pursue a request. In the Equal Opportunity Commission’s Annual Report for 2003-2004 (available at www.eoc.org.uk) four in ten mothers, one in ten fathers and one in five carers have left an organisation or refused a job because of caring responsibilities. This suggests that there are many who do not have confidence in their organization’s willingness to accommodate them.

What Can be Requested?

The statutory request for flexible working, which must be in writing and must be dated (Regulation 4), can request a variation to the individual’s contract in one of the following ways:

a change to the hours of work;

a change to the time when the work is required (for example, the same eight hour day but an early start and early finish);

a change to the place of work as between home and place of business.

The statutory provisions do not go beyond these fairly focused and limited flexible arrangements. Nothing within any of the provisions appear to prevent the employee seeking a change to more than one of the above, for example to reduce hours and work from home.

What other scholars said:

Given the competing demands of work and life, it is unsurprising that many employees experience conflict between the two domains. Work-life conflict can affect any employee but people with care responsibilities are more likely to suffer most because of the greater demands on their time. Research has tended to find that mothers, particularly those with young children, are less satisfied with their work-life balance than other groups of workers (Saltztein et al. 2001).

Feelings of work-life conflict have been associated with, psychological and physical health problems; marital and family relationship problems, increased sickness absence and decreased life and job satisfaction (Evans and Steptoe 2002; Crouter et al. 2001;Westman 2001)

The effects of work-family conflict on organizational outcomes have been well documented in the management and psychology literatures. According to Netemeyer, Brashearaˆ‘Alejandro, and Boles (2004), work-family conflict is an inter-role conflict where job expectations interfere with family-related responsibilities.

The detrimental effects of work- family conflict on job satisfaction, employee retention, and psychological well-being have also been addressed (Brough, and Kalliath 2004).

Related to work-family conflict, identity theory suggests individuals possess certain life roles (i.e., work-family roles) that may conflict, thus creating a “spillover” effect (Thoits 1991).

When role clash occurs, the more valued role (i.e., family) takes precedence, and individuals are likely to instill protective measures to safeguard valued roles against potential damage.

According to identity theory, these defense mechanisms may be implemented at the risk of abandoning the conflicting role(i.e., work) (Thoits 1991). Consistent with this notion, a study based in the retail sales industry indicates that when salespeople encounter conflict between two salient roles (work and family), they tend to withdraw from the less salient work role through higher turnover in order to maintain the more valued family role (Netemeyer, Brashearaˆ‘Alejandro, and Boles 2004).

Work-life conflicts are seen to have a potentially detrimental impact on productivity, personal effectiveness, marital relations, child-parent relationships and even child development (Gornick and Meyers, 2003).

A review of the role conflict literature indicates that studies proposing links between work-family conflict and job satisfaction have also witness a dramatic increase. For instance, the majority of studies have shown that work-family conflict is associated with decreased levels of job satisfaction (Adams and King 1996).

Employers do realize that employee stress is partially due to the challenges in balancing work and family (Matusicky 2003). A good balance between work and family life has been said to benefit employers, as it is linked to better life satisfaction and subsequently to workers being more productive, creative and efficient (Zelenski, Murphy and Jenkins 2008).

Numerous studies have demonstrated that employees who are dissatisfied with their jobs are more likely to engage in organizational deviance behaviors such as working less hard, absenteeism and company theft (Lau, Au, and Ho 2003). A recent meta-analysis on the effects of ethical climate suggests that job dissatisfaction poses a significant threat to organizations due to its intensifying effects on dysfunctional behavior (Martin and Cullen 2006).

Drew et al.,(2003) believes that a number of factors might encourage employers to adopt policies to promote work-life balance. These include the business case for such polices such as a lower staff turnover, reduced absence and improved productivity, as well as changes in human resource management and changes in technology that enhances opportunities for working from home. Another key factor is increasing demand for greater flexibility from employees.

All reviewed research results show positive effects of flex-time on the work-family balance. Flex-time workers with children under the age of 18 report “lower levels of time pressure”, and a “higher level of job and life satisfaction” than do their non-flex counterparts (Zuzanek 2000). Flexible work hours are associated with more satisfaction with family life (Jekielek 2003) and a reduction in perceived time stress (Tausig and Fenwick 2001). Analysts Comfort, Johnson and Wallace (2003) also found flex-time to be related to increased job satisfaction, increased satisfaction with pay and benefits, and a reduction in paid sick days. All of these relationships appeared slightly stronger for women.

Over one-third of Canadian employees report having flex-time schedules (Comfort, Johnson and Wallace 2003).The proportion of those who reported having flex-time arrangements is higher among men than among women and is mainly found in small establishments, non-unionized settings, low-skill occupations, retail and commercial industries.

A research on flexible working in Ireland has found these arrangements are more common in the public than in the private sector and that, women make use of them more frequently than men (Drew et al., 2003). Gender and the public/private sector distinction are two key factors in the analysis of the effects of flexible working.

The measure of work-life conflict captures tensions between work and family commitments. In this research I want to investigate whether flexible working arrangements facilitate a work-life balance and reduce work pressure.

This budget has the Healthcare For All Hospital Trust in good standing at the end of the next fiscal year. Potential problems could arise however, if the macular degeneration developments do not come to fruition. In that case, the hospital would have a choice: meet the target cuts, and be in debt, or do not aim to make the hospital’s target cuts. Small cuts could be made for the fiscal year of 2010-2011, while developing other revenue-generating projects such as the macular degeneration facilities.

This report deals with the financial implications of creating a more sustainable way of providing health care to individuals with learning disabilities, as highlighted in Sir Jonathan Michael’s 2008 report into access to healthcare services by people with learning disabilities, entitled ‘Healthcare for All’. This report aims to briefly review a variety of issues on sustainable funding for healthcare, both from the point of view of a local Primary Care Trust (PCT) as well as the central Health Care for All hospital trust. The first section of this paper, entitled ‘Changes in Healthcare Demand’ focuses on the changes in patient demands for services, especially those instigated by the Payment by Results and Patient Choice reform measures. The paper then moves onto a section entitled ‘Possible strategies for managing demands,’ which examines what possible strategies exist for managing those changing demands. Potential systems for sustainable healthcare funding are then examined in the section entitled ‘Sustainable Healthcare Funding,’ where these issues are addressed form both the PCT and Healthcare for All points of view. The consequences for budgeting for these programs are examined under a section entitles ‘The Behavioural Aspects of budgeting and performance management.’ The final section examines how financing could be altered to produce a more long-term fiscal health in the NHS, entitled ‘A More Sustainable Way of Funding the NHS’. Through this summary, this report, using financial and qualitative analysis, aims to provide an overview on ways in which a variety of problems within the UK health sector could be solved.

People with learning disabilities have traditionally not been thought of as a group that needs special access to healthcare. However, recent research has demonstrated that this sub-group of society often finds it more difficult than others to access the care they need.

‘The health and strength of a society can be measured by how well it cares for its most vulnerable members. For a variety of reasons, including the way society behaves towards them, adults and children with learning disabilities, especially those with severe disability and the most complex needs are some of the most vulnerable members of our society today. They also have significantly worse health than others. The Inquiry has found convincing evidence that people with learning disabilities have higher levels of unmet need and receive less effective treatment, despite the fact that the Disability Discrimination Act and Mental Capacity Act set out a clear legal framework for the delivery of equal treatment’. (Healthcare for All 2010)

New research shows that many people who have learning disabilities find it more difficult than other people to access the facilities where they can have treatment and assessment performed for general health problems, those that are not directly related to their disability. New demands to solve this problem include increasing support that these people have in accessing equal treatment, as required by the Disability Discrimination Act. Adjusting whenever necessary communication patterns in case such an individual demonstrates a difficulty in understanding, or exhibits apparent anxieties about their treatment.

This is seconded by people who work within the secondary care providing industry, who claim that their opinions are often ignored by healthcare professionals, despite the fact that they have the best information about the people they support. These practitioners are not offered the same support as hospital workers are, and they are often required to provide care beyond their personal

resources.

Health service staff, particularly those working in general healthcare, appear to know only limited amounts about learning disability, not understanding how this could affect the way healthcare is accessed and delivered. They are often unfamiliar with the regulations framework, and often they do not understand that a right to equal treatment also entails a right to equal access and equal understanding. Communication problems, and cognitive impairment that is often associated with learning disabilities are now on the fore front of reorganization schemes in the NHS.

Emerging demands include simple training to increase and facilitate communication between patients suffering with these problems and doctors and other practitioners. Healthcare for All hospital trust and local PCTs may approach these new demands differently.

Possible strategies for managing demands

Payment by Results

Payment by Results (PbR) aims is to provide a regulated, transparent, system that paying trusts employ. In theory, PbR will reward efficient work, as well as support a variety of patient choices and will work to encourage waiting time reductions through sustainable measures. In this model, payment is adjusted to the activities engaged in, and is then adjusted for each casemix. This system ensures a fair and equalized basis for the distribution of hospital funding rather than relying principally on the negotiating skills of particular individual managers.

In July 2000 the NHS introduced the Government’s intention to establish link in the fund allocation process between the treatments they perform and the funds they receive. In order to ensure that patients and hospitals receive the best from available resources, major changes were and still are necessary for improving the way that money flows through the NHS, accounting for things such as differentiation between routine surgeries and emergency admissions.

In this model, hospitals will now receive payment based on the elective surgeries they choose to perform. These reforms of the financial system offer incentives that reward good performances while sustainably reducing variables such as waiting times, and other hindrances that shorten capacity.

Traditionally, hospitals have been paid in block contracts. This means that a fixed sum of money is delegated for a broadly specified type of service, rather than for the number of services performed itself. This meant that there was no incentive for healthcare management to increase numbers of services offered, because they would get no additional funding. In this newer system, hospitals are encouraged to perform more procedures, more tailored to patients’ needs.

Patient Choice

The Government is developing programs whereby patients have more choice and control over their treatment practices and care. In the NHS Constitution this is referred to as ‘patient choice,’ which now designated that patients have the right to choose a health practitioner based on a first referral, to any consultant service for elective healthcare.

For patients with long-term conditions, this need for more choice is particularly relevant. The different results include enabling the individual patients to identify whichever of their specific needs should be regarded, and agreeing in advance as to desired outcomes, care arrangements and personalized attention. This entails bringing patients in during the planning process, and ensuring that the pre-agreed care plans allow individuals to self care, including those who opt for supported living or tailoring other social care needs in order to maintain independence.

Sustainable Healthcare Funding

How can all of these adaptations for increased care and provisions be funded in a realistic way? An adequate budget assessment is the first step to assessing this situation.

Zero-based budgeting is a technique that involves planning and decision-making, reversing the working process of more traditional budgeting techniques. Unlike using the incremental approach of traditional budgeting zero-based budgeting would require a total overhaul of each individual departmental budget, examining them all ‘from scratch’. Because each dollar is laid out across an entire organization, and budgeted funds can be moved across departments to meet targets, it provides a more holistic approach to mega-organisations, such as the NHS.

This budgeting technique works best for the needs of the NHS, which would allow for a more efficient allocation of all resources across all regions and departments. Managers of each department and hospital could look broadly to find cost effective ways to improve operations. Inflated budgets are more easily noted when they are examined in a group rather than independently. This system is also particularly useful for service departments where the output is difficult to identify, and looking across budgets could show where these shortfalls lie.

In theory, one of the results of zero-based budgeting would be an increase in staff motivation. This is because it provides greater opportunity to demonstrate and develop initiative and responsibility in decision-making. Communication and coordination across diversified institutions can also be encouraged by being forced to come together to create an annual budget. Outsourcing can be easier to implement than it would be, if it were done on a per-department basis. Overwhelmingly, zero-based budgeting forces organizations to centralize and identify their mission and their relationship to overall goals.

But there are disadvantages to this method of budgeting as well. Zero-based budgeting can present difficulties for defining ‘the units of decision-making’ because it is so time-consuming and exhaustive. This method also makes it necessary to train managers in a particular format. Because it must be clearly understood by all different managers at various levels in order for it to be successful. In a large organization, such as the NHS, the sheer amount of documentation may be so excessive that no single overseer could read it comprehensively.

Budgetary slack could be a helpful tool; by overestimating costs and underestimating available funds, it should require a tight budget for the new fiscal year. referring to budgetary bias, is a common process where an implementer intentionally underestimates revenue or overestimates expenses in the tight budget. Managers may attempt to create budgetary slack in three ways.

The Behavioural Aspects of budgeting and performance management

The behavioral aspects of budgeting make up a highly important factor in successful ¬?nancial management. It is important for managers to develop the skills and techniques that help to develop and sustain e¬ˆective control over the people involved in budgeting, and the budget itself, including income and expenditure.

Effectively managing budgetary controls can use a system that relies heavily on individuals within a particular organization. The human aspects of developing, controlling and implementing a particular budgetary system can be nearly if not more complex than the financial aspects of managing a budget, but they are essential. All processes related to spending organizational money, and budgeting those expenditures involve relationships between the di¬ˆerent people who work within the organization. These can be managers, general employees as well as directors of the whole organization. Chadwick (1993) writes that budgets are actually best approached as models ‘designed to a¬ˆect people’s behavior,’ and they cannot be separated from this aspect.

A More Sustainable Way of Funding the NHS

Whether the NHS continues on into the future or not will depend on choices that the government makes. These choices relate to funding, and efficiency. Changes to the present system that is in place could present challenges, but they would still be possible with more resources being spent in producing a greater understanding of both the national and the regional effects of NHS policies. This could result in health authorities being given increased amounts of responsibility in managing their money. This would need to go along with a system of penalties for those who failed in making their facilities more efficient. This would work if policies that check the cost effectiveness of new developments and equipment were used at the facilities. The central NHS planners and policy makers could attempt to reduce the demands from the unrealistic expectations clients and patients demonstrate, by implementing spaces and venues for public debate focusing on establishing priorities and the availability of all healthcare resources, including private health care.

There is much emphasis on how the supply side of the NHS affects the cost, and very little on how managing demand will improve the system. Increasing the number of people who use the NHS as well as increasing the speed at which they are seen is simply unfeasible. aˆ?The cost to the NHS of bad habits related to health choices amongst its users amounts to between 5 and 60 billion pounds a year, depending on whether loss of productivity and other factors are accounted for. This cost is largely preventable, but only in looking at the NHS as part of a wider context. It is in everyone’s interest, especially the NHS staff whose jobs may be in threat, to find ways of helping to reduce these costs. So while much of this report has focused on inter-NHS practices, there is an emerging focus on managing people’s health outside of the healthcare facilities. aˆ?

The NHS Alliance has found 3 key points to affect health costs and budgeting. 1.

‘Effective local delivery requires effective participatory decision-making at local level. This can only happen by empowering individuals and local communities, to which we would add local frontline staff.aˆ?aˆ?2. Create fair employment and good work for all…one of the most effective ways of increasing productivity is by valuing the workforce and improving their health through greater security and flexibility in employment.aˆ?aˆ?3. Increase availability of long-term and sustainable funding in ill health prevention across the social gradient. Let’s have a focus on landscape gardening rather than short-term bedding plants.’aˆ?aˆ?(NHS 2010)

Conclusion

The NHS is one of the biggest government institutions on the world, and deals with the health and healthcare provisions of millions of people each year. With constantly developing technologies, as well as government economic crises, it is very difficult to develop a system through which this huge machine could successfully be funded, without bringing about any debts.

This research considers the application of feminist thought in social work practise. Specific areas of consideration include the gap from social workers’ personal acceptance of feminist constructs and their use of such constructs in daily practise, the effects of perpetuation of hegemonic gender roles by social workers, and domestic violence victims perceptions of the effectiveness of social work based on the perspectives of their social workers as considered above. This research further describes a focus group of college social work students who are also domestic violence victims.

It records their perceptions of social workers’ worldviewsand the impact of such on service. Conclusions include that there is asignificant gap between the understanding or acceptance of feministconstructs amongst social workers and its application in daily fieldpractise, that social workers are often likely to perpetuate hegemonicgender roles, and because of such perpetuation view domestic violencesituations as individual occurrences rather than part of a greatersocietal pattern of oppression, and that domestic violence survivorsfeel best served when work with them uses a feminist theoreticalframework.

INTRODUCTION

Feminism and social work have been associated for many years; however,although many social workers personally espouse working from a feministperspective, the systems of social work still favour work from atraditional or patriarchal perspective. This research, therefore,seeks to first consider findings from previous study regarding thisphenomenon and the theoretical frameworks for both social work andfeminist thought. In this light of information gleaned from thesefindings, it became apparent that hegemonic gender roles, a commontopic of feminist research, play a relevant part in work with survivorsof domestic violence. Specifically, domestic violence survivors areoften directed, either explicitly or implicitly, that their situationis personal and should be considered and dealt with from a personal andpathological perspective rather than applying the tenets of feministthought that view such situations as manifestations of structural andpower problems in our greater society.
This study then seeks to document whether this gap between social worktheory supportive of feminist worldviews and social work application ofpractise exists, and if so, how prevalent a gap it is. This isaccomplished through use of a focus group of college students, all ofwhom have taken at least one course in social work theory and arethemselves domestic violence survivors who have been served, towhatever level of quality, by social workers. Discussions within thefocus group involved ideas of gender roles and social worker advocacyof hegemonic gender roles, whether explicit or implicit. The focusgroup then built on this foundation to consider group participants’experiences with social workers and whether they presented anindividual / pathological perspective of domestic violence, or whetherthey presented a perspective that consider the wider influence ofsociety and its systems. This was further related to the effect ofsuch perceptions on the understanding of and service to groupparticipants at the time of intervention.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Feminism has emerged in the past thirty years as a viableworldview. Dietz (2000), quoting Bunch (1980), defined feminism as“transformational politics that aims at the dismantling of allpermanent power hierarchies in which one category of humans dominatesor controls another category of humans” (372). “In the feminist andempowerment traditions, the personal is political, and individualchange and social change are seen as interdependent” (Deitz 2000,372). Feminism contends it is not adequate to simply include women inthe world’s political and power systems, as these were designed by andfor men and therefore favour a highly masculinised mechanism forresponding to issues and require women working within these systems todo the same (Scott 1988, Moylan 2003). Simply including women is notenough; society must give women’s experiences equal time andconsideration, eventually recasting the very meanings of the topics itconsiders (Scott 1988). Rather, feminism argues women must be engagedin both the system development and decision-making processes that shapeour society (Moylan 2003).
Consequently, one area where feminism has particularly challengedtraditional views is in the area of gender roles. For example,Dominelli and McLeod (1989) examine the way in which social problemsare defined, recognising gender as particularly important inunderstanding client groups, and stress egalitarian relationshipsbetween therapists and clients. Gender is also an importantconsideration of social work due to the patriarchal society that stilldominates most of our world. This power framework rests on a basis ofhegemonic masculinity (Cohn and Enloe 2003). Connell (1995) createdthe term ‘hegemonic masculinity’ to describe the valued definition ofmanhood in a society. He argues that whilst there are multiplepossible masculinities in a culture, only one or a few are most valuedor considered ideal (Connell 1995). This gender definition isconstructed both in relation to femininity and to other, subordinatedmasculinities, and is used to justify both men’s domination of women,and the hegemonically masculine man’s power over other men (Cohn andWeber 1999).
Whilst women are increasingly being included in world systems, thesystems themselves still were designed for and operate by and for men. Therefore, women who participate within the system must do so from maleparadigm, even if it is sometimes at odds with their own preferencesfor how to go about dealing with a situation (Cohn and Enloe 2003).
Feminism historically is a “critique of male supremacy, the belief thatgender order was socially constructed and could not be changed” (Cott1989,205). Masculinity is often defined as what is not feminine, andfemininity as what is not masculine, although understanding thedynamics of one requires considering both the workings of the other andthe relationship and overlap between the two (Cohn and Enloe 2003). Masculine definitions are often based on strength, domination andviolence, whilst feminine on weakness, nurturing, compassion andpassitivity (Rabrenovic and Roskos 2001). The result is pressure onmen adhering to a hegemonic definition of masculinity to view forms ofaddressing conflict other than a physical or “masculine” response asfeminine and a threat to their manhood (Moylan 2003).
The popular concept of gender holds that “masculinity” and “femininity”are unchanging expressions based on the chromosomal male and femalebodies (Butler 1990). “Gender is assumed to be ‘hard-wired,’ at leastin part” (Hawkesworth 1997). Masculine actions and desires for men andfeminine actions and desires for women alone are normal, thesemasculine and feminine traits are not a matter of choice, and allindividuals can be classified as one or the other (Hawkesworth 1997). However, whilst our society men are considered strong and dominant, andwomen passive and nurturing, “the meanings of male and female bodiesdiffer from one culture to another, and change (even in our ownculture) over time” (Connell 1993, 75). For example, there have been“periods in Western history when the modern convention that mensuppress displays of emotion did not apply at all, when men wereeffusive to their male friends and demonstrative about their feelings”(Connell 1993, 75). “Masculinities and feminities are constructed oraccomplished in social processes such as child rearing, emotional andsexual relationships, work and politics” (Connell 1993, 75).
Feminism, however, contends gender is a constructed by each culture,and as a social practice involves the incorporation of specificsymbols, which support or distort human potential (Hawkesworth 1997). Gender is created through “discursively constrained performative acts,”and the repetition of these acts over time creates gender for theindividual in society (Butler 1990, x). People learn to “act” likewomen or men are supposed to; women are taught to behave in a femininemanner, men are taught to act in a masculine manner. This is oftenreinforced by authority figures, such as social workers. Barnes (2003)cites a number of studies which find social workers often assume the“disciplinary gaze” of notions of “what and how to be woman,”perpetuating traditional gender roles (149). “Armed with rigid codesof gender appropriate behaviors, social workers often sought toregulate and mediate women’s interactions with the social, economic,and political world” (Barns 2003, 149).
Feminism and social work share a number of similarities. Both believe“in the inherent worth and dignity of all persons, the value of processover product, the appreciation of unity-diversity, the importance ofconsidering the person-in- environment, and a commitment to personalempowerment and active participation in society as a means to bringabout meaningful social change” (Baretti 2001, 266-267). Similarly,both feminism and social work address multiple approaches to handlingsituations, challenging the institutionalized oppression common in manypower structures and supporting “the reconceptualization andredistribution of that power” (Baretti 2001, 267).
It follows that one impact of feminism on social work practise is theconsideration of issues from a societal rather than personalperspective. For example, this might include viewing a domesticviolence situation not from the perspective that the family isdysfunctional, but from the perspective of the society that created thefamily. The psychology-based focus of clinical social work “oftenleads to individualizing social problems, rather than to viewing themas the result of relations of power, primarily oppression and abuse”(Deitz 2000, 369). As such, individuals experiencing such difficultiesare “taught” that their particular experiences are inappropriate,rather than addressing the systems that created the difficulties in thefirst place (Deitz 2000, 369).
Dominelli and McLeod (1989) re-evaluate social work practice from afeminist perspective, considering the functions of social work such astherapy, community interaction, and policy making not from apathological standpoint but from one of defined roles endorsed bysocietal conditions. As such, they contend that working from afeminist perspective allows the social worker to address the causes ofsocial issues, rather than the symptoms played out in individual’slives (Dominelli and McLeod 1989).
One area of difference in social work practise between those operatingfrom a feminist framework and a traditional framework is the concept ofdistance. Traditionally, the “patriarchal bias against relationalityand connection” is intended to lead to “connection without harm, lovewithout power abuse, touching without sexual abuse in psychotherapy”(Deitz 2000, 377). Unfortunately, in practise it often results in“power over” relationships where those receiving services feel “lessthan” those providing them. “Healing happens when someone feels seen,heard, held, and empowered, not when one is interpreted, held at adistance, and pathologized” (Deitz 2000, 377). Deitz (2000) finds thatsocial workers often institutionalize a “power over” stance fromprofessional training and discourse that constructs the identities ofclients as somehow disordered, dysfunctional or impaired. “Whetherbetween parents and children; physicians and patients; social workersand consumers of services; Whites and Blacks; or heterosexuals andlesbians, gays, bisexuals, and transgendered persons, power overrelationships give the dominant partners or group the right to definethe meanings of subordinates’ experiences (including their resistance)and thus their opportunities for self-affirmation” (Deitz 2000,373).This creates professional relationships that ignore theenvironmental, historical, and social contexts of the problem, discountpeople’s strengths and resilience in assessment and intervention, andlead “to the objectification of people as diagnoses, rather than toempowerment” (Deitz 2000, 370). “The keys to empowerment in feministmicro practice are reconnection and transformation through politicalactivity; survivors of oppression and abuse experience reconnectionthrough relationships based on mutuality, collaboration, andtrustworthiness” (Deitz 2000, 376).
Theories from social work, psychology, and particularly developmentalpsychology describe empowerment as primarily a process, with thepersonal transformation of the individual becoming empowered at itsfoundation (Carr 2003, 8). Barriers to empowerment and problems ofdisenfranchisement caused by powerlessness are primarily political,rather than psychological. Powerlessness is defined as the inabilityto effectively manage one’s emotions, knowledge, skills, or resources;it is “derived from the absence of external supports and the existenceof ontological “power blocks” that become incorporated into a person’sdevelopment” (Carr 2003, 13). As such, many survivors also work toreconnect to others in their communities, often seeking politicalactivity that “emphasizes the empowerment of others, such as byorganizing Take Back the Night marches or speak-outs, volunteering forcrisis hot lines, seeking legislative changes, or becoming socialworkers or human service professionals” (Deitz 2000, 376).
For example, feminist work with abuse survivors “emphasizes therelationship between abuse and oppressive social relations (Deitz 2000,374). On the other hand, the dominant clinical social work approach tooppression and abuse relocates the problem of oppression in victims.Psychological theories are typically employed, which “locates pathologyin individuals, rather than in oppressive relationships and systems,and considers the long-term effects of oppression to be symptoms ofindividual pathology” (Deitz 2000, 374). Unfortunately, whilst manysocial workers have been exposed to or even personally supportoperating from a feminist framework, the systems in which they workprevent them from actively utilising feminist insight in their dailypractise.

RESEARCH PLAN

This research seeks to study the prevalence and impact of traditionaland feminist practitioner constructs from the perspective of thoseserved. Specifically, a focus group study will be conducted with agroup of college students, all of whom are currently studying socialwork and therefore have some concept regarding social work practice,feminist and traditional worldviews. In addition, all students in thefocus group will have experienced domestic violence and have beenprovided the services of a social worker in some form during theirteenage years.
Three areas of discussion will be undertaken by the group. These willbe provided to individual group participants in writing several daysbefore the group in order for students to have time to consider whatthey would like to share regarding their opinions and own experiences. The first group activity will involve creating definitions of“masculine” and “feminine” from the perspective of a typical socialworker based on the students’ teenage experiences. Students will thenbe asked to discuss where, if at all, they personally feel they andtheir family members who were involved in the domestic violencesituation(s) “fit” regarding these preconceived definitions. It isanticipated some students will have been uncomfortable with societalconstraints they or their family experienced as teenagers. As all arestudying social work, they are also anticipated to make moreconnections between societal power issues, hegemonic gender roles, andtheir influence on domestic violence than a focus group without suchbackground. The third area of discussion will centre on how thestudents’ perceptions of their social worker(s) understanding of genderroles influenced their and their families reception of adequateservice.
The researcher will both tape record and take notes on the groupdiscussions. Data gathered from the group will then be compiled andanalysed. In addition, students from the focus group will be given theoption to write a response to the group activity, if they so desire. These will be further included in the group data.

METHODOLOGY

Data collection involved four means. Prior to the group starting,each participant was given a questionnaire (see Appendix 3) to gatherbasic demographic information. The questionnaire also asked for abrief summary of their abusive situation. Regarding data collection ofthe group proceedings, as described above the focus group session wastape-recorded and the researcher took notes to supplement the recordingof group discussion. The recorded sessions were then transcribed intoprint form, with research notes added in at the chronologicallyappropriate points of the transcription to provide a more completewritten overview of the focus group discussion. In addition, groupparticipants had an option to write a response the group to be includedin the group data. Four participants wrote responses, which wereconsidered with the group data following analysis of the focus groupdiscussion. Participants were provided with the three areas of groupdiscussion several days prior to the actual focus group meeting. Theywere not given any directions or guidance regarding the optionalwritten responses to the group activity.
Data analysis first involved dividing and coding group data. Responsesto the first topic of discussion were divided into three categories: those representing a traditional worldview, those representing afeminist worldview, and those that did not clearly represent eitherworldview. From these groupings, overall findings regarding theworldviews typically experienced by the group participants weresummarised. This was then further compared with the definitions oftraditional gender roles identified by the group.
Data from the second topic of discussion were also broken down intothose representing a traditional worldview, those representing afeminist worldview, and those that did not clearly represent eitherworldview. It was important to then note participant perceptions andemotional responses to these codings, and in which worldview groupingthey and their families were reported to feel best served andempowered.
Data from the specific discussion regarding service were then similarlyanalysed, and combined with previous findings to present a picture ofthe impact of traditional versus feminist worldviews on social workpractise, emphasising work with teenage domestic violence survivors andtheir understanding of gender roles in society.
It was anticipated at the conclusion of such research, a view could beasserted as to whether feminist perspective has a significant impact onthe practise of social work as it is currently undertaken and whetherthis impact, if any, leads to improved service.
As the focus group involved a relatively small number of participants(nine total) and data from their interactions were primarilyqualitative in nature, it was decided not to perform any complexstatistical analysis on focus group data. It was felt that such typesof analysis would neither reveal findings that could be consideredstatistically significant nor provide a more accurate understanding ofthe issues under consideration than a more qualitative analyticalapproach. In consideration of space and relevance portions of thediscussion were used to support conclusions in the findings andanalysis sections of this dissertation, whilst an overall summary ofthe most relevant portions of the discussion are included in Appendix2.

IMPLEMENTATION OF PROJECT

Nine students meeting the criteria laid out in the research planagreed to participate in the focus group. They were primarilyorganised by one group participant, who had discovered other domesticviolence survivors through classroom discussions and throughparticipation in a survivors’ group in the local community. All ninestudents were currently studying social work or had taken at least onesocial work course as part of a related course of study, such aseducation or criminal justice. There were six women and three men,ranging in age from nineteen to twenty-seven. Racially, seven wereCaucasian, one was Black, and one was Asian. All present as comingfrom upper working class to middle class backgrounds. All hadexperienced domestic violence as teenagers, making their experiencesfairly recent and therefore providing a relatively current depiction ofsocial work practise. Five students (three women, two men) had beenremoved from their biological parents at some point during theirteenage years. All had been involved in interventions into the familyby a social worker representing either a government organisation, or inthe case of one woman, a local church.
Some of the participants previously knew each other and were somewhataware of each other’s experiences, which should be considered in groupanalysis. Five regularly participated in a survivors’ support group inthe community. One man and one woman were cousins. In addition, twoof the men had known each other as teenagers from intervention throughthe school system.
Jennifer, a twenty-four year-old Caucasian woman, was chosen to be themoderator, as she had been the one who had assisted the researcher byarranging for most of the participants to become involved in thestudy. The group then moved almost immediately into discussion of thetopics provided. The group had been provided a whiteboard for its use,which Jennifer implemented to organise individual comments and ideas. It is surmised that the easy manner with which the group undertook thediscussion was based on the fact that they were all students andtherefore used to having study groups, group discussions, and the like,and that all of them had at least publicly shared their experiencespreviously, either as part of a classroom discussion or survivors’group, or both, and were therefore more comfortable in engaging in suchdiscussion than might be typical for a focus group dealing with suchexperiences.

FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS

The first finding of this research is that the majority of socialworkers in service or domestic violence survivors to not consistentlyemploy feminist constructs in practise, despite the likelihood ofhaving been exposed to such constructs. This manifested itself inthree significant ways. First, families were overwhelming dealt withas individuals with problems. That is, the abuser was described asmaking poor choices or having some type of pathological issues that ledto his or her decision to abuse (in one participant’s family, bothparents were abusive). As such, the abuser was described from apsychoanalytical standpoint by the social worker(s), and his or herbehaviour labelled as individually deviant.
The survivors of the domestic violence situations, particularly themothers, as the majority of abusers from the groups’ experiences weremale family members or boyfriends of the mother, were also reported tobe consistently dealt with from an individual perspective. In thissense, their behaviour was also reported to be categorised by thesocial workers involved as unhealthy, pathological, and coming fromsome sort of unresolved personal issues, such as low self-esteem. Inthe case of only one participant did the social workers involved ineither intervention or therapy consistently relate the domesticviolence situation to broader issues of oppression, societal powerstructures and the related hegemonic gender roles, or patriarchal normsof society. It is of note that this participant received service froma progressive women-helping-women organisation, rather than atraditional government-organised social work programme.
Group participants also repeatedly described their family situationsas unhealthy, and they certainly were, but from the perspective thatboth the abuser and abused were reacting or displaying emotioninappropriately, rather than that the motivation or norming behind thebehaviour was at fault. For example, Trent described his mother asdrawn to violent, alcoholic men. “She always seemed to go for theseguys that didn’t know how to express anything except by breaking stuff,yelling, hitting, you know.” His further descriptions of his mothers’boyfriends indicated an assumption that if these men had been raisedwith or taught proper means of dealing with their frustrations andemotions, the abuse to him and his mother would have been lessened oreliminated. This idea was supported by at least one social worker, whosuggested counselling for Trent, his mother, and the then boyfriend asone possible way of addressing the abusive situation.
Several participants did bring feminist theory and thought into groupdiscussion, pointing out, for example, that dominance or aggression bymen in any form was unhealthy, and questioning why it was only seen asunhealthy by most of the social workers they had encountered, and byothers they knew in the community, when physical violence was actuallyinvolved.
There was a related discussion, albeit brief, about the unwillingnessof neighbours, relatives, and others in the community, such as membersof the same church, to intervene in the domestic violence situation. Participants indicated their perception that whilst this was often dueto a fear of getting involved or knowing how to help the situation,there were repeated occurrences in everyone’s experience where anunwillingness to intervene derived from others’ implications that theman of the house had some right to choose the way in which thehousehold operated, or that he had a right to discipline his wife /girlfriend and children as he saw fit. Wendy reports hearing an auntstate “Well, its his family, their kids, she wants to stay with him,”and dismiss the ongoing violence as therefore an acceptable familylifestyle, or at least one in which none of the rest of the familyshould be expected to intervene. Participants then acknowledged thisand several other systemic situations that perpetuated their abuse,such as reluctance of authority figures to continue questioning wheninitially told nothing was wrong, and unwillingness of police tointervene repeatedly.
Similarly, regarding gender roles, discussion indicated a belief bymost participants that their social workers believed a traditionalstereotype of what was appropriate behaviour for a man and a woman, andthat these behaviours were different. There were reports of acceptanceof physical response as an appropriate masculine reaction, but thelevel of physical response not being considered appropriate. Maleparticipants were encouraged to talk about their experiences, butreport never being given permission to express fear, or an emotionalresponse such as crying. One male participant reported starting to cryas part of a group experience, and being discouraged rather thanencouraged to continue, whilst female members of the group were allowedto and even supported in such emotional expression. There were similarreports of various hegemonically feminine expressions, such as crying,fear, and nurturing behaviours, being supported and encouraged bysocial workers for male family members but not female, as well as anacceptance or assumption of weakness on the part of adult females whochose to remain in an abusive situation.
The discussion then moved to the effect of traditional and feministperspective on social work service. Participants overwhelminglyreported feeling better served when social workers sought to empowerthem and their families. This did usually involve practise of methodsderived from a feminist view, such as the use of reflective journalingand support groups, as well as encouragement from the social workers tothe mother that she could, indeed, survive and prosper outside thedomestic violence situation, that she did have the inner reserves toaddress the situation and move to a healthier lifestyle, and thatsocietal pressure to be with a man, either as a romantic partner or asa father / father-figure for children was not necessary for asuccessful life. Participants also report feeling personally empoweredby such encouragement, and therefore able to support their mothers inattempts to leave relationships.
From their own study in social work theory, focus group participantswere able to briefly discuss the ramifications of the patriarchalsocietal power structure on a woman’s decision to stay in a violentsituation. One issue brought up included the perception that societywill view a woman as a failure and undesirable if she does not have aromantic relationship with a man in her life. A number of womenparticipants in the group reported feeling similar pressure to maintaina romantic relationship with a man in their life, regardless of theirother commitments or interests, and an expectation that they would notbe successful women if they did not ultimately get married and havechildren. When questioned by other participants, the three maleparticipants reported not feeling such pressures. Another issue raisedwas the mothers’ perception that they needed a father figure tosuccessfully raise children, particularly boys. This was perpetuatedin the life experiences of group participants even though the menoccupying these roles were viewed by the male participants asdestructive, rather than constructive, influences. Issues of supportin disciplining children and managing household operations were alsoindicated, as was the financial support provided by the batterer. Thegroup indicated all these issues were societal, rather than individual,and lack of addressing of them affected the effectiveness of the socialservices they had received.
Overall, the participants were generally positive about at least onesocial worker with whom they had a relationship during their teenageyears. Participants typically felt feeling most encouraged and bestserved by those social workers who did not present themselves as beingdistant or above the participants and their families, and who did notoverly emphasise their family’s issues from a perspective of individualdysfunction. These findings indicated that a feminist interactiveconstruct, which avoids “power over” methods and practise is perceivedto be most effective by domestic violence survivors.

RECOMMENDATIONS

It is recommended from findings of this study that social workersare first provided greater exposure to and training in feminist methodsand theory as it relates to their practical, day-to-day practise. Forexample, all participants reported some positive experiences inresponse to reflective methods such as reflective journaling andsurvivor support groups. Considerations of ways to more greatlyinclude such methods in typical practise are therefore indicated.
Of greater concern are the systems in which social workers operate. Whilst most of the social workers in these focus group participants’experiences had some familiarity with feminist theory or methods, asindicated by their emphasis on empowerment or use of specificstrategies, there is something within the government-sponsored socialservices structure that prohibits practise truly based on feministtenets. A sharp contrast was provided by the young woman served at aprogressive, private service, where feminist theory was the obviousframework on which service was based. She was by far the most positiveabout her experiences and workers, and reported insights, understandingand empowerment to change not consistently reported by other focusgroup participants.
It therefore recommended that more research be pursued as to whatfactors constrain social workers from functioning from a more feministframework. Issues such as time (many social workers have far morepeople to see and serve than they would like to have, or often feelthey can serve effectively), lack of material resources such asappropriate space, lack of effective training, or discouragement insuch regards from supervisors or others in power. Specificallyidentifying relevant factors could then form a framework forprogressing with change in social work practise within a typicalgovernment service organisation.
It is further recommended that individual social workers consider whatconstraints they persona

Substance addicted fathers fail to provide a safe environment that focuses on the needs of their children. While inebriated, fathers may believe they are being attentive to their children, while in reality, they tend to act on their own feelings and disregard their children’s needs and become unpredictable. Sometimes a substance addicted father will have periods of presence and periods of absence from his child’s life. At one moment, he may provide his child with security, and another, he may inflict fear. Paternal substance abuse undermines the ability to give adequate care to children and overall, the ability to support his family. Fathers with a drug addiction are judged to be irresponsible and deemed incompetent as parents. The wives of these men are implicitly left with the responsibility to care for their children with some help from child welfare services. Although, fathers exist in the lives of women and children involved with child welfare authorities, they are rarely seen by the child welfare professionals themselves. Substance abusing men tend to avoid social services due to lack of paternal responsibility, cross gender communication, and hyper-masculinity.

In the article “Engaging Fathers in Child Welfare Services: A Narrative Review of Recent Research Evidence”, Social Workers Nina Maxwell, Jonathan Scourfield, Brid Featherstone, Sally Holland, and Richard Tolman found that only thirty-three percent of mothers identified the father when asked (163). Fathers are reluctant in participating in social cases, therefore may threaten the mothers to leave them out of it. Mothers may withhold the father’s identify out of fear about letting the father know that child welfare services are involved, fear that the father may be incarcerated, and fear of the father’s reaction, especially in cases involving domestic violence. These fears reinforce the idea that women are subordinate to men. Since she is fearful of her child’s father to be able to reveal his identity, the mother cannot receive the much needed, proper assistance from her social case worker. Even if the mother were to reveal the identity of her children’s father, it is likely for him to evade contact from child welfare.

Fathers avoid contact with child welfare staff. In a focus group study, Maxwell and her colleagues found that these fathers had a wide range of explanations for the avoidance. These included fear that they cannot be good fathers for their children, fear that the involvement with the child welfare system will worsen their problems with the criminal justice system, fear that relationships with current partners not related to the child would be affected, and a perception that the system is not there to help them (164). The concerns expressed by these fathers are a prime example that substance-abusing fathers are selfish because they are only interested in fulfilling their own desires, rather than meeting their children’s needs. Social policy makers have been trying to involve fathers more in their children’s lives by increasing child support payments, but it is done so in the best interest of the child.

Over the past few years, social policy makers have made an effort to increase the participation of fathers in their children’s lives, by providing child support to the children’s mother. The income of a father, who is not living with his children, can by affected by child support obligations in several ways. For example, if a father recently received an additional income of five hundred dollars a month, his child support payments might increase by one-hundred and twenty-five dollars (Lerman 69). Increased incomes have higher taxes and when combined with increased child support orders, it lowers a fathers’ profit each month, causing them to reduce their work effect. It is found that rigorous enforcement by the child support system could cause fathers to shift from formal to informal or underground work, which makes it more difficult for the government to track true income.

Child welfare professionals acknowledge that some fathers are committed to their children, many others are not. In her study “Child Welfare Professional’s Experiences in Engaging Fathers in Services”, Professor Mahasin F. Saleh found that sixty percent of substances abusing men associated in social services cases lack paternal responsibility (126). The lack of father responsibility includes father absence, denial of paternity, alcohol or drug abuse, blaming the mother, incarceration for various reasons, and maltreatment. One child welfare professional recalls, “They don’t believe. They took the paternity test and then it’s ‘I want a blood test’. And some of them disappear because they feel like they’re not the father. That’s hard, too, getting them engaged when they don’t want to believe” (Saleh 126). This example exemplifies a lack of father responsibility. Substance addicted men deny responsibilities that come with paternal identity, because they view the responsibilities as a burden, and often want nothing to do with it. This father figure is self-absorbed, abusive, and driven by addiction and carelessness.

Child Welfare Professionals have shared that fathers who neglect their children are found to be more verbally abusive and threatening during counseling (Saleh 127). Fathers view social counseling as a vehicle for women to process their emotions and that “strong” men do not attend counseling. Hyper-masculinity causes a man to maintain a rigid gender role script (Guerrero 137). The hyper-masculine man is prepared to challenge any real or imagined taunts from other men with violence. Men have a high sense of pride when it comes to his manhood. In 2013, the National Association of Social Workers conducted a membership workforce study and reported that eighty-two percent of social workers working full time were female (Whitaker & Arrington 9). Since a majority of social workers are female, a father is reluctant to comply and subject to the words of a woman. Masculine fathers do not like to hear something from women, and they may get angry when working with female social workers, because they feel like women are trying to tell them what to do. A hyper-masculine man’s attitudes towards women are usually those of sexual or physical subjugation. A female social worker from Saleh’s case study recalls multiple times that she had to deal with male clients who had expressed romantic interests in her (130). Experiences similar to these make it difficult for female case workers to deal with a situation professionally. There are many instances when the social worker is confronted with a father that has not only has neglected his kids through his ignorance. Most of the time, they never admit they are at fault.

Fathers exist in the lives of women and children involved with child welfare authorities, and yet, they are rarely seen by child welfare. These fathers are seen as deviant, dangerous, irresponsible and irrelevant, and even further, how absence in child welfare is inevitably linked to blaming mothers. In failing to work with fathers, child welfare ignores potential risks and assets for both mothers and children. Social workers are encouraged to focus on mothers as being the protective parent, whereas fathers are considered as risks and damage potential, due to neglect, abuse, and substance addiction. In the article “Manufacturing Ghost Fathers: the Paradox of Father Presence and Absence in Child Welfare”, Leslie Brown, Marilyn Callahan, Susan Strega, Christopher Walmsley, and Lena Dominelli reveals that over sixty percent of fathers associated with child welfare are identified as a risk to children and are not contacted. Similarly, fifty percent of these men were not contacted when they were considered ricks to the mothers (26). Mothers are responsible for the care and protection of children even when they are victims of domestic violence. Child welfare holds mothers responsible for monitoring the behavior of the men in the children’s lives, essentially contracting out the surveillance of men to mothers (Chuang 457). They are expected to fill the role of both parents and further expected to mediate the relationships between children and fathers, as well as between fathers, and professionals.

While inebriated, a father may believe he is performing his fatherly duties to the best of his abilities, but in reality he is oblivious to what is happening in the environment around him, including his children. The appearance of a social worker at his home is detrimental to his mental state as a father. In a way, he may view it as insulting. The father may not realize the dangers that he put his children in as a result of his negligence. The father is too proud to realize his mistakes and may want to blame outside sources. Unfortunately, this results in an agitated and distraught way of thinking, which could result in more negligence and abuse to their families (Burrus et al. 212). Substance abusing fathers often lose custody of their children. With help from social services, mothers are able to collect child support from their children’s fathers. Since a majority of social workers are female, males feel like their manhood is undermined when they speak to these women. These fathers try to avoid any instances of conference with social workers, because they feel it may affect their life that is unassociated through relations with the child. This shows how selfish and incompetent substance-abusing fathers are. Mothers are subordinate to fathers due to fears of reactions of the fathers finding out the involvement of social services (Brodie et al. 36). Many substance abusing fathers are invisible when it comes to their children. The lack of insight to his own problems causes a father to become invisible to himself and his child’s needs. If a man cannot handle his own feelings and problems, there is no chance he will be able to handle and resolve a child’s or be able to see his development. In the state of intoxication, fathers become self-absorbed and forgetful about what happens in the world around them. Substance abusing fathers are associated as being neglecting, abusive, destruction, and often insignificant. Fathers struggle to fulfill the role of the ideal role model to his children.

Mrs. Chan has a family of four including a son and a daughter. She first came for help because of the bad father-son relationship in her family. During the interview, she disclosed the fact that she has been suffered from domestic violent for about one year.

Four interviews were conducted by the worker. The purpose was to help assess the situation and set up an intervention plan to dismiss domestic violent in the family and create a harmony family atmosphere.

Background information

The client, Mrs. Chan, is a housewife and her husband runs a grocery store. They have an 11-year-old son and an 8-year-old daughter. The financial status of the family is adequate.

Problem assessment

Client’s perception of the problems

During the interview sessions, Mrs. Chan explained her views on the problem.

Mrs. Chan worried about the bad father-son relationship in the family. For example, they seldom talk to each other. The son’s school work was getting work and had strange behaviors.

Mrs. Chan told the worker that she was abused by her husband and tolerated it for about one year. She had mentioned if her husband took out a knife, she could not stand it. When this happened, the client worried about she and her two children’s safety.

Work’s perception of the problems

According to Family-Centre Approach (Waldegrave , 2005), the family system would be disturb if there is one problem in the family. It suggest to focus on one problem and to regain the balance step by step. The worker observed that the family have several problems . The family members tolerated them but not tried to solve them, they lacked of focus on the problems.

Domestic violent

Mrs. Chan suffered from domestic violent since last year. Mr. Chan abused Mrs. Chan and even took out a knife to threat. The worker observed that the client and her children’s safety were at risk.

Spousal relationship

The unsolved domestic violent would trigger the other problem in the family (Waldegrave , 2005). The worker found that Mr. Chan was not respectful enough towards Mrs. Chan. He abused his wife and did not consider her physical hurt and trauma. Mrs. Chan tolerated it for a long time and never asked for help. Tolerate is not help for problem solving.

Father-son relationship

The family is the fundamental resource for the nurturing of children and parents should be supported in their efforts to care for their children (Waldegrave , 2005).

The domestic violent affected the father-son relationship. The children witnessed the father beat the mother, this arouse the hatred of them towards the father.

During the interviews, the worker found the client had suffered from domestic violence for a long time. She had many worries and hard to decide the arrangements, for example, financial concern and children’s school issue.

Agreed view of the clients and the worker

The client and the worker agreed that safety is the first concern. We thought that Mrs. Chan and her two children’s were in a dangerous situation. The domestic violent led to other problem in the family, such as the father-son relationship and the son’s behavior problem. Based on Mrs. Chan determination to change, it was hope that the domestic violent could be dismiss and a more harmonious atmosphere would be create in the family.

Priorities of problems

Domestic violent

Spousal relationship

Relationship of father and son

Intervention phase

The Inter-Agency Committee on Collaboration of Services for Families Where Wife Assault Occurs (1990) suggest that unless the batterer acknowledged his violent behavior and finished his own intervention plan, the worker should not bring the couple together for counseling. In this case, the client and her family member were separate for different individual intervention.

Objectives

Short-term:

Ensure safety

To dismiss violence in the family

Improve spousal relationship

Improve father son relationship

Long-term:

Create harmony and supportive atmosphere in the family

Strategies and rationales

Residential Services for Abused Women

Lowenberg and Dolgoff (1996) developed an Ethical Rules Screen which place the protection of safety as the most important principle. So the worker’s first concern was the client’s safety. Refuge centers provide temporary accommodation to females and their children in face of domestic violence or family crisis. The social worker would refer the client for the Harmony House for safety concern. She can have a safe place to stay and think about what to do next.

Domestic violence support group

Many women think that telling others or reporting to the police of the violence is betrayal and disloyal to the husband, she is also breaking the trust and friendship between the two (Towns, Adams and Gavey, 2003). According to the case, Mrs.Chan was reluctant about telling the abusing problem at first and informed that she had never told others before. So it is good for her to communicate with others in the same situation and face the problem not tolerate it. This interaction would benefit her decision making.

Emotional management and interpersonal relationship workshops

Mrs. Chan indicated that Mr. Chan was not good at controling his emotion and got hot temper. These workshops are conflict resolution trainings that help abusing men deal with their emotions in a healthy manner. The workshops emphasize empathy, forgiveness, and understanding. Through the course of the workshops he will be able to control anger .

Counseling with the children

Kolbo(1996) suggest the negative effects of witnessing domestic violence on children’s emotional and behavioral development. The domestic violent behaviors had bad effect on the children. The son worse in study and hate his father. It is necessary counsel the children for further intervention.

Apply family therapy

Use risk assessment to evaluate two of the couple are ready for the family therapy, and the safety monitoring is ongoing. In the condition that the husband was conscious that his violence was irrational and the wife was willing to counsel with the husband. The family-centre approach believe that families who seem hopeless can grow and change (Boone, 2002). All family member is responsible to the harmony of the family.