Author: Andre Coleman

This essay provides a critical analysis of a 10-minute AV recording transcript (appendix 1) of an interview with a service user in a simulated role play. This is not a real interview, but part of a student assignment. All names used in this recording transcript are fictitious and thus there are no issues concerning confidentiality.

The essay comprises two parts. In Part 1, Kolb’s Learning Cycle (Kolb, 1984) will be utilised to reflect upon the interview. In Part 2, the ASPIRE Model (Parker and Bradley, 2003) will be utilised to outline how further work with this service user would be approached. Kolb’s Learning Cycle and the ASPIRE Model will both be briefly outlined within the appropriate section.

Part 1: Reflection and Critical Analysis

Kolb’s Learning Cycle, which will be used to reflect upon and critically analyse the interview, comprises four stages of learning from experience: Concrete Experience (i.e. active involvement in an experience); Reflective Observation (i.e. reviewing and reflecting on the experience); Abstract Conceptualisation (i.e. concluding and learning from the experience); and, Active Experimentation (i.e. planning and trying what has been learned). Each of these stages will be used in this reflection and critique.

Concrete Experience

A simulated role play interview was conducted with ‘Paul Jones,’ a 60-year old who contacted the adult social work team to discuss the possibility of some assistance. Paul is the sole carer of his 92-year old father, James. Paul has been finding it increasingly difficult to care for James, who spends all day on the sofa and does not even go upstairs to his bed at night. James became this way soon after the death of his daughter 1-month previously. She died of cancer not long after Paul and James lost Paul’s mother and James’ wife to a heart attack, 6-months previously. Their only relative is Paul’s son, who lives up North and is unable to visit regularly. The full case study can be found in appendix 2.

Reflective Observation

The purpose of the interview was to work collaboratively with Paul in establishing his current needs. With the exception of the beginning of the interview when I was nervous and finding background noise distracting, I communicated in a clear and courteous manner. These skills are important when establishing rapport with a service user, laying the foundations to develop mutual respect and trust (Koprowska, 2005). After some introductions and the setting of boundaries regarding confidentiality, I placed the interview agenda into Paul’s control with the appropriate use of the open-ended question, “What has bought you here today?” By recognising the power imbalance present between social workers and service users, I was mindful to reduce the oppressive impact of hierarchy (Dalrymple and Burke, 2000). The question did, however, seem to unnerve Paul and he passed the question back by asking “Well, I’m not sure how much you know?” I informed him that “I do know a little bit. . .” and then gently encouraged him to provide me with some more information. On reflection, I should have clarified with Paul why needed the information again (i.e. to confirm accuracy of details). He was clearly uncomfortable with repeating the information, possibly due to a previous resistance to seeking outside help. I was focused on eliciting information from Paul first-hand to prevent any assumptions being made, but should have adapted my approach based on Paul’s needs.

A key strength within the interview was the effective use of empathic understanding, which appeared to put Paul at ease. Statements such as, “This must have been a very difficult time for you” and appropriate use of eye contact and body language conveyed empathy, congruence (genuineness), and unconditional positive regard. These are three core conditions required in person-centred counselling (Rogers, 1980). I feel that by utilising these skills within the interview, Paul was able to speak openly about his concerns. Indeed, evidence suggests that congruence supports anti-oppressive practice by facilitating the development of a partnership (Miller, 2006).

Paul sought help under the premise that it was for James, but with the appropriate use of open-ended and closed questions it was established that he needed help too. The needs of the carer are far too often overlooked within social care (Herring, 2006), but I ensured I gained a balanced accumulation of information on both Paul and James in order to establish both of their needs. Systems Theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1977) purports that in order to understand an individual, they need to be assessed in terms of their interactions with their environment and within their relationships.

By the end of the interview, a shared understanding had been reached, as well as a plan of action in terms of arranging a home visit and contacting Citizen’s Advice to discuss financial concerns. Thus, the initial aim of the interview was met.

Abstract Conceptualisation

When discussing his problems, Paul was very open and forthcoming, as was facilitated by the use of non-verbal encouragers such as nodding and leaning slightly forward to show interest (Seden, 1999). He was, however, resistant to further outside help such as from his GP or a counsellor. I was careful not to judge Paul on this and to remind myself that there are a number of reasons why he might be resistant (e.g. previous negative experiences with health professionals; family belief systems, etc.). Interestingly Paul did share that James would also be resistant to outside help, indicating the possibility that seeking help is not part of the family belief system. It was important that I did not oppress Paul or James by “undermining their responsibilities for the choices they make” (Dominelli, 2002, p.47).

On reflection, I should have been more understanding of Paul’s difficulties accepting help and adjusted my approach accordingly. In particular, if I was to conduct this interview again, I would change the way I responded to Paul’s concerns that, “I am just worried that I am going to lose it with my dad” and “I often find things closing in on me. . .” I should have probed these concerns further, as has been highlighted in my feedback, in order to establish whether Paul was a danger to himself or James. One of the key roles within the National Occupational Standards for Social Work is to “Manage risk to individuals, families, carers, groups, communities, self and colleagues” (GSCC, 2002, p.12). Paul’s feelings of despair were mentioned on more than one occasion and, on reflection, I should have detected this as a potential risk factor.

I feel I was effective in my use of paraphrasing, as used to clarify issues and demonstrate active listening. However, greater use of summarising might have facilitated communication and ensured that information provided by Paul was being interpreted according to his own subjective experiences (Seden, 1999). I will endeavour to develop these skills throughout my training.

References

Bronfenbrenner, U., 1977. Toward an experimental ecology of human development. American Psychologist, 32, pp.513-530.

Dalrymple, J. and Burke, B., 1995. Anti-oppressive Practice: Social Care and the Law. Buckingham: Open University Press.

Dominelli, L., 2002. Anti-Oppressive Social Work Theory and Practice. Palgrave Macmillan.

General Social Care Council, 2002. The National Occupational Standards for Social Work. Topss England, April 2004.

Herring, J., 2006. Where are the carers in healthcare law and ethics? Legal Studies, 27(1), pp. 51-73.

Kolb, D.A., 1984. ‘Experiential Learning experience as a source of learning and development’. New Jersey: Prentice Hall

Koprowska, J., 2005. Communication and interpersonal skills in social work. Exeter: Learning Matters

Miller, L., 2006. Counselling Skills for Social Work. London: Sage Publications.

Parker, J. and Bradley, G., 2003. Social Work Practice: Assessment, Planning, Intervention, and Review. Exeter: Learning Matters.

Rogers, C.R., 1980. A way of being. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

Seden, J., 1999. Counseling skills in social work practice. Buckingham: Open University Press.

Part 2 – Further Work with the Jones Family

The acronym ASPIRE represents the social work process of Assess, Plan, Intervene, Review, and Evaluate, which enables the exploration of successfully operationalising a plan made with a service user (Parker and Bradley, 2003). Adopting this framework also encapsulates the fourth stage of Kolb’s Learning Cycle: Active Experimentation. Importantly, supervision would be required in any interviews since I am a newly qualified Social Worker. Furthermore, the contribution of regular and high quality supervision in the social work profession has been emphasised (Laming, 2009).

If the case of the Jones family was allocated to me after this initial assessment, I would take an eclectic approach, using the ASPIRE framework to guide intervention delivery. An eclectic approach would be adopted in order to ensure that Paul and James’ individual needs were taken into consideration. I would be unable to identify the most appropriate approach to use without first meeting with James, thus an eclectic approach would facilitate flexibility between service user needs.

Assessment would take place within the home, thus adopting a person-in-environment perspective (Kemp et al., 1997). Importantly, supervision would be required in any interviews since I am a newly qualified Social Worker. Systems Theory posits that in order to understand a service user, their ecological system needs to be taken into consideration (Bronfenbrenner, 1977). This includes their microsystem (i.e. immediate relationships), mesosystem (i.e. different parts of the microsystem working together), exosystem (i.e. systems that the individual is not directly part of but that affects them), macrosystem (i.e. the larger social world, such as government and culture), and their chronosystem (i.e. a system of change). The rationale for utilising this theory is that the current problems experienced by Paul and James appear to be related to recent changes within his microsystem. This includes the loss of two family members, changing health status (i.e. James has gained weight, has emphysema, and is becoming less mobile), changing roles (i.e. Paul is now sole carer to James), and a change in their relationship. Bell (2003) asserts that it is easier to understand an individual’s behaviour in the setting in which it occurs, which is the approach I feel most appropriate within this scenario. Family relationships are complex and aptly described by Dallos (1991) as, “The essence of family life is that it is complex and changing and that unique situations and combinations of needs continually arise” (p.7). Therefore, effective support for individual members requires the utilisation of theory and knowledge that assesses their needs within the family context.

An understanding of demands and resources is important when working from the systems perspective, an understanding which the theory itself lacks to emphasise (Coady and Lehman, 2008). For the Jones family, demands within their life include bereavement, deteriorating health, and financial concerns. In terms of resources, they are fairly isolated and, despite initiating this interview, they are both resistant to outside help, which also limits their resources. This provides the rationale for utilising a Task-Centered, problem solving approach in the intervening stage of the ASPIRE framework. The evidence suggests that such an approach is appropriate for dealing with family problems, new roles, and illness or bereavement (Reid, 1978). Paul mentioned a number of problems, both personally and in relation to James, and thus facilitating him to identify the cause of these problems would be a useful endeavour in helping him tackle them. By using a problem solving approach within a collaborative partnership with the family, I would anticipate that it would enhance their capacity to deal with future problems if they were to arise (Germain and Gitterman, 1996, p.139). In turn, educating Paul on the use of problem solving strategies would act to prevent further oppression by providing him with tools he can utilise in other areas of his life (Coulshed and Orne, 1998).

A problem I identified during the role play, but which would need to be confirmed via a shared interpretation with Paul and James, is that Paul could unintentionally be colluding with James’ disengagement. For example, by leaving his lunch next to the sofa so that he does not have to move, Paul is creating dependency. Thompson (2001) suggests that when working with carers, it is important not to encourage them in a role that could result in dependency and thus further oppress the person being cared for. This would need to be attended to sensitively and without causing offence to Paul. One such way of achieving this is via the problem solving approach to help Paul recognise this for himself. Indeed, “change is easier if the directions that professionals and users wish to follow coincide” (Dominelli, 2002, p.25).

In working with Paul and James, great consideration would be needed in terms of bereavement. It sounds like James might be experiencing depression associated with one of the purported stages of bereavement (Kubler-Ross, 1989). In addition, Paul might be in the anger stage or possibly unable to process his feelings due to the stress of taking care of his father and worrying about finances. Their current problems are likely to hinder them both reaching a period of ‘restoration orientation,’ where they can focus on building their future after their loss (Worden, 2003). In order to facilitate a move towards restoration orientation, I would work with the strengths possessed by Paul and James to ensure anti-oppressive focus is maintained (Parker and Bradley, 2003).

There has been some critique to Systems Theory, including that it lacks theoretical and empirical support in practice situations (Healy, 2005). Overall, however, the purpose of the theory is to work with service users in a way that enhances and strengthens their abilities to adapt and solve problems, which ultimately provides long-term outcomes rather than short-term solutions. The key role of social work, as agreed internationally, is the promotion of “social change, problem solving in human relationships and the empowerment and liberation of people to enhance well-being” (GSCC, 2002, p.12), and I anticipate that the theories and approaches outlined above would facilitate the empowerment and liberation of the Jones family.

In order to effectively meet the needs of the Jones family, it will be essential to conduct the review and evaluation stage of the ASPIRE model in order to provide closure, implement any additional interventions, and develop my own skills and abilities through reflection and critical analysis.

CHAPTER FOUR

Evidence suggests that contemporary social work practice is faced with the dilemma of how to direct its efforts primarily to the poor and needy in the UK and at the same time to engage in social welfare policy to help promote social change. According to Okitikpi and Aymer’s (2003) social work professionals working with African refugees are often frustrated and poorly resourced to manage families who suffer from difficult lifestyle experiences due to poverty and social exclusions. Also Okitikpi and Aymer (2003) are of the view that problems of poverty and working in partnership with African families alleged of child abuse or maltreatment would be better and easier managed should social workers engage in open direct interventions. Bernard & Gupta (2008) highlights the difficulties social workers face when assessing and making interventions regarding African children and their families whose cultures differ from the majority white population in the UK. Therefore the argument that the mission of social work is to promote social change and alleviate poverty in society by engaging with social welfare policy rather than interventions at family levels is currently the pivot of strong debate. The term social work intervention as defined by IFSW:

‘Usually describes work undertaken with individuals, families, groups and communities. In this context the term is to cover the use of social work knowledge and skills when using it within a social care organisation to facilitate the provision of services and practice consistent with the Codes of Practice and with standards of service and practice, and to promote social inclusion and life opportunities of people using the services’ IFSW (2000).

Types of Social Work Intervention

According to Elde-Woodward (2002), there are three fundamental methods or stages of intervention. The first method of intervention, Elde-Woodward describes as ‘macro’ social work intervention which involves directing social work practice to society or communities as a whole. This type of social work practice includes policy forming and advocacy on a national or international scale. The second method of intervention is ‘mezzo’ social work practice, which involves working with agencies, small organizations, and other small groups directly or indirectly related to social work practice to make policies or developing programs for a particular community. The third method of intervention is the ‘Micro’ social work practice which involves offering direct service to individuals and families. Hartnett et al (2005) research on the role perceptions of social workers and social work students shows that only very few actually engage in policy-practice that focus on social policy formulation and advocacy.

There are a wide variety of activities that falls under the category of social work practice and social work professionals works in many different settings of employment. Basically social workers engage in clinical practice, find themselves working with individuals or families. However, social workers who serve in community practice are engage with the mezzo or macro stages of social work. Spratt et al (2004) findings shows that social work intervention with individuals or families is the most popular and effective method of intervention that bring about social change in individual lives. Social work intervention aims to help children or families to identify, and to establish appropriate relationships with social workers that will enhance their livelihood. The purpose of the intervention is diverse and ranges from increasing life skills or changing behaviour to increase life options and to cope with changing life situations and transitions (Smale, Tuson and Statham, 2000).

Identifying and acknowledging child abuse

Many schools of thought argue that social workers could assist families living in poverty to identify issues of child abuse by showing empathy, establishing working relationships and engaging in appropriate interventions. In any of the situations there are a number of factors making African families living in poverty to be alleged of maltreating or abusing their children. Some of these factors are poor parenting practices, lack of knowledge about the laws pertaining in the country of residence and ethno-centric discrimination and racism (Elder-Woodward, 2002). Child abuse cases referred by other agencies for the attention of local authority social services may result in interventions that usually draw children into child protection system. Such interventions do not always consider the financial and social situations such parents find themselves, but used by social work professionals in manner to comply with government legislation and the responsibility of protecting or safeguarding children. For instance, parents living on meagre income hardly could sustain the family financial commitments, or such parents may not consider the legal implications of living children alone in the house for work, as often such children are seen wandering the streets or become school dropouts due to poor parental care and support. Social worker’s distinctive contribution for families living in extreme poverty and experiencing social exclusion is o employ empathy, communication and relationship skills to help identify and to acknowledge issues of child abuse (Spratt et al 2004).

Intervention within the social work process is not a static, snapshot or a holistic process whereby social workers arrives at definitive answer to protect vulnerable children from further harm. However, the fundamental interpersonal skills require of social workers is the key to identifying the possible causes of child abuse or maltreatment in a family setting, through the building of appropriate relationship with the families and collaborating with other interested agencies (Lloyd and Taylor, 1990). Most often than not social workers take ethnocentric and prejudice approach at the initial contact with African families accused of child abuse and consequently arrive at a judgemental decision. With the right relationship with African families involve in child abuse cases social work professionals are positive to understand the needs of such families and what type of intervention is appropriate to help address their problems. Intervention skills used by social workers fits most easily into the traditional frameworks in which social work is usually taught to qualifying students, but less easily recognized as intervention by most social workers once in practice. Arguably, the core skills of intervention have not been grasped in its entity practising social workers and hence are not consciously transferred across situations where is most needed.

Intervening child abuse

Social work involves intervening children and family’s situation and problems through appraisal of what information is available and what information is gathered from the family after initially assessing the family’s financial and social status, with collaboration with other organisations and professionals working with the family. Many authors argue that social worker should lead families alleged of child abuse through the intervention process, highlighting and explaining the importance of working together to agree on the most appropriate intervention needed to bring social change. Furthermore, social workers use a range of knowledge, models and frameworks to decide what method of intervention is needed to achieve the desired result. To ensure that collated information from all quarters leads to informed intervention, social workers need to establish working relationships of trust with African families and other professionals. They must be able to understand the socio-economic status and parenting practices of African families, through their own knowledge and skill, or by drawing on that of others. Social workers recognition and understanding of parents behavioural patterns, complicated with poverty, understanding of diverse cultures and building of good working relationships are vital to successful interventions.

There is evidence in the literature to suggest that social workers and other related professionals have difficulty fostering good working relationship with black African families alleged of child abuse cases as such families have no trust in the child protection system. Therefore social workers need to develop the requisite skills and behaviours to understand the problems of African families living under the poverty line, and who may have little or no knowledge of the child protection system in the UK. In recognition of the difficulties inherent in deploying effective interventions the Department of Health introduced the Framework for the Assessment of Children in Need and their Families ( DH 2000). Macdonald (2002) notes the pitfalls that arise when conducting assessments leading to social work intervention. It is not just simple to follow a framework setting out the areas to be investigated, as social workers need to exercise professional judgement and be alert to unconscious bias which may creep into the work, distorting assessments and the degree of interventions.

Social Work Intervention and environmental influences

Bernard & Gupta (2008) literature review on black African children and child protection system emphasize the adverse effects of poverty and social exclusion on parenting capacity and children’s development, which have been identified as a major factor in most families involved in care proceedings (Brophy et al, 2003). African families are proportionally more likely to live in poverty than majority whites in Britain as many undertake low-income paid jobs (Kyambi, 2005), have their rights to support services withdrawn under section 17 of the 1989 Children Act, (Kholi, 2006) and income, employment opportunities and access to support services are determined by their immigration and asylum status (Bernard & Gupta, 2008).

The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, recognises the need to protect children who experience a deprived childhood due to families living in poverty, and requires governments to ensure all children have an adequate standard of living as a basic right. The UN recognizes that deprivation during childhood undermines the fundamental rights which children, as well as adults, should enjoy, including access to key services such as health, education and social services (Monteith & McLaughlin, 2005). Available evidence shows that poverty and social deprivation during childhood has adverse effects on children developments and limits their capacity to reach full potential and will perpetuate social inequalities across generations within populations.

The Labour government pledge to reducing poverty in the country was a step forward to achieve social change among families, but did not explicitly define the target groups that are mainly living in extreme poverty. The Labour government’s anti poverty strategy involves policies to increase the incomes of poor families by improving child-related benefits and tax credits and the introduction of a national minimum wage. The government’s Sure Start initiative and the National Childcare Strategy in the UK provide affordable childcare provision for working parents. Moreover, the publication of the document ‘Every Child Matters’ set outs the government approach to the wellbeing of children and young people (McLaughlin & Monteith 2005). The sure start initiative provides a lot of support to parents struggling to care for their children, but the limited number of branches across the country only seems to assist the majority white families. Bradshaw (2001) and Stewart & Hill (2005) argue that the government’s child poverty reduction strategies may be easier to achieve in short-term basis but not achieving much in long term. The main official working document for many British child protection social workers is the Department of Health (DoH), 1988 document, ‘Protecting Children: A Guide for Social Workers undertaking a Comprehensive Assessment, but has its limitations when working with black African families (Chands, 1999).

It is arguable to say that taking children into public care because their parents are not capable of providing adequate care may be due to the withdrawal of all support services in accordance with section 9 of the 2004 Asylum an Immigration Act (Kelly & Meldgaard, 2005). Evidence shows that basic physical care that families are expected to provide for children becomes limited by inadequate housing, unemployment, poverty, and social exclusion particularly with black African families living in poverty. It is argued that any assessment process that reflects the inadequate provision of care as the failure of black people and as indicator of child abuse rather than the effects of racial inequality is in itself racist. Furthermore, as black African families are disadvantaged in many circumstances, it is arguable that they will face higher levels of risk from the harmful effects of inappropriate social work intervention and misjudgement (Chands, 1999).

Social Work Intervention and parental behaviours

The history of over-representation of black children in the child protection system, according to Chand (1999) dates back to the 1960s. Research shows that black children are quick to enter into the child protection system than their white counterparts, for reasons such as parenting behaviours, culture and social and economic problems. Many research work relating to the differences in child-rearing and poverty in the UK show that black African families are often at risk of being stereotyped as not capable of parenting children in the most appropriate way. Therefore, social workers have a responsibility to understand issues framing the experiences of African children at risk of significant harm, ad not to create the general impression that all African families are not capable. According to Chand (1999)

‘despite the very obviousness of the diversity of childhoods, we live and work in a society which tends to assume that there is just one kind of childhood that is normal and ordinary (Rogers, 1989, p. 97).

The issues of punishment, parental behaviour and discipline, complicated with poverty are controversial concepts among black African families living in the UK, which often draw them into the arena of child protection system. According to Bernard & Gupta (2008), the literature that exists focuses on the African families where their parenting is deemed to be below the threshold of what is considered proper. This dysfunction within African families can risk reproducing stereotypes of this group as ‘deficient’, thus fostering a pathological viewpoint of African family relationship. It is widely accepted that black African family relationships with white social workers working with them, is always strained with mistrust and non-acceptance. Available research shows that (Chands, 1999), different child-rearing practices, as a result of socio-economic status permeates different cultures and social workers working with families of different cultural values and beliefs may experience difficulty in understanding what parental behaviours are acceptable and not acceptable. Thus, to distinguish whether a particular child-rearing practice is deviant to societal norm, social workers will always have to dwell on the knowledge acquired from both formal and informal training, experiences and their moral judgements, to employ the most appropriate intervention process applicable to the family. Bernard & Gupta (2008) claims that African family relationships, like those of many minority ethnic groups, are often constructed differently from the conventional nuclear family model that exist in the majority culture in contemporary Britain. Cultural values and more importantly poverty influence the lives of many black African children and their families involved in the child protection system (Thorburn et al, 2005). In order for social workers to establish a good working relationship when working with black African families and children living in poverty, Chands (1999) argues that it is paramount for social workers to have a sound knowledge and understanding of what is acceptable and unacceptable parental behaviours within the cultural background of the families. If not, social workers may intervene in alleged child abuse cases inappropriately.

There are a few data on the impact of poverty and cultural values in influencing expectations, motivations, roles and approaches to parenting and perceiving what constitutes harmful behaviours (Barn et al., 2006). It is debatable to define in specific terms how children should be discipline from the view points of parents and professionals and what type and degree of punishments are deem appropriate for a misbehaving child. Barn et al (2006) findings show that African families do not punish their children any different from the majority white families and that there is no evidence of using more severe physical punishment (Thorburn et al., 2005). However, research shows that working-class white families presumably employ more smacking, which is a form of physical punishment, in an attempt to manage children behaviours and corporal punishment is still practise in schools outside the state sector, which are mainly occupied by middle-class children. Yet in general, as the vast majority of African parents use physical punishment as a form of discipline to manage their children behaviours, they are inevitably alleged of abusing their children (Chands, 1999). These are related to their cultural background, their socio-economic status, and their own personalities’ (Phillips & Dutt 2000). For example, Ellis (2006) maintained that in African culture there is little fondling and kissing of infants and any kind of caressing stops when the child is toddling. Black Africans express their affection and love in a different way, through good physical attention, such as bathing, skin-care and hair-care (Chands, 1999). This illustrates the necessity to understand different cultures in order to guard against misinterpretations of parenting behaviour, and to ask why a black African parent may not be showing any obvious signs of affection towards their child. Moreover, the unrealistic expectation by white social workers should be understandably measured in the light of the parents’ anxiety about their children’s future considering the poverty levels of many black African children living the United Kingdom (Beranard & Gupta 2006).

With regard to responsibility and independence, many research shows that most white social workers seem to adopt euro-centric approach when working with black African children and their families (Chands, 1999). In effect black African children are either not protected because they are seen to be able to cope with situations not deemed appropriate for white children, or where black African children are not taking on similar responsibilities to their white counterparts they are deemed to be at risk of abuse or deprivation (Chands, 1999). For instance, the issue of older siblings caring for younger ones in the case with many black African families may be decisive in the workers’ assessment of risk of significant harm to the child. According to Chands (1999) there is the need to question why this should be when a high level of both responsibility and independence by the older sibling can be clearly demonstrated. It must be emphasized therefore that although child abuse occurs in all races and cultures, workers must guard against viewing suspected abuse through the norms and values of their own background.

A further point is that black African families’ unwillingness or resistance to the assessment and intervention process employ by social workers working on alleged child abuse cases should not be seen as evidence of guilt, as the system may be new to them or a good working relationship is not there. Finally, Chands (1999) explains that in order to make the intervention process fairer for all black African families, it is necessary for majority white workers and institutions to understand that most black African parents may be less aware of child protection procedures, may be living in poverty, and their experience in the UK make them more susceptible to the child protection system. Some researchers have identified the importance of understanding how poverty complicate different cultural values, which in many cases explains the motivation behind parental actions when managing unacceptable behaviours of their children (Barn et al, 2006) and in their research on normative parenting there is no significant differences between ethnic groups with regard to physical punishment of children (Bernard & Gupta, 2008).

CHAPTER FIVE
IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE

There is some evidence in the literature to suggest that social workers and other professionals struggle to manage the complex needs and social circumstances of many African families (Bernard & Gupta, 2008). According to Hayes & Spratt (2008), social workers are more engage with child protection work, but not in way that is readily understood by those who legislate, set policy and measure performance. Social workers may lack the necessary tools to adequately differentiate borderline cases from high-risk cases, couple with poor collaboration with other professionals, classifying certain parenting practices as politically and ethically unacceptable and their own personal cultural values, they turn to route all borderline child abuse cases through the child protection processes. It might seem paradoxical that in recent years social workers, who are seen as the force for conformity, are frequently criticized for acting more in the interests of society than in the interests of service users. However, when social workers relate more with families than just aiming to achieve government’s target, they build good working relationships with those they serve and help liberate them from oppression, poverty and social deprivation. Thus, social workers engaging more with methods of intervention which liberate children and their families from poverty, deprivation and social exclusion are really working to the principles and ethics of social work practice as defined by IFSW in contemporary Britain.

Social work professionals almost always draw exclusively on sociology and political science knowledge base, believing that individuals can be wholly human only within the context of a benign environment and a just social order. Evidence shows that changing the social system of African families who suffer oppression through poverty and social exclusion by empowering them, not only means liberating them from social injustice, but also promoting family dignity and happiness. According to Bernard & Gupta (2008) the poverty and social circumstances experience by many African families pose challenges for parents and children, as well as social work professionals working to safeguard and promote children welfare. Therefore, it is the requirement of the social workers to consider African families’ poverty and social circumstances before deciding on what intervention process will most help change their life. Recent government’s efforts to change the objective social work from perhaps overemphasizes on child protection agenda to a more preventative approach in alleged child abuse cases, have not entirely favoured African families living in poverty who are accuse of being ‘deficient’ in their child-rearing behaviours. Social workers invariably experience the dilemma of choosing between directing efforts to child welfare process or child protection process and not see children suffer further abuse under the context of poverty.

The broader development of the new theoretical perspectives based on systems theory will assist social work professionals working with children and African families to consider a more specific view of their roles and to help develop effective relationships with African families with the view of understanding their individual, emotional as well as social needs. A lack of good relationship with African families will adversely impact on social workers ability to understand their parenting behaviours so as to employ the appropriate method of intervention (Bernard & Gupta, 2008). There are four main reasons for the need for a new perspective.

Policy changes resulting in a change in method of intervention

The policy environment to which social work practice relates continues to change to bring about the necessary social change. According to Platt (2006) persistent demands on social workers from the government and including inadequate staff, the bureaucracy and central government targets, and policies on refugees and asylum seekers, creates difficulty for social work to offer a wide range of family support services. Research shows that many African families may benefit more when they are routed away from child protection system towards child welfare services (Hayes & Spratt, 2008). However, the government’s response to Lord Laming’s Report in Every Child Matters following the death of Victoria Climbie, has strengthen child protection and increase the number of cases routed through child welfare processes. Therefore it is important for social workers to subject parenting practices influenced by poverty to thorough scrutiny during assessment process to help achieve better outcomes for African children. Poverty can create forms of disempowerment for children when it is used to justify parental behaviours and practices that violate their right (Bernard & Gupta, 2008). Further to this point, social workers sometimes face resistance when assessing parenting problems, and more importantly their judgements about what should be consider as significant harm, when parents use poverty as a yardstick for their behaviours. Chand (1999) argue that due to the large number of cases of child abuse and child protection issues among black African children and families, social workers should take the initiative and be proactive by liaising with the families they serve, informing them about where they draw their boundaries.

Changes in the knowledge and skill base

As with any profession there are both new approaches and new understandings about the effectiveness of specific interventions. Investment in research and the dissemination of knowledge and skills in health remains vast greater than in social care. But the strengthening of these resources in social work and social care should result in more knowledge based practice and management in the medium and long term. The case for recognising different sources of knowledge has been made and the multiplicity of information collected in various departments need to include that produced through the experience and expertise of people using the services and front line workers as well as from research. According to Chand (1999) training either formally or informally, is important for social workers working with black African families with child-rearing issues since it can raise the issue of how black African families meet their children needs differently. The training should be integrated into the social work training syllabus in higher education and this would broaden the understanding of students which may dispel some of the myths around black African families and their child-rearing practices and alleviate the potential of pathologizing them in child care practices (Chand, 1999).

Technological and structural changes

Recent technological changes, identification of gaps in knowledge and skills new areas of working are emerging which is resulting in the provision of services falling behind service demands. For instance global movements have necessitated the need for social workers to work with African children and families migrating to the UK with existing poor backgrounds, to work with asylum seekers or refugees escaping from own countries in political turmoil or at war (Newburn, 1993). New technologies and the growing familiarity of the public in using social welfare services opens up new forms of interventions particularly to assist African families living poverty in the UK. In areas where there is rapid development or new issues with social work practice there is the necessity in advance of theory. Strategies in these circumstances may include transferring existing knowledge and skills to the new area, drawing on any international experience and expertise, networking to share and learn from experience and research on needs and effective responses. Initially these may need to be done separately to structure a different perspective before it is possible to bring experience and learning together in new ways.

Multi organisational or Partnership Intervention

For intervention to meet the required target, it all depends on proper initial assessment, but many of the assessment tools that are employ such as DoH (2000) Framework for the Assessment of children in need and their families may disadvantage black African families due to the eurocentric approach of social workers. Research shows that partnership is needed to embrace both good working relationships and appropriate intervention process (Chand, 1999). Against this background, children in need may be given preventative supports and will prevent vulnerable children from abuse or maltreatment. Therefore greater attention should be given to support professional social work practice, and safeguarding the value base, the relationship and the process of good practice, expertise of social workers and related professions.

Implications and issues for considerations

Recent studies on African families and the child protection system show that these families are disproportionately represented at different levels in the child care system. The existing intervention tools for social work practice are grounded within ethnocentric epistemologies and, as the foundation for social work theory and practice, are not well equipped for the task of nurturing and developing African families and their children. This is evident, for example, in the sustained over-representation of black children in the care system and in the lack of supportive social work services designed to meet their needs. It is therefore important for the development of new theoretical perspectives based on systems theory to help social workers who work with African children and families. This will enable social workers to take a broader view of their role and to develop a vivid perception of parenting behaviours and practices of these families which are complicated with poverty so that a more appropriate method of intervention are employed in their judgement.

The extreme poverty experience by many African families pose challenges for social workers working to safeguard and promote children’s welfare (Bernard and Gupta, 2008). The Framework for the Assessment of Children in Need and their Families (Department of Health, 2000) based on the ecological approach places a requirement on social workers to also consider the low income status of parents when intervening cases of child abuse. These approaches provide an essential framework for work with African children and families, both in terms of the context of their lives and the process of the work being undertaken. In order to safeguard and promote the welfare of West African children, a starting point must be an acknowledgement of sources of maltreatment of children in the context of poverty (Bernard and Gupta, 2006).

The dissertation highlights the importance of social workers considering the poverty situations of many African families who have immigrated to the United Kingdom, particularly those who have recently arrived into the country. Most of the African families may be asylum seekers or refugees with insecure social status and may have very limited understanding of the child protection or welfare state system in the UK (Bernard & Gupta, 2008). Therefore only throug

This module will address the role of social work in the criminal justice context. This context includes a range of agencies working with adults and young persons who are involved in offending and agencies who work with the victims of crime.

Social Work within the criminal justice context can therefore involve direct work with people who have offended, for example working as a Probation Officer or working in a voluntary sector organisation that provide services to people involved in the criminal justice system. It also involves working with children and families who may be involved in the criminal justice system or affected by crime.

The module will cover the context and settings of social work in the criminal justice system, the principles, methods and interventions of working with offending behaviour; assessment in criminal justice contexts; the impact of crime and working with children and young people in the criminal justice system. A commitment to anti-oppressive practice underpins the module and students will be encouraged to critically think and evaluate their own practice and perspectives.

The module runs in Semester One and consists of lectures which take place on Tuesdays from 22/09/09 to 27/10/09. Lectures will be held from 10am to 1pm every Tuesday and on alternate weeks there will also be lectures from 2pm to 4pm in the afternoon. Tutorials will take place on alternate Fridays, beginning on 25/09/09. Students will be divided into tutorial groups and tutorials will run from 12-1pm and 1pm to 2pm on alternate Fridays. Students will be notified of their assigned tutor group in due course.

Students will be assessed for via a written assignment which is due for submission on:

Monday 2nd November at 4pm.

Module Aims

Students will understand the social work role within a criminal Justice context, and develop their understanding of the knowledge, skill and value base pertinent to the area of practice.

Learning Outcomes

Students will understand policy and legislation that informs the social work role in this context.

Students will learn the theoretical perspectives informing social work intervention in a criminal justice context.

Students will explore the research and methods that inform social work intervention in the criminal justice context.

Students will develop skills in the critical examination of theory and its application to practice.

Students will understand their own value base in relation to this area and have considered ethical issues in relation to practice.

Week 1 – Introduction to Social Work and Criminal Justice – history, context and settings

Date: 22/09/09

Lecture: 10 – 1pm – Nicola Carr

Tutorial – 25/09/09 (Group 1 (12-1) / Group 2 (1-2) – Nicola Carr and Alan Harpur

Week 2 – Working with offending behaviour- Principles, Methods and Interventions

Date: 29/09/09

Lecture: 10am -1pm – Nicola Carr

Lecture: 2pm -4pm – Nicola Carr

Week 3 – Assessment in criminal justice contexts

Date: 06/10/09

Lecture: 10am – 1pm – Nicola Carr

Tutorial: 09/09/09 (Group 1 (12-1) / Group 2 (1-2) – Nicola Carr and Alan Harpur

Week 4 – The impact of offending – working with victims of crime and Restorative Justice approaches

Date: 13/10/09

Lecture: 10am to 1pm – Nicola Carr

Lecture: 2pm to 4pm (Victim Panel – Susan Reid, Victim Support, Northern Ireland and Christine Hunter, PBNI Victims Unit)

Week 5 – Public Protection, Prisons and Resettlement

Date: 20/10/09

Lecture: 10am to 1pm (PPNAI, Willie McAuley; John Warren, Extern)

Tutorial: 23/09/09 (Group 1 (12-1) / Group 2 (1-2)

Week 6: Working with young people in the criminal justice system – balancing welfare and justice?

Date: 27/10/09

Lecture: 10am to 1pm – Nicola Carr

Lecture: 2pm to 4pm (Kelvin Doherty, Youth Justice Agency)

Course Reading
Recommended Texts

A further extensive list of recommended reading is provided for each week of the course based on subject area.

Assessment

Assessment of this module is through a written assignment which is due for submission:

Monday 2nd November by 4pm.

You are required to submit one printed copy to Reception in 6 College Park and one electronic copy via ‘My Modules’ on Queen’s Online before 4.00pm on Tues 5th Jan. Please refer to the following link on the School’s web site for submission procedures http://www.qub.ac.uk/schools/SchoolofSociologySocialPolicySocialWork/ImportantNotice/#d.en.93464

Students must answer one of the essay questions below and the word count for this assignment is: 2500 Words +/- 10%

Essay Questions

Restorative Justice aims to address the consequences of offending for victims and offenders and communities in a meaningful way. Critically evaluate this statement with reference to practice in the Northern Ireland criminal justice system.

Young people who are involved in offending should be treated as ‘children first’. Discuss this statement with reference to policy and practice in working with young people in the criminal justice system.

The history of probation is one of an increased emphasis on public protection. Discuss this statement with reference to probation practice in Northern Ireland.

Assessment of the risk of re-offending and risk of harm should guide the nature of intervention with offenders. Critically evaluate this statement with reference to theory, policy and practice.

GUIDELINES

This assignment should be based on learning from your lectures, workshops and guided study / reading .You are encouraged to start researching and preparing at an early stage as the submission date is A discussion forum will also be established on queens on-line in order to assist you to share ideas with tutors and other students and to seek to share resources for the assignment.

REFERENCING

Your assignment must be supported with references from relevant readings and you must follow the referencing guidelines relating to books, journals and web based material provided in your course handbook. You are encouraged to read widely in preparing for your assignment, drawing on material from your reading list as well as other relevant material. You should also look at the general assessment guidelines in your assessment handbook for more general assignment writing skills.

Essay guidance

The best way to structure the answer to a question is to begin with a very brief analysis of what you interpret the question as being about, and then a road-map of how you propose to answer it. This focuses your mind on organising a clear, coherent structure for your answer. Be very careful to indicate as much as possible of what empirical or other evidence there is to support your points.

It is not necessary to come to a definite conclusion on the question: uncertainty having weighed the arguments and evidence is almost always an acceptable position. What is essential, however, is that you have given sufficient weight to arguments contrary to your own, with reasons to back up your rejection. Frequently questions require you to present and assess a number of viewpoints, indicated by such instructions as ‘discuss’, ‘assess’, ‘how far is the case that…’ etc. But it is always essential to consider what alternative interpretations to your own argument there might be.

Source: Oxford University Press (Online Resource Centre)

Requirements for the Award of 10 Credit Points

In order to be awarded 10 credit points towards the completion of the Bachelor’s Degree in Social Work students must:

Complete and submit a written assignment and gain a mark of at least 40%.

Attend at least 80% of all lectures; and

Attend at least 80% of all workshops.

Students who fail to attend for the required number of lectures and tutorials, or who miss particularly crucial elements of the module, may be required to undertake additional work in order to be awarded credit points.

LATE SUBMISSION OF COURSEWORK

The University’s rule is that for work submitted after the deadline, 5 percentage points per working day are deducted from the received mark up to a maximum of five days. Thereafter, the work receives zero.

Extensions to essay deadlines are covered by a formal University procedure and may be granted on grounds of ill health or personal circumstances. You need to submit a completed Exemption from Late Coursework Marks Penalty Form (available from the Office, 6 College Park and on the School’s Website www.qub.ac.uk/soc ) within three days of the essay deadline. The form should be accompanied by a medical certificate (NOT self-certification) and/or other written supporting evidence and should be taken to the module convenor, preferably during his/her office hours, who decides whether or not to agree to an extension.

Lecture Outlines

Week 1 – Introduction to Social Work and Criminal Justice – history, context and settings

Date: 22/09/09

Lecture: 10 – 1pm

This lecture will provide an introduction to the module by outlining the role of social work in the criminal justice context. The first lecture will cover the history of social work within the criminal justice context and will explore theoretical perspectives on the intersection of social work and the criminal justice system. Particular consideration will be given to the role of the social worker within the parameters of the ‘care’ or ‘control’ debate. Some of the key phases of social work intervention in the criminal justice system will be explored ranging from original social work role as a ‘court missionary’ through to the current drive towards interventions based on the assessment of risk and ‘evidence based practice’.

Tutorial – 25/09/09 (Group 1 (12-1) / Group 2 (1-2)

Following from the introductory lecture, this tutorial will focus on some of the key paradigm shifts that have influenced the role of social work within the criminal justice context. Students will be encouraged to critically explore the role of social work within this setting.

Key Reading – Social Work in the Criminal Justice System – History, Context and Settings

Audit Commission (1989) Promoting Value for Money in the Probation Service, London: HMSO

Brownlee, I. (1998) Community Punishment. A Critical Introduction. Essex: Longman Criminology Series

Burnett, R. & Roberts, C. (Ed.) (2004) What Works in Probation and Youth Justice Cullompton: Willan

Chapman, T. and Hough, M. (1998) Evidence Based Practice, London: HMIP

Farrant, F. (2006) ‘Knowledge production and the punishment ethic: The demise of the probation service.’ Probation Journal, 53,4: 317-333

Fulton, B. & Parkhill, T. (2009) Making the Difference: an oral history of probation in Northern Ireland. Belfast: PBNI. Available at: http://www.pbni.org.uk/archive/Publications/Other%20Publications/pbni%2025th%20book.pdf

Gorman, K. (2001) ‘Cognitive behaviourism and the search for the Holy Grail: The quest for a universal means of managing offender risk.’ Probation Journal, 48, 3: 3-9

Kemshall, H. (2002) ‘Effective practice in probation: An example of ‘Advanced Liberal’ responsibilisation?’ Howard Journal of Criminal Justice, 41,1: 41-58

Lindsay, T. & Quinn, K. (2001) ‘Fair Play’ in Northern Ireland: Towards Anti-Sectarian Practice. Probation Journal, 42, 2: 102-109

McKnight, J. (2009) ‘Speaking up for Probation’ Howard Journal of Criminal Justice, 48,4: 327-343

Mair, G. (Ed.) (2004) What Matters in Probation Cullompton: Willan

Merrington, S. and Stanley, S. (2000) ‘Reflections: doubts about the what works initiative’, Probation Journal, 47, 4: 272-275

Robinson, G. & Raynor, P. (2006) ‘The future of rehabilitation: What role for the probation service?’ Probation Journal, 53,4: 334-346

Vanstone, M. (2004) ‘Mission control: The origins of a humanitarian service.’ Probation Journal, 51, 1: 34-47

Week 2 – Working with offending behaviour- Principles, Methods and Interventions

Date: 29/09/09

Lecture: 10am -1pm – Nicola Carr

Lecture: 2pm -4pm – Nicola Carr

These lectures will focus on the development and use of community penalties. Students will learn about the development of the ‘what works’ initiative and the drive towards effective, evidence-based practice. Key issues such as risk management and public protection will be explored and students will be encouraged to critically evaluate these developments.

Key developments in working with offenders will be outlined including some of the most recent methods of intervention based on research evidence.

Key Reading – Working with offending behaviour- Principles, Methods and Interventions

Andrews, D., Bonta, J. and Hoge, R. (1990a) ‘Classification for effective rehabilitation’, Criminal Justice and Behaviour, 17 ,1: 19-52.

Andrews, D. et al. (1990b) ‘Does correctional treatment work?’ Criminology, 28, 369-404

Ansbro, M. (2008) ‘Using attachment theory with offenders.’ Probation Journal, 55,3: 231-244

Bailie, R. (2006) ‘Women Offenders: The Development of a Policy and Strategy for Implementation by the Probation Board for Northern Ireland’ Irish Probation Journal, 3, 1:97-110

Batchelor, S. (2004) ‘Prove me the bam!’ Victimization and agency in the lives of young women who commit violent offences.’ Probation Journal, 52, 4: 358-375

Bhui, H.S. & Buchanan, J. (2004) ‘What Works?’ and complex individuality.’ Probation Journal, 51,3: 195-196

Bottoms, A. and Williams, W. (1979) ‘A non-treatment paradigm for probation practice’ British Journal of Social Work, 9,2: 160-201

Burnett R & Roberts C (2004) What Works in Probation and Youth Justice, Developing Evidence Based Practice. Cullompton: Willan

Burnett, R. & McNeill, F. (2005) ‘The place of the officer-offender relationship in assisting offenders to desist from crime.’ Probation Journal, 52,3: 221-242

Bushway, S.D.; Thornberry, T.P. & Krohn, M.D. (2003) ‘Desistance as a developmental process: A comparison of static and dynamic approaches.’ Journal of Quantitative Criminology, 19, 2: 129-153

Cherry, S. (2005) Transforming Behaviour: Pro-social Modelling in Practice. Cullompton: Willan

Dixon, L. & Ray, L. (2007) ‘Current issues and developments in race hate crime’ Probation Journal, 54,2: 109-124

Farrall, S. & Bowling, B. (1999) ‘Structuration, human development and desistance from crime.’ British Journal of Criminology 17, 2: 255-267

Farrall, S. (2002) Rethinking What Works with Offenders: Probation, Social Context and Desistance from Crime. Cullompton: Willan

Healy, D. & O’Donnell, I. (2008) ‘Calling time on crime: Motivation, generativity and agency in Irish Probationers.’ Probation Journal, 55,1: 25-38

Jordan, R. & O’Hare, G. (2007) ‘ The Probation Board for Northern Ireland’s Cognitive Self-Change Programme: An overview of the pilot programme in the community.’ Irish Probation Journal, 4,1: 125-136

Loughran, H. (2006) ‘A place for Motivational Interviewing in Probation?’ Irish Probation Journal, 3,1: 17-29

Martinson, R. (1974) ‘What works? Questions and answers about prison reform’, ThePublic Interest, 10, 22-54

McCulloch, P. (2005) ‘Probation, social context and desistance: retracing the relationship.’ Probation Journal, 52,1: 8-22

McGuire, J. & Priestly, P. (1995) ‘Reviewing “what works”: Past, present and future.’ In J. McGuire (Ed.) What Works in Reducing Re-offending. Sussex: Wiley

McNeill, F. (2001) ‘Developing effectiveness: Frontline Perspectives’, Social Work Education, 20,6: 671-678

McNeill, F. (2006) ‘A desistance paradigm for offender management’ Criminology and Criminal Justice, 6, 1: 39-62

McWilliams, W. (1987) ‘Probation, pragmatism and policy’, Howard Journal of Criminal Justice, 26,2:97-121

Maruna, S. (2001) Making Good: How Ex-Convicts Reform and Rebuild their Lives. Washington D.C. : American Psychological Association

Maruna, S.; Immarigeon, R. & LeBel, T.P. (2004) ‘Ex-offender Reintegration: Theory and Practice’ In: S. Maruna and R. Immarigeon (eds.) After Crime and Punishment: Pathways to Offender Integration, Cullompton: Willan

Miller, W. & Rollnick, S. (2006) Motivational Interviewing, Gilford Press, New York

Raynor, P. & Vanstone, M. (1994) ‘Probation practice, effectiveness and the non-treatment paradigm’, British Journal of Social Work, 24,4: 387-404

Rex, S. (1999) ‘Desistance from offending: Experiences of probation’, Howard Journal of Criminal Justice, 38, 4: 366-383

Rex, S. & Bottoms, A. (2003) ‘Evaluating the evaluators: Researching the accreditation of offender programmes.’ Probation Journal, 50,4: 359-368

Smith, D. (2004) ‘The uses and abuses of positivism’, in G. Mair (Ed.) What Matters in Probation, Cullompton: Willan

Vanstone, M. (2000) ‘Cognitive-behavioural work with offenders in the UK: a history of an influential endeavour’, Howard Journal, 39,2: 171-183

Week 3 – Assessment in criminal justice contexts

Date: 06/10/09

Lecture: 10am – 1pm – Nicola Carr

Assessing the risk of re-offending and the risk of harm is one of the core tasks of the social worker within the criminal justice system .This lecture will cover the background of assessment and some of the factors that impact on assessment. Particular attention will be paid to research evidence concerning, dynamic and static risk factors in relation to offending. In addition, attention will be paid to protective factors and research relating to desistance from crime. An overview will be provided of a range of risk assessment tools currently in use within the criminal justice system.

Tutorial: 09/09/09(Group 1 (12-1) / Group 2 (1-2) – Nicola Carr and Alan Harpur

This tutorial will be in a workshop format and will focus on the use of risk assessment tools in relation to the assessment of the risk re-offending and risk of harm with the aim of planning interventions to address these areas.

Assessment in criminal justice contexts

Aye-Maung, N. & Hammond, N. (2000) ‘Risk of re-offending and Needs Assessments: The User’s Perspective. (Home Office Research Study 216). London: Home Office

Best, P. (2007) ‘ The Assessment, Case Management and Evaluation System (ACE) in Northern Ireland.’ Irish Probation Journal, 4,1: 101-107

Kemshall, H. (1998) Risk in Probation Practice. Aldershot: Ashgate

Kemshall, H. (2003) Understanding Risk in Criminal Justice. Berkshire: Open University Press

Kemshall, H. (2008) Understanding the Management of High Risk Offenders. Berkshire: Open University Press

Merrington, S. & Skinns, J. (2002) ‘Using ACE to Profile Criminogenic Needs’, Probation Studies Unit ACE Practitioner Bulletin No. 1, University of Oxford. Available at: http://www.crim.ox.ac.uk/publications/psubull1.pdf

O’Dwyer, G. (2008) ‘A Risk Assessment and Risk Management Approach to Sexual Offending for the Probation Service.’ Irish Probation Journal, Vol. 5: 84-91

Robinson, G. (2002) ‘Exploring risk management in probation practice: contemporary developments in England and Wales.’ Punishment and Society, 4, 1: 5-25

Robinson, G. (2003) ‘Implementing OASys: lessons from research into LSI-R and ACE’ Probation Journal, 50, 1:30-40

Week 4 – The impact of offending – working with victims of crime and Restorative Justice approaches

Date: 13/10/09

Lecture: 10am to 1pm – Nicola Carr

This lecture will address issues concerning the impact of crime, and will explore issues relating to victims of crime. The concept of the ‘victim’ of crime will be critically assessed with reference to a range of literature, and the victim’s role within the criminal justice system will be explored. The role of the Social Worker in working with victims of crime will also be analysed.

The principles and practices of restorative justice approaches will be examined and explored specifically in relation to the Northern Ireland context.

Lecture: 2pm to 4pm (Victim Panel – Susan Reid, Victim Support, Northern Ireland and Christine Hunter, PBNI Victims Unit)

The afternoon lecture will involve a panel presentation from representatives from two agencies working with victims of crime. The presenters will focus on particular issues and themes relating to their work and students will have an opportunity to discuss the issues raised.

Victims and the Impact of Crime

Hoyle, C. & Zedner, L. (2007) ‘Victims, victimization and the criminal justice system.’ In M. Maguire; R. Morgan & R. Reiner (Eds.) The Oxford Handbook of Criminology (Fourth Edition) Oxford: Oxford University Press

Hunter, C. (2005) ‘The View of Victims of Crime on How the Probation Board for Northern Ireland Victim Information Scheme Might Operate’ Irish Probation Journal, 2,1: 43-47

Norton, S. (2007) ‘The place of victims in the Criminal Justice System.’ Irish Probation Journal, 4,1: 63-76

Williams, B. (2009) ‘Victims’ In: C. Hale; K, Hayward; A. Wahidin & E. Wincup (Eds.) Criminology (Second Edition) Oxford: Oxford University Press

Restorative Justice

Braithwaite, J. (1989) Crime, Shame and Reintegration. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Campbell C, Devlin R, O’Mahony D, Doak J (2005) Evaluation of the Northern Ireland Youth conferencing Service NIO Research and Statistical Series: Report No 12

Daly, K. (2002) ‘Restorative Justice: The real story’ Punishment and Society, 4,1: 55-79

Daly, K. & Stubbs, J. (2006) ‘Feminist engagement with restorative justice.’ Theoretical Criminology, 10, 1: 9-28

Gelsthorpe, L. & Morris, A. (2002) ‘Restorative youth justice. The last vestiges of welfare?’ In: J. Muncie; G. Hughes & E. McLaughlin (Eds.) Youth Justice Critical Readings. London: Sage

Gray, P. (2005) ‘The politics of risk and young offenders’ experiences of social exclusion and restorative justice.’ British Journal of Criminology, 45,6: 938-957

Hamill, H. (2002) ‘Victims of paramilitary Punishment Attacks in Belfast.’ In C. Hoyle & R. Young (Eds.) New Visions of Crime Victims, 49-70., Oxford: Hart

Hoyle, C. (2002) ‘Securing restorative justice for the “Non-Participating” Victim’. In: In C. Hoyle & R. Young (Eds.) New Visions of Crime Victims, 97-132., Oxford: Hart

McEvoy, K. & Mika, H. (2002) ‘ Restorative Justice and the critique of informalism in Northern Ireland.’ British Journal of Criminology, 42, 3: 534-562

McLaughlin, E.; Fergusson, R.; Hughes, G. & Westmarland, L. Restorative Justice: Critical Issues London, Sage

Marshall, T. (1999) Restorative Justice: An Overview. London: Home Office. Available at: http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs/occ-resjus.pdf

Morris, A. (2002) ‘Critiquing the critics: A brief response to critics of restorative justice.’ British Journal of Criminology, 42,3: 596-615

O’Mahony, D. & Doak, J. ‘Restorative Justice- Is More Better? The Experience of Police-led Restorative Justice in Northern Ireland’ The Howard Journal of Criminal Justice, vol. 43, no. 5

Shapland, J.; Atkinson, A.; Atkinson, H.; Dignan, J.; Edwards, L; Hibbert, J. Howes, M.; Johnstone, J.; Robinson, G. & Sorsby, A. (2008) Does restorative justice affect reconviction? The fourth report from the evaluation of three schemes. London: Ministry of Justice. Available at: http://www.justice.gov.uk/restorative-justice-report_06-08.pdf

Zehr H & Towes B (EDS) – Critical Issues in Restorative Justice, Willan Publishing

Week 5 – Public Protection, Prisons and Resettlement

Date: 20/10/09

Lecture: 10am to 1pm (Nicola Carr and Willie McAuley, PPNAI)

Public protection has formed an important part of the work of criminal justice agencies in recent years. This lecture explores the ‘public protection’ discourse, and its practical implications in relation to new ‘public protection’ arrangements.

The second part of this lecture will focus on the role of social work in relation to prisoners and their families and the role of resettlement.

Tutorial: 23/09/09(Group 1 (12-1) / Group 2 (1-2)

This tutorial will follow from this week’s lecture and address issues in relation to prisoners, the effects of imprisonment and resettlement.

Public Protection, Prisons and Resettlement

Burnett, R. & Maruna, S. (2006) ‘The kindness of prisoners: Strengths-based resettlement in theory and action.’ Criminology and Criminal Justice, 6, 1: 83-106

Corcoran, M. (2007) ‘Normalisation and its discontents: Constructing the ‘irreconcilable’ female political prisoner in Northern Ireland.’ British Journal of Criminology, 47,3: 405-422

Her Majesty’s Inspectorates of Prison and Probation (2001) Through the Prison Gate: A Joint Thematic Review. London: Home Office. Available at: http://www.justice.gov.uk/inspectorates/hmi-prisons/docs/prison-gate-rps.pdf

Kemshall, H. (1996) Reviewing Risk: A review of the research on the assessment and management of risk and dangerousness: Implications for policy and practice in the Probation Service. London: Home Office

Kemshall, H. & Maguire, M. (2001) ‘Public Protection, partnership and risk penality: The Multi-Agency risk management of sexual and violent offenders.’ Punishment and Society, 3,2: 237-264

Lewis, S.; Vennard, J.; Maguire, M.; Raynor, P.; Vanstone, M.; Raybould, S. & Rix, A. (2003) The Resettlement of short-term prisoners: an evaluation of seven pathfinders. London: Home Office. Available at: http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs2/occ83pathfinders.pdf

McEvoy, K.; Shirlow, P. & McElrath, K. (2004) ‘Resistance, transition and exclusion: Politically motivated ex-prisoners and conflict transformation in Northern Ireland. Terrorism and Political Violence, 16, 3: 646-670

Maguire, M. & Raynor, P. (2006) ‘How the resettlement of prisoners promotes desistance from crime: Or does it?’ Criminology and Criminal Justice, 6, 1:19-38

Maruna, S. & Liebling, A. (2004) The Effects of Imprisonment. Cullompton: Willan

Matthews, R. (2009) ‘Prisons’ in C. Hale; K, Hayward; A. Wahidin & E. Wincup (Eds.) Criminology (Second Edition) Oxford: Oxford University Press

Public Protection Arrangements Northern Ireland (PPANI) Guidance to Agencies. Belfast: Northern Ireland Office. Available at: http://www.publicprotectionni.com/

Scraton, P. & Moore, L. (2004) The Hurt Inside. The Imprisonment of women and girls in Northern Ireland. Belfast: Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission. Available at: http://www.statewatch.org/news/2004/oct/the-hurt-inside-nihrc.pdf

Scraton, P. & Moore, L. (2005) ‘Degradation, harm and survival in a women’s prison.’ Social Policy and Society, 5, 1: 67-7

Wahidin, A. (2009) ‘Ageing’ in prison: crime and the criminal justice system.’ In: C. Hale; K, Hayward; A. Wahidin & E. Wincup (Eds.) Criminology (Second Edition) Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Week 6: Working with young people in the criminal justice system – balancing welfare and justice?

Date: 27/10/09

Lecture: 10am to 1pm – Nicola Carr

Working with young people who are involved in the criminal justice system involves addressing the context of offending and the welfare needs of the young person. This lecture will cover the theories and practices that inform this work, with reference to research literature and the current system and policy context in Northern Ireland.

Lecture: 2pm to 4pm (Kelvin Doherty, Youth Justice Agency)

The afternoon lecture will be delivered by Kelvin Doherty, from the Youth Justice Agency, who will provide an overview of the youth conferencing service in Northern Ireland. The lecture will focus on the aims, rationale and operation of youth conferences through an interactive session.

Working with Young People in the Criminal Justice System

Campbell, C.; Devlin, R.; O’Mahony, D.; Doak, J.; Jackson, J.; Corrigan, T. & McEvoy, K. (2006) Evaluation of the Northern Ireland Youth Conference Service. Belfast: Northern Ireland Office. Available: http://www.nio.gov.uk/evaluation_of_the_northern_ireland_youth_conference_service.pdf

Ellison, G. (2001) Young People, Crime, Policing and Victimisation in Northern Ireland. Belfast: Institute of Criminology and Criminal Justice, Queen’s University. Available at: http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/issues/police/ellison00.htm

Graham, J. & Bowling, B. (1995) Young People and Crime (Home Office Research Study No. 145), London: Home Office

Hamilton, J.; Radford, K. & Jarman, N. (2003) Policing, Accountability and Young People. Belfast: Institute for Conflict Research. Available at: http://www.conflictresearch.org.uk/documents/policeyp.pdf

Include Youth (2008) A Manifesto for Youth Justice in Northern Ireland. Belfast: Include Youth. Available at: http://www.includeyouth.org/fs/doc/Include-Youth-Manifesto-2008.pdf

Leonard, M. (2004) Children in Interface Areas: Reflections from North Belfast. Belfast: Save the Children

Muncie, J. (2004) Youth and Crime (Second Edition) London: Sage

NICCY (2008) Children in Conflict with the Law and the Administration of Juvenile Justice. Belfast: NICCY. Available at: http://www.niccy.org/uploaded_docs/1_71784_NIC71784%20Childrens%20Rights%20Text%208.pdf

Social work is a profession established to promote and secure the wellbeing of families, children, adults and the surrounding communities. Social work in Wales is regulated under the guidance and legislation of the Care council for Wales. This guidance is governed by a code of practice which all Social workers are to adhere too. Anyone choosing to use the title ‘social worker’ is required to be registered with the care council for Wales, or any other council for other countries within the UK. The Care council for Wales states that the purpose of the code is to ‘set out the conduct that is expected of social care workers and to inform service users and the public about the standards of conduct they can expect’. (WAG, 2012:5) These guidelines allow all social workers to have a clear understanding of their role and what is expected of them. The aim of this assignment is to discuss the role and task of the Social worker, effectively showing an understanding of ethical issues, and anti-oppressive practice within Welsh context.

The role of the Social worker is often formed by the needs of the individual service user or family. Social workers play a leading role in providing safety and protection to adults and children. However the role will at times have to be adapted in order to fully meet the individual service users’ needs. Some roles carried out by the Social worker could possibly include being a counsellor, advocate, caseworker, manager of care, a person of social control and being able to work effectively as part of a mulit-disciplinary team. Each of these roles will require a number of different skills, Such as being an effective communicator, having the ability to recognise and regard diversity, and make effective risk assessments. The social worker needs to be able to respect the service user irrespective of their reasons for necessitating a social worker. Parallel with these the Social worker will need to have values and admiration for ethnicity, gender, class, culture, religion, age, sexuality or ability. In doing all of these social workers have a number of Acts and Laws in which they must obey, such as All Wales Framework for the Assessment of Children in need etc. . The Laws are regulations which enable the social worker to carry out their role and tasks in a positive way allowing for empowerment, change, and anti-oppressive practice and to tackle matters of oppression. The policies and legislation provide mandate for practice. Alongside the role of the social worker is the task of the social worker. The role of the social worker may require a wide variety, in terms of the range of tasks needing to be carried out. Some of these tasks could include supporting the parents/s to develop and enhance parenting skills, supporting the service user to become financially dependent- in order for them to reduce the possible risks of falling into poverty, and encouraging and supporting the service user back to work and employment. This is just to name a few of many tasks carried out within the role of a social worker.

Social workers are to practice anti-oppressive practice whilst working with service users, this is intended to enable them to resolve any problems and overcome barriers being faced by the service user. Dominelli. (2002) states that ‘Anti-oppressive practice seeks to eliminate oppression within professional practice as well as contribute to its eradication within the broader society’ (:83) Dominelli (2002) then goes on to suggest that ‘ being clear about their principles, value base and ethical orientation will help individual practitioners in the decision-making process where and how they will direct their work’ (:84) In keeping with clear principles and ethical issues and taking into account the code of ethics as set by BASW which states that, (2012) ‘Respect for human dignity, and for individual and cultural diversity Value for every human being, their beliefs, goals, preferences and needs’. One of the principles that is important in respecting a service users’ needs and rights is that social workers within Wales implement the use of the ‘Welsh Language Act 1993’ this is one example of where laws between England and Wales are noticeably different in social work. In coinciding with this Act, the Welsh Language is proposed to have equal status. Whilst differentiating ethical issues, it became apparent that a service user has a right to decide what language their social worker uses, therefore, as stated by Davies (1994) ‘Principles for anti-oppressive practice in Wales:

1. A service user has the right to choose which language to use with a worker;

2. Language is more than a means of communication: it is an essential part of a

person’s identity;

3. People are able to express themselves more effectively and comfortably in their

language of choice;

4. Good practice means offering users real language choice;

5. A comprehensive and quality service in Wales means a bilingual service’. (:60)

Refusing this service can be recognised as a way of oppressing an individual.

This assignment has discussed and researched some of the areas of social work, such as the role and task of the social worker. It became apparent that the role of the social worker and the area in which they practice will provide the outline of the tasks they will be required to carry out. There is a great importance of values, and the need to adhere the policies and regulations is clearly paramount in all areas and practice of social work. The assignment has then gone on to identify the difference in regulations and policies within Wales and England, and the importance of anti-oppressive practice, Likewise recognising the rights of the service user, and the need to respect these rights. Finally the assignment went onto show an understanding of the need to be aware of ethical practice.

Firstly I would like to focus on the policies and legislation which has shaped partnership working. The ideas of collaboration and partnership working now form a large body of policies and legislation, which include some duties for statutory inter agency working. I have examined only some of the key polices and legislation as there are too many to examine for the purpose of this essay. I have made reference to partnership working for each one. Firstly I look at the UK wide policies/legislations and then I focus on Welsh policy.

Firstly the Seebohm Report (HMSO, 1968) argued for a co-operation across the spectrum of welfare state services and more effective co-operation by different professionals. It proposed a major restructuring of personal social services into a unified social service department. National Health Service and Community Care Act (HMSO, 1990) gave a duty to local authorities to assess and where applicable meet a person’s needs for community care services by collaboration with other agencies. Building Bridges (DOH, 1995) this encourages interdisciplinary and multiagency care planning.

The Health and Social Care Act 2001 (Home Office, 2001) created new powers to establish care trusts by building on existing health and local authority powers to forge partnerships and provide integrated care. The National Service Framework for Older People (DOH, 2001) set out standards for care of older people across health and social services. It aimed to remove age discrimination, provide person center care, promoting independence and fitting services around people needs. Means for achieving these aims included the single assessment process and integration in commissioning arrangement and service provision. Valuing people a new strategy for learning disability for the 21st century (DH, 2001) highlighted partnership working through local partnership boards and inter-professional/inter agency co-operation are seen as central to achieving the four key principles of rights, independence, choice and inclusion for people with learning disabilities. National Service Framework (NSF) for Older People (Department of Health, 2001) highlighted that agencies should not duplicate each other’s assessments, and professionals should contribute to assessments in the most effective way.

Community Care (Delayed Discharge) Act (DoH, 2003) introduced a new dynamic in interagency and inter professional relationships. It made social services authorities liable to reimburse the NHS for delays where patients in hospital are medically fit but unable to be discharged due solely to social service inability to provide assessment and community care services within a required timescale. Every Child Matters (HMSO, 2003) in response to the Victoria Climbi inquiry, it proposed: improved interagency information sharing and co-operation; work in multi-disciplinary teams; a ‘lead’ professional role; creation of local safeguarding boas; in the long term integration of key services for children and young people in children’s trusts under a director of children’s services. Children Act ( 2004) allowed the creation of database to support professionals in sharing information. The Carers (Equal Opportunities) Act (DOH, 2004) placed a duty on social service to inform carers of their right to an assessment. It also enabled social services to ask other public bodies including the health organizations to provide service to careers. Single Assessment Process Implementation Guidance (DOH, 2004) sets out how the single assessment process described in the Mental Capacity Act (2005) where social workers and care professionals acting on behalf of someone who lacks capacity must act in a person’s best interest.

Working Together to Safeguard Children (DfES, 2006) aaddressed to practitioners and managers, sets out how organisations and individuals should work together to safeguard and promote the welfare of children, stressing shared responsibility and the need to understand the roles of others. It described the role of local safeguarding children’s boards (LSCBs), training for inter-agency work and the detailed processes for managing individual cases. These elements are ‘statutory” guidance, which required compliance. Mental Health Act (2007) amended the 1983 Act broadening the group of professional practitioners who undertake approved social worker (ASW) functions, to be known as Approved Mental Health Professionals. Concurrently, the code of practice of the 1983 Act was updated, stressing inter-professional collaboration in assessment and after care planning and involvement of patients and carers. Building brighter futures: next steps for the children’s workforce (DfE, 2008) set out the components of integrated working as they are emerging through Children’s Trusts. It considered the contribution of the Common Core of Skills and Knowledge and the pros and cons of professional identities and boundaries. It looked forward to achieving a broad vision of integrated working that has support across the whole children’s workforce.

Now I would like to focus upon the policies that are specifically within Wales. Firstly, The Review of Health and Social Care in Wales, (WAG, 2003) emphasized the importance of multi-agency working and looked at decision-making processes, the capacity and effectiveness of existing services, the capacity of management, the processes governing standard setting, information management, resource flows, and incentives and sanctions. The Report of the Wanless Committee (WAG, 2004) focuses on shared decision-making between professionals and users and patients. It also highlights that there needs to be integrated thinking across health and social care boundaries and highlights the need for a new approach for funding health and social care. Making the Connections: Delivering Better Services for Wales: The Welsh Assembly Government Vision for Public Services (WAG, 2004). This policy aims to increase efficiency through more effective co-operation across the public services and to place people and communities at the centre, enabling active participation in service planning design and delivery. Children and Young People: Rights to Action – Stronger Partnerships for Better Outcomes (WAG, 2005). This paper outlines the expectation from the assembly government for local agencies to take a joint approach in planning services to make them as effective as possible. Fulfilled Lives, Supportive Communities: Improving Social Services in Wales from 2008-2018 (WAG, 2006). This focuses on partnership arrangements which put the citizen at the centre and work effectively across sectors and organisations using care pathways to support people. Lastly, Sustainable Social Services for Wales – A Framework for Action (WAG, 2011) highlights the importance of developing more integration of health and social services for children, young people, and frail older people, and in respect of re-ablement services. Joining up in this way will help break down barriers that can often get in the way of providing services and drive out duplication. This sets out the current vision for partnership working within Wales until 2016.

As highlighted above there are many key pieces of legislation and policies which highlight the importance of multi-agency working. Since the 1960’s there has been a focus on partnership working for social services. There are some key principles and ethical issues to partnership working and there can be some dilemmas to this. The next part of this essay will focus upon key principles and ethical issues.

There are many areas to partnership working that may lead to some dilemmas. Glasby (2004) defines inter-professional working as to or more people from different professions communicate and co-operate to achieve a common goal. Adams et al (2006) highlights the importance of having a professional identity is to partnership working. Adams et al (2006) suggests that a professional identity gives a person a set of values, expertise, role and responsibilities.

Currently my practice learning level three is based within the Adult Community Care Team (ACCT) which implements care plans for clients with presenting eligible needs. To ensure that clients’ needs are met there is a process which involves various professionals that are involved within the information gathering and care planning for example social worker, health, brokerage, finance team and carer assessors. During my placement I have been able to see the importance of working with other professionals to deliver effective services for the clients. During one unified assessment (UA) I completed I worked collaboratively with a nurse to complete the UA. The reason for this is to identify if this particular client was in need of a nursing home rather than a residential home. Therefore the expertise of the nurse as vital to complete the assessment. However there were some key issues that

Key principles

Retaining professional identification

Partnership working can be complex and often brings people together who have different views on what is ‘right’ for a service user with different approaches ( Gasper, 2010). Whittington (2003) suggests that if professionals can understand what they have in common, what they can contribute distinctively, what can be complementary and identify the possible tensions between them it can improve the effectiveness of partnership working. By identifying these areas professionals can complement each to benefit the client overall. Keeping (2006) highlights a general uncertainty from other professionals around what social workers actually do. Lack of knowledge of what each professional involved does can lead to stereotyping each worker (Lymbery, 2006). This means that it is important for social workers to remember what responsibilities lay with them when working with other professionals.

Building relationships and trust

Seden et al (2011) suggests that social workers are often caught between care and control finding their way through complex relationships with service users, other professionals, peers and the public. Trust is an important factor in facilitating open discussion and successful role negation, both of which are important features of inter-professional working (Barrett and Keeping, 2005). Where professionals trust each other’s motives, competence and dependability they are more able to manage risky situations (Lawson, 2004). Trust is an important element of collaborative working relationship.

Gasper (2010) highlights that partnership working can mean better access to service and an avoidance of duplication which means service can be delivered in more of a cost-effective way.

Differences in languages

Within partnership working there can be many professionals involved. Issues may arise when there is a use of specialist language that not everyone understands (Maguire and Truscott, 2006)

Communication

Communication across professions can be difficult especially when they are not in the same location, this can result in a breakdown of communication and delays in services (McCormack et al, 2008)

Inequalities in status and pay

There may be differences in status between professionals and this must be acknowledged to see if they impact upon communication (Barrett and Keeping, 2005). Some practitioners perceive threats to their professional status, autonomy and control when asked to participate in more democratic decision making forums (Lloyd and Wait, 2006).

Conflicting organisation and professional boundaries

There is often un-clarity around the roles of voluntary and service users in partnership working (Marks, 2007)

Resources can be split into three areas; money, information and time. Issues around money can be identified in several areas. One is that there are different funding cycles, separate budgets and financial pressures (Frye and Webb, 2002). Some professionals may be reluctant in funding services if there is a pressure on budgets (Roy and Watts, 2001). Information sharing can pose constrains for partnership working.

Partnership working needs a sufficient amount of time dedicated for it to be effective (Atkinson, 2007). Frost and Lloyd (2006) suggested that time is needed for relationships to develop and trust to be built. These are key components for agreements to be made around protocols and reflection upon new professional identifies (Frost and Lloyd, 2006).

Personal Reflections On Becoming A Social Worker

In this assignment I am going to explore the reasons and motivations that inspired me to redirect my life and enter the social work profession. I am going to reflect on my life, so that I am able to realise the probable impact of my experiences on my professional life.

My story begins with my grandparents, both paternal and maternal, who were working class, suffering disadvantage and poverty. Both my grandmothers worked in the mill doing piecework to try and keep their families afloat. My maternal grandmother was always in debt, borrowing on HP to buy goods, and my paternal grandmother was a widow who brought my father up alone.

There was no benefit system then, therefore, she had to work to survive. My father passed the grammar school exams but was unable to attend, as my grandmother could not afford for him to go, hence he had to seek employment instead. My father worked hard and eventually acquired his own business.

As I grew up I became aware that my father was very thrifty, a consequence of the hardship he suffered as a child and not wanting to return to this state, which made me very aware of the disadvantages of poverty.

My father and grandmother brought me up, with my brother. We lived in a terraced house, in East Lancashire, with no bathroom and an outside toilet. I do not remember life as a ‘normal’ family as my parents divorced when I was young. My grandmother was upset by the divorce, inducing her to ‘split’ (Klein identified this process as a defence) favouring her son. She idealised my brother, and I was left to my own devices, (I was denigrated, I assume because I resembled my mother) often playing with friends and joining them on family outings.

I felt isolated and as though I did not belong anywhere. I promptly adapted my own survival techniques by splitting; becoming a ‘free spirit’, and pretending I belonged to the families I joined on outings. ‘Splitting’ being the “most primitive of the defences” (Froggett, 2008).

Growing up I remember there was not much money, my grandmother buying clothes from jumble sales, and I only remember getting new socks for Easter. I was not particularly aware of my socio-economic position, however, I did recognise that we were different from other families. Although people no doubt did feel sorry for me, I used my personality to gain recognition as an individual. This, perhaps, was the beginning of my interest in less fortunate individuals, influencing my decision to enter social work.

I was unaware, at this time, that I had a mother but I did have contact with my maternal grandparents. My father was not particularly political, however, my grandparents were very much of the labour mindset, having split, and adapted a ‘them and us’ mentality regarding their status of working class.

My maternal grandmother was involved with the Catholic Church and helped others less fortunate by knitting clothes and baking cakes. She was very kind and caring in one way, but to a lesser extent if people were of a different religion. During that time the community relied on their faith and helped their neighbours, seeing it as a Christian duty. My grandmother was a respected member of the community who was aware of, and took responsibility, showing empathy and compassion for those less fortunate than herself.

She believed that she was improving their lives, but was realistic recognising that she could only assist them with emotional and practical needs, not material wealth. Hence, she was not alleviating their poverty but making it more bearable, and it could be said that she acted as a ‘container’ for others. Containment (Froggett, 2002, pg 13) “refers to the capacity of an individual, ….., to mentally receive and hold the disorganised or troubling psychic material of another, rendering it more bearable.” This resulted in, according to Klein, her realizing the ‘depressive position’ (seeing the other as whole).

Looking back now I believe this is where I gained my values and beliefs, my grandmother being an important role model. Her influence was the beginning of my need to enter a caring profession, feeling a sense of obligation to support and care for others.

My grandparents often talked of wartime, the struggles and hardship, remembering rationing and institutions. They welcomed the new welfare state, seeing it as an end to their struggles providing benefits, healthcare and education. I grew up not knowing anything other than a welfare state, accepting it as a right for everyone; however, I can imagine how difficult life was for them and the disadvantages they suffered as a result of their social position.

Prior to commencement of this course I have criticised welfare for creating a ‘dependency culture’ and demonised those who could work and never tried to find employment. At the time I was suffering hardship, being widowed and pregnant at the age of 27 with 3 boys already aged 18 months, 3 and 5 years respectively. I received widowed mother’s allowance but also worked part time to support my family.

I was not in receipt of any other benefits, free school dinners or free school uniforms. I would have been better off on benefits but chose self-respect, not wanting to be a burden, and I feel this has made me a more independent person. I realise now that others lives are more complex and involve other issues, nevertheless, by working I was not allowing myself time to grieve and by demonising others I was blaming them for my situation.

Now I can see all angles and have reached the ‘depressive position’, having mourned and can feel compassion for those on welfare. The ‘depressive position’ being a “… selfless capacity to acknowledge other people for their unique qualities and moral worth.” (Froggett, 2002, pg 45)

I have always wanted to enter a caring profession; when I was younger people would comment on how I would make a good nurse, but until the death of my husband I did not pursue this, as life had presented me with other obstacles. It was due to my own lack of support after my husband’s death that I became more determined to help others who could not help themselves. However, during the process of becoming a social worker I have become aware of and welcomed the help I am also giving myself, resolving hidden issues from the past.

Being abandoned by my mother left me feeling rejected, isolated, and feeling of no importance to anyone. The experience made me a very independent and untrusting person, making me feel as though I could only rely on myself, and this remains with me to this day with exception of the ‘untrusting’.

As I matured and formed a relationship with my mother, albeit a fragmented one, I now understand her reasons for leaving, (a characteristic of the ‘depressive position’), although, having been widowed with 4 children to raise in later life, I cannot condone her actions. She has expressed guilt and sorrow, and felt that she was doing the right thing at the time, reasoning with herself that I was better off with my father and stability.

She entered a new relationship, having a second family and ‘split’ her feelings for me as a response. I ‘split’ in a way that I denied I had a mother, repressing her into my unconscious, and erased her from my memory. I remember at the age of 6 coming home from school to find my mother with my grandmother and not knowing who she was.

From the age of 7 I moved area to live with my mother and new family and felt like a prisoner. My anxiety caused me to demonise my mother as I blamed her for taking me away from my father and for trying to indoctrinate me to have bad feelings for him. I could not see any positive qualities about our relationship (Froggett, 2008).

Consequently my relationship with my mother was never a good one, and I constantly challenged her attitudes, and beliefs. The challenges were sometimes in my actions, but mostly within my thoughts as I was too scared to challenge her directly as she was manipulative and controlling which in turn made me split and become more independent, refusing to ask for help. I felt I didn’t need anyone and could manage on my own.

The contemptuous relationship with my mother was a result of a damaged transition into ‘twoness’, (separation from my mother) which made me, at times, mistrustful and uncertain of relationships in my adult life, fearing rejection and unreliability (Froggett, 2008). My childhood experiences meant that I lost confidence in ‘the reliability of the social world’ (Honneth, 1992, p133) and was insecure.

My life changed dramatically when I was 13 and my mother was diagnosed with cancer. It was at this time that integration became apparent, and I was able to forgive and re-build our relationship, achieving a ‘depressive position’. I felt needed, and guilt at the same time regarding my feelings for my mother. She was very ill and I was expected to become an adult and run the guesthouse we lived in.

I felt very isolated; I no longer saw my friends from school as I looked after my family, did the household chores, paid the bills, did the shopping, visited my mother in hospital (before I went to school) and had no spare time to socialise. I managed to cope with the extra responsibility but experienced loneliness at home; and at school where I was bullied for a time because I was permitted to enter school at 9.30.

Other children recognised this as being given special treatment, whereas, it was ‘misrecognition’, as I had chores to complete before school, which was difficult, “…. misrecognition can inflict harm, can be a form of oppression, imprisoning someone in a false, distorted and reduced mode of being.” (Taylor, 1995). However, my relationship with my mother had changed and I was able to convey my feelings to her and contain my anxieties.

This new found desire to help led me to become involved, as a teenager, with helping children and committing to some voluntary work at a psychiatric hospital. Identifying with similar people was a form of release, helping myself by helping others, allowing me to deal with my feelings of abandonment, exclusion and isolation. I developed this further when I later became involved with Home Start, as a volunteer, which was the determining factor in my decision to become a social worker.

My relationship with my mother deteriorated again when my brother died. I felt alone again, as my brother had been the one stable element in my life, and my way of coping was to blame my mother for uprooting us and bringing us to live with her. I detached myself and denied my brother was dead for a while by pretending he was away, (he had been in the RAF living in various camps) as a defence mechanism. I had just met my husband at this time and his strength allowed me to deal with my loss and come to terms with it; he became my ‘container’ allowing me to reach the ‘depressive position’.

At the age of 18 years old my mother told me to leave after constant confrontations. We could not live together as we were both finding it very difficult dealing with our own grief, and each other’s. I felt liberated and was relieved as I had always been too scared of my mother before but my husband, my ‘container’, gave me the strength to stand up to her, and I finally found the strength to attain recognition as an individual.

When my husband died I feel I split once more. I no longer felt I belonged, I hated everyone, particularly happy families, and I felt isolated and alone (Woods and Hollis, 1990). This could be defined in Kleinian terms as being the ‘paranoid schizoid’ position (a form of splitting) (Beckett, 2002).

This was the worse time in my life and affected me deeply. I did start to drink at this stage to enable me to experience ‘oneness’, but did not attain this (Froggett, 2008). I was pregnant at the time; therefore, for the sake of my sanity I addressed my negative behaviour to prevent damage to my child. I realised that I had an unborn child who needed me, as well as 3 other children, who loved me unconditionally and I somehow found the strength to resolutely challenge myself not to disappoint them as my mother had me, this being my reason for containment (Froggett, 2008).

During this time I was never asked or given a choice about any form of counselling, and I received very little support. This became my motivation for embarking on social work as a career, as I felt I could do a better job than some; as I had experienced disadvantage, trauma and been marginalized. I felt that I would be committed and reliable to the people who needed my support.

My experiences have given me an inner strength, making me stronger (Hollis and Woods, 1990), enabling me to empathise and show compassion to others, and I felt that I had a lot to offer others less fortunate than myself. I had always been of an altruistic nature, and during this period of my life I realised social work, as a career, would allow me to practice altruism on a larger scale, gaining emotional gratification (Woods and Hollis, 1990).

Hollis and Woods (1990) suggest that ‘motivation is very much affected by hope’ (p274), and although I had suffered traumatic events throughout my life I was able to acknowledge that I could use these experiences for the benefit of others. I had reached the ‘depressive position’, could begin to move forward, integrate the experience, and make sense of everything, the world being a better place (Beckett,2002).

I embarked on a course at college, studying at night while I worked during the day, and continued my development when accepted on this course. My family felt this was an inappropriate choice, as they felt I had enough to do bringing up four children. My mother in particular thought it was a waste of time as she considered social workers to be ‘do gooders’.

I felt that I wanted to give something back to society, and make a difference to those who are vulnerable, oppressed and struggling to cope with the pressures of social injustice and poverty. I wanted to make sure people have basic resources to meet their needs regardless of race, age, sex, or sexual orientation, empowering them to take control of their lives and promoting well-being. My mother’s attitude just made me more determined to pursue this route.

Whilst at university I have developed my practice on placement, learning many new ideas, and realising the importance of social work on peoples’ lives.

“Understanding the impact of transitions within a person’s life course is important for social work practice in order to help us understand other people’s lives” (Crawford and Walker, 2003, p5).

On placement I worked within a family support team, and found one situation, with a young girl, particularly difficult as I identified with her complex situation. The girl had been abandoned by her mother, and was living with her father and stepfamily. Recognising her feelings I assisted the girl to develop an internal container by giving her a secret diary to record her thoughts and feelings, and we would discuss these feelings weekly.

Whilst supporting the girl I experienced ‘transference’, feelings evoked from past attachments with her mother were transferred onto me, (Froggett, 2008)) and she became very attached and dependent on my visits. I was overwhelmed by the strong emotions projected from the girl, however, was unable to reject her, and as a consequence of her actions encountered ‘counter-transference’, relating my own personal experiences (Froggett, 2008).

My vision became blurred with my own internal feelings, resulting in my inability to see the girl realistically. I found myself very protective of her, working extremely hard; advocating for her with her father who was oppressive and controlling, as I felt she was alone, and unable to challenge him. Furthermore, I wanted to ‘mother’ the girl to boost her self-esteem, and thus prevent her isolation. After our sessions I would go home mentally drained.

Bion (1977) suggests there are three types of container-contained relationships:

‘parasitic’ – dependent and unhealthy
‘commensal’ – mutual containment, of benefit to both parties
‘symbiotic’ – receiving support to manage feelings, and seen as a healthy relationship.

Fortunately I was able to express these anxiety provoking feelings with my assessor, hence she became my ‘container’. We had a ‘symbiotic’ relationship and she enabled me to disentangle myself from the situation, regain my ability to hold painful feelings, allowing me the capacity to perceive the girl as separate, and re-integrate (Menzies-Lyth, 1988).

I was in a position to reflect, appreciating complexity, achieving ‘3^rd position thinking’, ## I became stronger as a result, thus I was able to perceive things from a different perspective. During reflection I recognized emotional factors had clouded my judgement and I reached a better understanding of the situation, realising I had transferred my personal experiences onto the family (Winnicott, 1971).

I acknowledged this intervention had proven difficult, bearing resemblance to my own experiences, and resolved to be more aware, making sure my professional boundaries were firmly established for subsequent visits and for the future (Froggett, 2008). Towards the end of my placement I referred the girl to a counsellor at school, so she did not feel abandoned, making effective use of another support network.

Initially I had been attracted to working with children and families, however, supporting this girl made me realise that perhaps family support is not an area of practice that I should go into, as it may prove too emotional a field for me. Getting too involved with a client could prove ineffective and I could lose my focus.

I have faced many challenges throughout my life but I have always managed somehow to rise above these, drawing on my reserve strengths and becoming a more resilient person. The importance being that I feel I have become self-assured, and can be an asset to the profession of social work.

“The personality traits that I have as an adult are a direct result of my experiences from childhood” (Woods and Hollis, 1990, p34)

Undertaking this assignment has been challenging and difficult, however, I found that putting my life into words was quite therapeutic, releasing certain issues that I had repressed. Freud suggests repression is “the most important of all defences” (Froggett, 2008 pg. 8) but releasing my feelings and thoughts about my life experiences enabled me to understand how I came to develop my own beliefs and values, as Crawford and Walker (2003) inform us “Social workers need to understand their own life course development and the significance that this has had on the values and beliefs that they have developed themselves.” Pg.13.

According to the Code of Ethics, a social workers objective is to support people in need, addressing social problems. Experiences have made me the person I am, and utilising my skills, both personal and educational, will help me perform this duty. I believe my personal experiences changed me, making me more open to new ideas, and although I am very much aware of the past I have dealt with it, and do not dwell, moving forward. I have achieved ‘3^rd position thinking’, realising that I can be a ‘good enough’ mother, whilst achieving success as a professional (Froggett, 2008).

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Beckett, C. (2002) Human Growth and Development. London. Sage

Bion, W. (1977) ‘Learning from experience’, in Seven Servants, New York, Jason Aronson

Crawford, K. and Walker, J. (2003) Social Work and Human Development. Exeter. Learning Matters

Froggett, L. (2002) Love, Hate and Welfare – Psychosocial approaches to policy and practice. Bristol. The Policy Press

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This aim of this essay is to discuss the role of the social worker in addressing social exclusion and discrimination and the impact that such issues have on individuals, groups and communities. I am also going to demonstrate my understanding of anti-oppressive practice and ethical issues that social workers face, particularly in the Welsh context. Accordingly, ever since the late 1980’s there has been a rising understanding of the effect of oppression and discrimination on individuals, groups and communities (Thompson, 1997). More recently, anti-discriminatory practice has surfaced as a main focal point underpinning social work policy, theory and practice (Pierson, 2002). Hence, with the aim of carrying out their role constructively, social workers should develop and uphold an awareness of why anti-oppressive and anti-discriminatory practice standpoints are vital and the approach that they can take when dealing with discrimination, oppression and social exclusion. Wales, like other nations, is merely an example of a multi-cultural society with various dissimilar aspects of diversity and personal experiences. Thus, gender, class, language, age, ethnic group, together with other social factors, collectively have an effect on a person’s social identity, experience, and awareness of the world that they inhabit (Williams, 2007). With this in mind, discussing the effects of discrimination and social exclusion, and tackling matters of oppression, may provoke numerous difficulties for social work practitioners. Nevertheless, valuable practice tools have been developed so as to challenge inequalities and endorse social inclusion (Thompson 1997; Pierson 2002).

Accordingly, it can be said that impartiality is fundamental to social equality. In this regard, persons and groups must believe that they are able to partake wholly in the community and be thought of as equal members. In situations where this is not the reality, individuals could be subjected to isolation, detachment, disadvantage and prejudice. In particular instances, this could cause generations of individuals living on the margins of society. Thus, the ideas of social exclusion and discrimination are very much in parallel. Societies lacking in equality where specific individuals or groups are discriminated against can cause exclusion. Similarly, social exclusion promotes inequality and discrimination (www.socialexclusion.gov.uk). The Social Exclusion Unit delineated social exclusion as what can occur when individuals, groups or communities experience a combination of concurrent difficulties such as unemployment, poor skills, low incomes, poor housing, high crime environments, bad health and family breakdown (www.socialexclusion.gov.uk). Likewise, discrimination emerges when a person or group is treated unfavourably, when compared with others in similar circumstances, because of their age, sexual orientation, disability, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, or gender. (Adams, Dominelli and Payne, 1998). Accordingly, it can be said that socially excluded individuals or groups are incapable of playing a full part in the community due to an array of difficulties they are confronted with, such as unemployment, lack of skills, ill-health or inequality. Frequently, specific individuals or groups are more likely to encounter these difficulties. As an example, individuals that suffer from a disability or mental ill health come across apprehension and intolerance from other persons, often derived from erroneous beliefs about such conditions. Such stigma could not only intensify individual distress but could also inhibit the person from seeking necessary assistance. Hence, such social exclusion and discrimination could obstruct access to services and resources such as housing, employment, parental rights, immigration, health care and access to justice (Sayce, 1998). These individuals or groups that are excluded from society have to conquer these obstacles to opportunities that other members of the community enjoy. It has been documented that Wales possesses some of the most disadvantaged communities throughout Europe (Williams, 2004). Moreover, the Assembly Government refers to regions of marked deprivation exemplified by dependence on benefits and a necessity for employment opportunities (National Assembly for Wales, 2009). In addition to inadequately salaried or lack of work, poor skills have also been noted as a vital cause of unemployment, economic inactivity and poverty for individuals, and in 2001, 20% of adults of working age in Wales had no qualifications (National Assembly for Wales, 2009). For 2008, the young adult (16-24) unemployment rates was 16%. Consequently, almost half of the individuals in Wales without work are under 25 (www.jrt.org.uk). Such lack of prospects underpins the probability of some individuals or groups being incapable of fully integrating into the community. Thus, those socially excluded can experience feelings of stress, poor health and isolation due to low living standards and limited access to services (National Assembly for Wales, 2009). Other members of society can encounter greater degrees of anxiety and reduced mobility due to reduced social unity and augmented concern for criminal activity (Pierson, 2002). Accordingly, the social worker has the crucial responsibility of making the quality of existence better for individuals, groups and communities and challenging the triggers of social exclusion and discrimination.

Hence the role and task of the social worker is complex. The role ranges across empowerment, counselling, advocacy, partnership, needs assessment, care management and social control (Scourfield, Holland and Young, 2008). Social work practitioners should be dedicated to human rights and equality and strive to encourage and support individuals, groups and communities that experience the damaging consequences of social injustice. Thus, ‘the social work profession promotes social change, problem-solving in human relationships, and the empowerment and liberation of people to enhance well-being. Utilising theories of human behaviour and social systems, social work intervenes at points where people interact with their environments. Principles of human rights and social justice are fundamental to social work’ (www.ifsw.org.uk). This indicates that social workers have a duty to confront discriminatory attitudes towards persons due to capability, age, ethnicity, gender, class, marital position, political beliefs, racial or other physical characteristics, or sexuality (www.ifsw.org.uk). Within their role, social workers should have a duty to work towards an inclusive society by confronting circumstances that promote social exclusion, oppression and/or hardship. Hence, Pierson (2002) has documented five extensive building blocks for social workers to employ in practice to effectively work with socially excluded individuals, groups and communities and ultimately promote social inclusion. The first building block encompasses the significance of concentrating on income and for the social worker to have a full understanding of the benefits system overall (Pierson, 2002: 42-47). The second building block encompasses the part played by networks jointly as a basis of reliable collective support for individuals, groups and communities and as a practical means for social workers (Pierson, 2002: 47-51). The third building block encompasses partnerships between citizens, groups, voluntary, private and religious organisations and statutory services where holistic, coherent action can be carried out on the ground (Pierson, 2002: 51-56). The fourth building block encompasses several advantages in developing elevated levels of service user and neighbourhood participation in the community. For example, legislation such as the Children Act 1989, the NHS and Community Care Act of 1990 and the Disabled Person’s Representation Act in 1996, ‘required local authorities to consult closely with users when they undertake assessments and devise care plans, and in the follow-up reviews of how those plans are actually unfolding’ (Pierson 2002: 57). Also, proposals by Government, for example Quality Protects, New Deal for Communities and the Best Value framework necessitate citizen involvement (Pierson, 2002:57). Finally, the fifth building block encompasses the importance of the whole community and assisting resident ability through neighbourhood improvements. For example, involvement in community activities, childcare, looking after neighbours, credit unions and neighbourhood watch (Pierson 2002: 65).

Moreover, in executing their role, social workers habitually face ethical issues when discovering challenging principles and obligations (Mattison, 2000). Hence, the principles or ethics of independence may be at variance with not only a responsibility of care, but also between the wellbeing for the person and the wellbeing of other members of society (Mattison, 2000). For this reason, it is crucial for social workers to carefully consider their own principles and practice. This is fundamental because even though frameworks like the professional code of ethics are made available to offer practical assistance, to a degree, using ones own discretion when making decisions is unavoidable (Mattison, 2000). Social workers must also confront ethical issues regarding confidentiality. Hence, social workers often make judgements as to whether it is deemed necessary to reveal confidential information to outside organisations without the individual’s permission so as to protect society or comply with legal judgements or legislation. A further ethical issue is professional paternalism or beneficence, which means that social workers may have to make judgements about whether to place restrictions on individuals that engage in self-harming conduct, for example substance misuse or rejecting certain services (Clark, 1998). Moreover, it seems crucial to use an anti-oppressive approach when dealing with ethical issues. Hence, various fundamental principles underpinning anti-oppressive practice in Wales have been documented by Elaine Davies (1994). These include the following: ‘a service user has the right to decide which language to use with the Social Worker; individuals are able to communicate more effectively and contentedly in their preferred language; high-quality practice means offering service users an actual choice over language use; an all-embracing service of excellence in Wales means a bilingual service; and refusing this right is a way of oppressing an individual’ (Davies, 1994: 60). In addition, particular sections of the Children Act 1989 place an obligation on agencies to take a child’s language into consideration when assessing and providing services (Davies, 1994). The characteristics of the Act are influential with importance placed on partnership and consultation. Thus, it is stated that it is unfeasible to converse productively without using the preferred language of the child and family and their racial, cultural, religious and linguistic background must be taken into account (Davies, 1994). Moreover, Article 30 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child 1989 is comparable to the Children Act and declares that ‘children who are members of an ethnic, religious or linguistic minority must not be deprived of the right to enjoy their culture, practice their religion, or use their language’ (cited in Welsh Assembly Government, 2004: 68). Therefore, every individual that converses in Welsh should be able to decide which language to use. Also, offering language choice provides the service user with appropriate power and an effective ability to speak. Effective social work practice also means undertaking assessments and providing services in the service users’ preferred language. Moreover, language appropriate provision should be considered under the scope of equal opportunities in the main, with the Welsh Language Act 1993 being a close comparative to other forms of legislation that advocate equality, such as, the Race Relations Act 1976 and the Human Rights Act 2000 (Scourfield, Holland and Young, 2008 ). Thus, it has been documented that language is not only a mode of communication; it is also a system by which an individual assembles their identity and their understanding of the world (Williams, 2007). Accordingly, social workers must strive to ‘identify and respect diversity and to challenge inequalities and hardship’ (cited in Welsh Assembly Government, 2004: 14).

To conclude, social work has the capacity to transform an individual’s existence for the better due to the breadth of the role and the variety of its resources. Considerable improvements have been made by altering the way in which services are made available in Welsh communities. For example, social services in local government strive to safeguard adults who are vulnerable or at risk, promote social inclusion and support persons to live independently where this is possible (Williams, 2007). A consequence of the All-Wales Strategy for Older People was the creation of the National Service Framework for Older People in Wales and the establishment of the position of Commissioner for Older People to counteract discrimination and oppression and eventually to promote opportunities (Williams, 2007). Such standards of practice have been intensified through the Care Council for Wales and the Care and Social Services inspectorate for Wales (Scourfield et al, 2008). Additionally, the unique role enables social work practitioners to diverge from more formal practice and have contact with individuals and groups in their own homes or communities, in order to work in partnership rather than enforce solutions to difficulties (Pierson, 2002). Hence, it has been disputed that ‘a unique quality of social work is found in the close attention it pays to individuals’ own understanding of their situation and to the informal processes by which client or user and social worker broker a solution’ (Jordan, 1987 cited in Pierson, 2002: XV). This distinctive practice approach presents numerous opportunities for social workers to address discrimination and exclusion, and ultimately promote equality and the inclusion of individuals and groups in society (Pierson, 2002).

Bibliography

Adams, R. , Dominelli, L. and Payne, M. (1998) Social Work: Themes, Issues and Critical Debates (Palgrave).

Care Council for Wales’ Code of Practice (available online at http://www.ccwales.org.uk).

Clark, C. (1998) ‘Self-determination and Paternalism in Community Care: Practice and Prospects’, British Journal of Social Work, 28, pp. 387-402.

Davies, E. (1994) ‘They all Speak Welsh Anyway’: Yr iaith Gymraeg ac ymarfer gwrth-orthrymol; the Welsh Language and Anti-oppressive Practice (Caerdydd: CCETSW).

Jordan, B. (1987) Rethinking Welfare (Oxford: Blackwell), cited in Pierson, J. (2002) Tackling Social Exclusion (Routledge).

Joseph Rountree Foundation (2009) ‘Monitoring poverty and social exclusion in Wales’ (available online at http://www.jrf.org.uk).

International Federation of Social Workers (available online at http://www.ifsw.org.uk).

Mattison, M. (2000) ‘Ethical Decision Making: The Person in the Process’, Social Work Vol.45 (3), pp.201-212.

National Assembly for Wales 2009 Third Annual Report on Social Exclusion in Wales. Cardiff: National Assembly for Wales.

Pierson, J. (2002) Tackling Social Exclusion (Routledge).

Sayce, L. , (1998) From Psychiatric Patient to Citizen (Basingstoke: Macmillan).

Scourfield, J. , Holland, S. and Young, C. (2008) ‘Social Work in Wales Since Democratic Devolution’, Australian Social Work, 61, pp. 42-56.

Social Exclusion Unit (available online at http://www.social exclusion.gov.uk).

Thompson, N. (1997) Anti-Discriminatory Practice (Macmillan Press LTD).

Welsh Assembly Government (2004) ‘Children and Young People: Rights to Action’ (available online at http://www.assemblywales.org).

Welsh Assembly Government (2007) ‘A Strategy for Social Services in Wales over the next Decade: Fulfilled Lives, Supportive Communities’ (available online at http://www.wales.nhs.uk/sitesplus/documents/829/WAG).

Williams, C. , (2004) ‘Access to Justice and Social Inclusion: The Policy Changes in Wales’, Journal of Social Welfare and Family Law, 26(1) pp. 53-68.

Williams, C. (2007) Social Policy for Social Welfare Practice in a Devolved Wales (Venture Press).

Social Worker Burnout Studied(Fall 2003)

AUTHOR-ABSTRACT:
For the past 30 years, researchers and practitioners have been concerned about the impact of work stress experienced by social workers. Although research on burnout has been a useful field of exploration, a new concern has arisen about work stresses specifically associated with work with victims of trauma. The concept of vicarious trauma provides insights into the stresses of this particular kind of work. Like the burnout research, early research on vicarious trauma has identified both personal and organizational correlates. In this article, the authors review the growing literature on the organizational components of vicarious trauma and suggest changes in organizational culture, workload, group support, supervision, self-care, education, and work environment that may help prevent vicarious trauma in staff.

BODY: WHETHER SHAPING PUBLIC POLICY or providing services to individuals, families, and communities, social workers are fully engaged with today’s social problems. This difficult work can take an emotional and psychological toll on the worker (Davies, 1998; Gibson, McGrath, & Reid, 1989). This stress comes not only from responding to people in pain and crisis; characteristics of the organization also contribute to the stress (Sze & Ivker, 1986). This occupational stress has been examined primarily in terms of burnout (Maslach, 1993), but recent research in the field of trauma has identified stresses unique to that work. These stresses have been conceptualized as vicarious trauma (McCann & Pearlman, 1990b; Pearlman & Saakvitne, 1995a, 1995b). To date, most research has focused on the individual characteristics thought to contribute to vicarious trauma. There has been less focus on the organizational structures that may contribute. In this article, we draw on the research on organizational correlates of burnout as a background for examining the research on vicarious trauma and then outline various organizational strategies suggested by practitioners working with trauma survivors to prevent vicarious trauma. This discussion is informed by a qualitative study of counselors working with victims of domestic violence (Bell, 1998, 1999) that suggested the importance of the work environment, among other issues, in the development of vicarious trauma. Quotations by counselors from that study will be used to illustrate the discussion.

Organizational Correlates of Burnout

Maslach (1993) described burnout as having three dimensions: (a) emotional exhaustion; (b) depersonalization, defined as a negative attitude towards clients, a personal detachment, or loss of ideals; and (c) reduced personal accomplishment and commitment to the profession. Burnout has been conceptualized as a process rather than a condition or state, and some have theorized that it progresses sequentially through each of these dimensions (Maslach, 1993). Maslach and others have examined the individual, interpersonal, and organizational characteristics that contribute to burnout. Of particular interest to this discussion is the finding that organizations can either promote job satisfaction or contribute to burnout (Soderfeldt, Soderfeldt, & Warg, 1995). Unsupportive administration, lack of professional challenge, low salaries, and difficulties encountered in providing client services are predictive of higher burnout rates (Arches, 1991; Beck, 1987; Himle, Jayaratne, & Thyness, 1986). Individual staff members suffer, and the resulting loss of experienced staff can diminish the quality of client services (Arches, 1991). This research has helped identify organizational supports that could be effective in buffering or mediating burnout and point to workplace characteristics that may also prevent vicarious trauma.

Vicarious Trauma

Recently, the occupational stress of social workers working with trauma survivors has begun to receive attention (Cunningham, 1999; Dalton, 2001; Regehr & Cadell, 1999). Some authors are beginning to suggest that trauma theory has important utility in understanding the burnout experience of social workers working in child protection and with HIV-infected populations (Horwitz, 1998; Wade, Beckerman, & Stein, 1996). Many theorists have speculated that the emotional impact of this type of traumatic material is contagious and can be transmitted through the process of empathy (Figley, 1995; Pearlman & Saakvitne, 1995a; Stamm, 1995), as in this example from an experienced social worker talking about counseling women in a family service agency:

Some times after a session, I will be traumatized….I will feel over whelmed, and I can remember a particular situation with a sexually abused person where I–I just didn’t want to hear any more of her stories about what actually happened.She seemed to want to continue to tell me those over and over and I remember just feeling almost contaminated,like,you know,like I was abused. You know? And so I set limits withher a fter some super vision about that but tracked her in a different way.It hink it has an impact. I’m just not sure of what…(a squoted in Bell,1998) In the past 10 years, the emotional impact of working with trauma survivors has been examined under several constructs: compassion fatigue (Figley, 1995), secondary traumatic stress (Figley, 1993; Stamm, 1995), and vicarious trauma (McCann & Pearlman, 1990b; Pearlman & Saakvitne, 1995a, 1995b). These constructs have been compared and debated (Pearlman & Saakvitne, 1995a; Stamm, 1995), and a full discussion of them is outside the scope of this article. The majority of the empirical studies in this area have used the vicarious trauma construct. For this reason, the term vicarious trauma will generally be used throughout this article unless another term has been used specifically in the research cited.

Vicarious trauma has been defined as “the transformation that occurs in the inner experience of the therapist [or worker] that comes about as a result of empathic engagement with clients’ trauma material” (Pearlman & Saakvitne, 1995a, p. 31). Vicarious trauma can result in physiological symptoms that resemble posttraumatic stress reactions, which may manifest themselves either in the form of intrusive symptoms, such as flashbacks, night-mares, and obsessive thoughts, or in the form of constrictive symptoms, such as numbing and disassociation (Beaton & Murphy, 1995). It may also result in disruptions to important beliefs, called cognitive schemas, that individuals hold about themselves, other people, and the world (McCann & Pearlman, 1990b; Pearlman & Saakvitne, 1995a, 1995b), as in the following example from a young worker in a battered women’s shelter:

I think you see the worst of people, working here…the worst of what people do to each other. And I think when you do n’t have proper resource stop rocess that,to work through it, to underst and it or put it in some kind of context, it just leaves you feeling a little baffle dabout what’s going on out there, and the way things work in the world and your role in all of that.(asquotedin Bell,1999,p.175) Although some of the numbing symptoms of vicarious trauma bear some resemblance to burnout and may in fact result in burnout over time, research on therapists has also begun to establish vicarious trauma as a distinct concept from burnout (Figley, 1995; Pearlman & Saakvitne, 1995a). Unlike the construct of burnout, the construct of vicarious trauma was developed from and is clinically grounded in trauma theory, specifically constructivist self-development theory (McCann & Pearlman, 1990b). In several studies, burnout and general stress levels were not related to exposure to traumatized clients, whereas measures of trauma exposure and vicarious trauma were related (Kassam-Adams, 1995; Schauben & Frazier, 1995). Thus, burnout alone does not appear to capture the effects of trauma as an occupational stressor. Although vicarious trauma may present with elements of emotional exhaustion, depersonalization, and reduced personal accomplishment, it also has effects that are unique and specific to trauma work.

Many professionals risk vicarious trauma through their contact with traumatized people or material that contains graphic images of trauma. Studies have indicated that approximately 38% of social workers experience moderate to high levels of secondary traumatic stress (Cornille & Meyers, 1999; Dalton, 2001). In addition, emergency workers (Leseca, 1996; McCammon, Durham, Allison, & Williamson, 1988; Wagner, Heinrichs, & Ehlert, 1998), nurses (Joinson, 1992), police officers (Follette, Polusny, & Milbeck, 1994), sexual assault counselors (Johnson & Hunter, 1997; Regehr & Cadell, 1999; Schauben & Frazier, 1995), child protective service workers (Cornille & Meyers, 1999), and trauma therapists (Chrestman, 1995; Follette et al., 1994; Kassam-Adams, 1995; Pearlman & Mac Ian,
1995) have all been documented as developing symptomology quite similar to acute and posttraumatic stress reactions as a result of their second-hand exposure to traumatic material.

Recent studies of trauma therapists have begun to explore some of the factors involved in the development of vicarious trauma. Therapist exposure to traumatic client material has been found to be an important predictor for symptoms of traumatic stress and, in some cases, of disrupted beliefs about self and others. In a survey of 148 counselors, Schauben and Frazier (1995) found that those who worked with a higher percentage of sexual violence survivors reported more symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder and greater disruptions in their beliefs about themselves and others than did counselors seeing fewer survivors. The researchers tied these symptoms of trauma counselors to a number of factors. Most commonly, counselors said that hearing the trauma story and experiencing the pain of survivors was emotionally draining. Second, many counselors felt that the counseling process was more difficult when working with trauma survivors, who tended to have more problems trusting and working in a therapeutic relationship than clients who were not traumatized. Finally, some counselors found the work more difficult because of the institutional barriers within the legal, and mental health systems that their clients were forced to navigate. Similar findings emerged when researchers compared the stress level of sexual assault counselors with that of counselors who worked with a more general client population (Johnson & Hunter, 1997). Not only did sexual assault counselors show greater evidence of stress, but their work stress also contributed to personal relationship difficulties at home.

The impact of the therapist’s own history of abuse on current report of vicarious trauma are unclear. Pearlman and MacIan (1995) reported significantly more vicarious trauma symptoms in 60% of the therapists they surveyed who reported a personal history of trauma. However, Schauben and Frazier (1995) found that counselors with a history of victimization were not more distressed by working with survivors than were counselors without such a history. Pearlman and Mac Ian found that therapists without a trauma history were more likely to report intrusive imagery than those with a history. Follette et al. (1994) found that mental health professionals with a significant history of childhood physical or sexual abuse did not experience significantly more negative responses to child sexual abuse survivor clients than those without such a history. They also reported significantly more positive coping strategies. However, the comparison group of law enforcement personnel with childhood abuse histories who also worked with sexual abuse survivors showed significantly more distress than the mental health professionals. The researchers hypothesized that the use of personal therapy by 59.1% of the mental health professionals versus 15.6% of the law enforcement professionals may have accounted for the difference.

Increased time spent with traumatized clients seems to increase the risk of stress reactions in mental health professionals (Chrestman, 1995; Pearlman & Mac Ian, 1995). Furthermore, spending time in other work activities decreases the risk. Having a more diverse caseload with a greater variety of client problems and participating in research, education, and outreach also appear to mediate the effects of traumatic exposure.

Age and experience are inversely correlated with the development of vicarious trauma. Younger and less experienced counselors exhibit the highest levels of distress (Arvay & Uhlemann, 1996; Pearlman & Mac Ian, 1995). They may have had less opportunity to integrate traumatic stories and experiences into their belief systems, as well as to develop effective coping strategies for dealing with the effects of vicarious trauma than have older and more experienced therapists (Neumann & Gamble, 1995). Such was the case of this experienced counselor who worked with battered women in the court system:

It hink for somebody who doesn’t do this type of work it would be extreme lystressful, but after twelve years, I’ve just–I’ve handled so many cases and dealt with so many people, I know my limitation sand the court’s limitations and I just don’t get as worked up about each case as I used to.(as quoted in Bell, 1999,p.117) vicarious trauma can be considered a type of occupational hazard in settings where there are high levels of traumatized clients. As a result, organizations providing services to trauma victims have a practical and ethical responsibility to address this risk.

Implications for Agency Administrative Response

The primary focus of discussion about the prevention of vicarious trauma has been on the individual (for a good summary, see Yassen, 1995). However, as with burnout, the organizational context of trauma work has been discussed as a factor in the development of secondary trauma. Several authors have written about their own experiences in agencies that serve traumatized individuals. They have suggested both prevention and intervention strategies in the areas of organizational culture, workload, work environment, education, group support, supervision, and resources for self-care. Each of these will be discussed in turn below.

Organizational Culture

The values and culture of an organization set the expectations about the work. When the work includes contact with trauma, they also set the expectations about how workers will experience trauma and deal with it, both professionally and personally. Of primary concern is that organizations that serve trauma survivors, whether rape crisis centers, shelters for battered women, or programs that work with veterans, acknowledge the impact of trauma on the individual worker and the organization. As Rosenbloom, Pratt, and Pearlman (1995) wrote of their work at the Traumatic Stress Institute, “We work together to develop an atmosphere in which it is considered inevitable to be affected by the work” (p. 77). It is not uncommon for feelings and reactions generated by trauma to leave the social worker feeling ineffective, unskilled, and even powerless. An organizational culture that “normalizes” the effect of working with trauma survivors can provide a supportive environment for social workers to address those effects in their own work and lives. It also gives permission for social workers to take care of themselves. Yassen (1995) provided an example of a potentially harmful “norm” that can frustrate workers’ attempts at self-care: “In some settings, it may be assumed that if employees do not work overtime, they are not committed to their work, or that clinicians who do not take vacations are more committed to their work than are others” (p. 201). A supportive organization is one that not only allows for vacations, but also creates opportunities for social workers to vary their caseload and work activities, take time off for illness, participate in continuing education, and make time for other self-care activities. Small agencies might signal their commitment to staff by making staff self-care a part of the mission statement, understanding that ultimately it does affect client care. Administrators might also monitor staff vacation time and encourage staff with too much accrued time to take time off. Self-care issues could be addressed in staff meetings, and opportunities for continuing education could be circulated to staff. In social work agencies, which typically operate with inadequate resources and relentless service demands, such commitments, regardless of how small, are not inconsequential.

Workload

Research has shown that having a more diverse caseload is associated with decreased vicarious trauma (Chrestman, 1995). Such diversity can help the social worker keep the traumatic material in perspective and prevent the formation of a traumatic worldview (Pearlman & Saakvitne, 1995a). Agencies could develop intake procedures that attempt to distribute clients among staff in a way that pays attention to the risk of vicarious trauma certain clients might present to workers. When possible, trauma cases should be distributed among a number of social workers who possess the necessary skills (Dutton & Rubinstein, 1995; Regehr & Cadell, 1999; Wade et al., 1996). In addition, social workers whose primary job is to provide direct services to traumatized people may benefit from opportunities to participate in social change activities (Regehr & Cadell, 1999). Agencies that do not already provide such services might consider providing community education and outreach or working to influence policy. Such activities can provide a sense of hope and empowerment that can be energizing and can neutralize some of the negative effects of trauma work. Organizations can also maintain an “attitude of respect” (Pearlman & Saakvitne, 1995b, p. 170) for both clients and workers by acknowledging that work with trauma survivors often involves multiple, long-term services. Organizations that are proactive in developing or linking clients with adjunct services–such as self-help groups, experienced medical professionals for medication, in- and out-patient hospitalization, and resources for paying for these services–will support not only clients, but also decrease the workload of their staff (Pearlman & Saakvitne, 1995b). Developing collaborations between agencies that work with traumatized clients can provide material support and prevent a sense of isolation and frustration at having to “go it alone.”

Work Environment

A safe, comfortable, and private work environment is crucial for those social workers in settings that may expose them to violence (Pearlman & Saakvitne, 1995b; Yassen, 1995). Some work sites, such as shelters or agencies located in high-crime neighborhoods, are so dangerous that workers may actually experience primary trauma, rather than vicarious trauma. In a sample of 210 licensed social workers, Dalton (2001) found that 57.6% had been threatened by a client or member of a client’s family, and 16.6% had been physically or sexually assaulted by a client or member of the client’s family. Being threatened by a client or a member of a client’s family was strongly correlated with compassion fatigue. Although it is more of a challenge in certain settings, protecting workers’ safety should be the primary concern of agency administration. Paying for security systems or security guards may be a necessary cost of doing business for some agencies that provide services to traumatized individuals. Failing that, agencies may consider developing a buddy system for coworkers so that if one worker is threatened by a client, another can summon the police.

In addition to attention to basic safety, Pearlman and Saakvitne (1995b) have suggested that workers need to have personally meaningful items in their workplace. These can include pictures of their children or of places they have visited, scenes of nature or quotes that help them remember who they are and why they do this work. One hotline worker described her use of such an item:

When it’sare alintense call, I kind of hunch over the phone and kind of like focus here on my[computer screen]and I some times try to consciously tell my self to sit back and look at one of my pictures that I have up to remind me of happier times.(asquotedin Bell,1998)

Agency administrators can encourage staff to make these small investments in their work environment. By placing inspiring posters or pictures of scenic environments (rather than agency rules and regulations) in the waiting rooms, staff meeting rooms, and break rooms, the organization can model the importance of the personal in the professional. In addition, workers also need places for rest at the job site, such as a break room that is separate from clients (Yassen, 1995). With a space such as this, the organization could address the self-care needs of staff by providing a coffee maker, soft music, and comfortable furniture.

Education

Trauma-specific education also diminishes the potential of vicarious trauma. Information can help individuals to name their experience and provide a framework for understanding and responding to it. Training settings, such as schools of social work, have a responsibility to provide this information to field interns entering placements where they will encounter trauma (Pearlman & Saakvitne, 1995b). Dalton (2001) found that social workers with master’s degrees had lower levels of secondary traumatic stress compared with those with baccalaureate degrees. This difference suggests that the type of clinical training available in master’s programs, such as information about client empowerment, self-care, and recognizing destructive behaviors, may be a missing but important part of training social workers in baccalaureate programs to prevent secondary stress and vicarious trauma.

Efforts to educate staff about vicarious trauma can begin in the job interview (Urquiza, Wyatt, & Goodlin-Jones, 1997). Agencies have a duty to warn applicants of the potential risks of trauma work and to assess new workers’ resilience (Pearlman & Saakvitne, 1995b). New employees can be educated about the risks and effects associated with trauma, as new and inexperienced workers are likely to experience the most impact (Chrestman, 1995; Neumann & Gamble, 1995). Ongoing education about trauma theory and the effects of vicarious trauma can be included in staff training (Regehr & Cadell, 1999; Urquiza et al., 1997) and discussed on an ongoing basis as part of staff meetings. Agencies can take advantage of the flourishing number of workshops on vicarious trauma at professional conferences in social work and other disciplines by sending a staff member for training and asking that worker to share what he or she has learned with the rest of the staff. This information provides a useful context and helps social workers to feel more competent and have more realistic expectations about what they can accomplish in their professional role. Preparation for a stressful event, when possible, protects individuals from the effect of stress (Chemtob et al., 1990).

Learning new ways to address clients’ trauma may also help prevent vicarious trauma. Theories, such as constructivist self-development theory (McCann & Pearlman, 1990a) on which the theory of vicarious trauma is based, maintain a dual focus between past traumas and the client’s current strengths and resources. Working from a theoretical framework that acknowledges and enhances client strengths and focuses on solutions in the present can feel empowering for client and worker and reduce the risk of vicarious trauma.

Group Support

Both the burnout literature and the writings about vicarious trauma emphasize the importance of social support within the organization (Catherall, 1995; Munroe et al., 1995; Rosenbloom et al., 1995). Staff opportunities to debrief informally and process traumatic material with supervisors and peers are helpful (Horwitz, 1998; Regehr & Cadell, 1999; Urquiza et al., 1997). Critical incident stress debriefing (Mitchell, 1983, as cited in Wollman, 1993) is a more formalized method for processing specific traumatic events but may be less helpful in managing repetitive or chronic traumatic material (Horwitz, 1998). Support can also take the form of coworkers’ help with paperwork or emergency backup. Time for social interaction between coworkers, such as celebrating birthdays or other events as well as organized team-building activities and staff retreats, can increase workers’ feeling of group cohesion and mutual support.

Peer support groups may help because peers can often clarify colleagues’ insights, listen for and correct cognitive distortions, offer perspective/reframing, and relate to the emotional state of the social worker (Catherall, 1995). Group support can take a variety of forms, such as consultation, treatment teams, case conferences, or clinical seminars, and can be either peer led or professionally led. For example, shelter workers interviewed by Bell (1999) started a reading group and together read and discussed Pearlman and Saakvitne’s (1995a) book, Trauma and the Therapist: Countertransference and Vicarious Traumatization in Psychotherapy With Incest Survivors. The group met after work on a regular basis. Group members learned about vicarious trauma and ways to deal with it in their own work and lives. The group cost the agency nothing, did not interfere with work, and provided an opportunity for workers to give each other much-needed support. Regardless of the form group support takes, Munroe et al. (1995) warned that it should be considered an adjunct to, not a substitute for, self-care or clinical supervision.

There are some potential pitfalls of group support. One is the tendency toward “groupthink” and conformity (Munroe et al., 1995). Another is that members hearing about a coworker’s distress may use distancing and victim-blaming as a defense mechanism. Peer groups and treatment teams also offer the opportunity for traumatic reenactments, such as splitting the group members into the roles of exploiter and exploited, that are so common in working with trauma survivors (Munroe et al., 1995). When groups are held within agencies, there is also the potential problem generated by conflicting roles in the group, such as a supervisor who is both supporter and evaluator or a coworker/supervisor who is also a friend. Finally, group members may be more rather than less traumatized by the necessity of hearing each other’s worst horror stories. Guzzino and Taxis (1995) have suggested a number of ways for members of such groups to talk about their experiences without further traumatizing group members through the use of psychodrama and art therapy. To further minimize the potential for problems in support groups, Catherall (1995) has suggested that group members discuss such a possibility before it happens and normalize the experience of vicarious trauma and its impact on the individual and the group.

Supervision

Effective supervision is an essential component of the prevention and healing of vicarious trauma. Responsible supervision creates a relationship in which the social worker feels safe in expressing fears, concerns, and inadequacies (Welfel, 1998). Organizations with a weekly group supervision format establish a venue in which traumatic material and the subsequent personal effect may be processed and normalized as part of the work of the organization. As one hotline worker said of the value of supervisory support in response to a stressful call: “It’s kind of like you have this big sack of rocks and every time you kind of tell someone about it you can, you know, give them a couple of your rocks and your sack gets lighter” (as quoted in Bell, 1998).

In addition to providing emotional support, supervisors can also teach staff about vicarious trauma in a way that is supportive, respectful, and sensitive to its effects (Pearlman & Saakvitne, 1995b; Regehr & Cadell, 1999; Rosenbloom et al., 1995; Urquiza et al., 1997). If at all possible, supervision and evaluation should be separate functions in an organization because a concern about evaluation might make a worker reluctant to bring up issues in his or her work with clients that might be signals of vicarious trauma. Dalton (2001) found that 9% of the variance in her study of social workers and secondary traumatic stress was related to supervision. Her results indicated that the number of times a worker received nonevaluative supervision and the number of hours of nonevaluative supervision were positively related to low levels of secondary traumatic stress. In situations where supervisors cannot separate the supervisory and evaluative functions, agency administrators might consider contracting with an outside consultant for trauma-specific supervision on either an individual or group basis. The cost of such preventive consultation might be well worth the cost savings that would result from decreased employee turnover or ineffectiveness as a result of vicarious trauma.

Resources for Self-Care

Agencies can make counseling resources available for all staff that interact with traumatic material (Regehr & Cadell, 1999; Wade et al., 1996). If there are many employees encountering the same type of trauma in the agency or within the larger community, agencies may consider the feasibility of forming a peer support group, as discussed earlier. Workers also need health insurance that provides mental health coverage (Rosenbloom et al., 1995). Following is a quote from one young shelter worker who was seeing a therapist to deal with some of the challenges of her work:

It’s nice to be able to talk to an other professional person, It hink, who underst and salot of the crazy things that can happen working in as helter. It hink when you try to talk with your friends about it or family, they are horrified at some of the stories that you comeup with, so it help stoget feed back from an other professional who says, “Oh,I know what you’retalking about. I’ve been there, and yes, that is very horrible.”And mainly just to vent, just to be able to speak about it. To get it out, so it doesn’t disrupt my life in other ways;in my sleep patterns or things like that.(asquotedin Bell,1998) Wade et al. (1996) also recommended that in addition to providing resources for therapy, organizations should provide opportunities for structured stress management and physical activities. Organizations with limited resources might consider exchanging training on areas of expertise with other agencies that have experts in stress management. Again, sending one staff member to a conference or workshop to learn stress management techniques and then asking that person to present what he or she learned to coworkers is a cost-effective way to circulate this information throughout an organization. Organizing something as simple as a walking or meditation group during the lunch hour or after work might also contribute to staff wellness at no cost.

In summary, the physical and cultural environment of work may prevent or predispose social workers to vicarious trauma. Additional research is needed to understand how and to what degree social workers may be affected by the trauma they come into contact with in the workplace and which workplace variables are most salient. Furthermore, how vicarious trauma impacts the social worker’s relationship with clients is another fruitful area for study. Research that helps to clarify the relationship between vicarious trauma and burnout would also be useful in providing a clearer theoretical framework from which to make agency decisions.

Conclusion

Working with clients who have experienced traumatic events challenges many of the beliefs held in the dominant culture about justice and human cruelty. Being personally exposed to these realities can take a toll on social workers’ emotional resources and may effect their perceptions and worldviews in fundamental ways. Personal knowledge of oppre

General Category of Service User: Level One

Erikson’s ‘Stages of Human Development’ (Kalat, 2010, p.173) divides a human’s life into stages. Each stage highlights specific tasks which have to be completed before moving onto the next stage. Each stage creates its own physical, social and emotional conflicts. These stages help to determine where a person is in their life, rather than basing it on their age. Rachel Clark is nineteen years old, and is at the physical stage of a young adult, late teens to early twenties. However, as she has not yet developed her identity, it is fair to say she is still at the stage of an adolescent, early teens. Erikson greatly emphasised the adolescent period, as it is a fundamental stage for a person to develop their identity. The main conflict at this stage is better known as identity versus role confusion. Since moving back to Northern Ireland from Liverpool, Rachel had to move from one friend’s house to another before finally finding a place of her own. This may have affected Rachel’s confidence and increased her stress. Prior to meeting with Rachel it is important to consider where she is now living and who her peers are.

Theories such as ‘Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs’ (Taylor & Devine, 1993, p.44) is relevant to Rachel’s case as it is important to understand if her psychological needs are being met in order for her to grow. In an attempt to address unmet need, the use of interventions, such as assessment is proposed and these requirements are legislated for in the Children Acts across the UK. Assessment is used to ‘…make possible informed decisions about meeting client needs’ (Taylor & Devine, 1993, p.7) Assessment frameworks such as; Understanding the Needs of Children in Northern Ireland (UNOCINI) are used to not only assess the child but also to assess the parents’ capacity to meet the needs of the child. Additionally, assessment is used to help the service user and worker to identify any areas which require growth and change. The UNOCINI framework is also in line with legislation such as; the Children (NI) Order (1995) and Article 8 of the Human Rights Act (1998); right to respect for private and family life (legislation, n.d.), which are also fundamental while working with Rachel’s case.

Additionally, the stages of Egan’s ‘Skilled Helper Model’ can assist in providing a ‘basic framework for the helping process’ (Egan, 2002, p.25). Each of these stages are a set of tasks based around a theme that assist clients in moving forward to help develop opportunities and provide assistance in managing problems.

Information specific to the service user/s: Level two

Rachel Clark is a nineteen year old, who is currently residing in Northern Ireland. She is a single parent to a son named Jamie, two years old. Rachel’s parents divorced when she was fifteen. Following this, her mother and twelve year old brother, Mark, moved to Liverpool with Mrs Clark’s boyfriend, Gavin. Rachel was unable to settle in Liverpool and quickly lost interest in her education. Rachel became pregnant at sixteen and gave birth to her son, Jamie, at seventeen. Rachel’s relationship with Jamie’s father ended before Jamie was born. Rachel returned to Northern Ireland six months ago with Jamie. Following this, Rachel had to move from one friend’s home to another until she was granted rented accommodation from a local housing association. It has also been mentioned that Rachel’s grandmother lives nearby and provides support for Rachel on a daily basis. There has been reason for concern with Rachel’s situation following a call from one of her neighbours, they wish to remain anonymous. It has been stated that Rachel is ‘partying all night and sleeping all day’, there is a collection of rubbish within Rachel’s garden and it has been reported that Jamie has been heard crying on occasions.

Prior to the initial interview with Rachel, it is important to have a clear overview of objectives and aims prepared. The main aim is to engage with Rachel and some objectives may include:

To find out if there is any truth in the allegations made against Rachel.
If Rachel is acquiring the full financial/emotional support available to her.
What kind of support she receives from her grandmother and to establish if respite may be required to give both Rachel and her grandmother a break from Jamie.

As Rachel is a young mother, it is important to make sure she is receiving all the help and support that is available. These include financial support, housing support and any child maintenance that is available to her. Although Jamie’s father is not on the scene, Rachel will still be able to claim child maintenance. This is perhaps something that could be discussed with Rachel. The financial help available to Rachel is also something that could be discussed, to make sure she is receiving all the financial support possible. It is stated that Rachel receives daily support from her grandmother, but it does not state what kind of help or what age her grandmother is. It may also be important to consider if respite may be required for both Rachel and her grandmother, to allow them both to have a break from Jamie at times.

Specific Phase of Work/Tuning in to SU’s feelings/anticipations of potential SU objectives: Level three.

A key skill during the preliminary phase of social work is to develop a sense of empathy. It is also essential to develop some initial strategies for responding directly to indirect words or actions. This skill is described as ‘Putting the client’s feelings into words’ (Shulman, 2012, p.148). In Rachel’s case, it is important to consider what it might be like to be an adolescent. It is essential to get in touch with possible feelings and anxieties that a client might be feeling. In this case, Rachel may be feeling anxious about what kind of worker or person she is going to be meeting with. It is important to engage with the service user and to establish a rapport to help her feel at ease and to gain her trust. Furthermore, effective preparation highlights your concern for the service user and therefore makes them feel valued.

It is important to consider how Rachel might be feeling during the point of first contact with social services. She may be feeling angry that someone has reported her for neglecting her son, as well as showing anxieties about whether or not she will have her son taken away from her. It is important to acknowledge how difficult it must be for Rachel to have a social worker talk to her about things that could be a sensitive subject.

Tuning in to own feelings, values and skills: Level four.

It is important for me, as a social worker, to tune into my own feelings and possible anxieties before beginning the first session with Rachel. The reason for this, is because if they are not addressed before hand then they may arise during the interview session, cause a distraction and may ultimately affect my ability to help Rachel. To establish a rapport with Rachel, personal values such as respect, honesty and compassion would be beneficial and would help to relax the client when they know you are showing a genuine interest. The values and skills within social work apply to the process of aiding others from a professional perspective. Professional values such as; social justice, respect for their rights and professional integrity will also come into effect before and during the interview with Rachel. A number of communication skills can be used to engage with Rachel. Talking and listening skills such as; paraphrasing, the use of open questions, clarifying, reflecting and summarising would show evidence of genuine interest. Other skills such as body language will show non-verbal indications of my attitude or feelings towards Rachel, so it is important to have an open posture. Likewise, the ability to respond to non-verbal cues are also important during the interview session. But, most importantly, the ability to be empathetic is a fundamental skill which is required to help develop strategies and relate to the service user. The use of non-verbal methods, such as; self-perception questionnaires, a problem tree or using a life line, are other communication skills which could be used to help Rachel interact with me. Additionally, Rachel might feel an impact of oppression with stereotyping based on her gender, age, gender or mental ability to cope. She may feel like the social services are judging her because she is a young, single mum and therefore, she might feel tense and under pressure. To understand how discrimination and inequalities are present in the interaction between service users and social workers, it is useful to consider the situation in terms of three levels. The personal, cultural and societal level, referred to as Thompson’s PCS model (Thompson, 2012, p.33). Thompson’s PCS model is important to comprehend as it states how personal beliefs, cultural norms and structural institutions combine to create oppression in society.

What is a social work assessment, plan and evaluation?

The aim of social work is to protect individuals from harm, and to empower them and improve their lives. Social workers form a human link between the many programs employed to serve the public good and those who are in need. They form the ‘eyes and ears’ of public efforts to combat social ills, so to speak, and they are the practical human element of common sense in their application. It is in this role where new ideas are created and innovative solutions are identified, where existing practices are judged for effectiveness, and, most importantly, where the faceless bureaucracy of government takes human form.

In order to accomplish this a critical process of assessment, planning, and evaluation has evolved in the field of social work which allows social workers to effectively achieve their goals. Moreover, it is has found a wide range of applications, from the student-supervisor relationship to practitioners in the field.

The process of assessment is aimed first at identifying problems or ‘taking stock’ of a particular situation. Identifying the problems in a situation provides the fundamental raison d’etre for the development and employment of a solution. Past identifying whether there is actually a problem (which is often suspected or reasonably understood before an assessment is undertaken), social work assessment has more to do with determining the particular nature of the problem and its degree. Understanding what kind of problem is being faced, and just how bad it really is, is key to forming a coherent plan to affect a real solution. This requires strong observation and critical analysis skills on the part of the social worker, but it also requires an intimate and experiential knowledge of the field in which the assessment is being undertaken.

Once the nature and degree of a problem is understood, different options may emerge – each as a possible solution. Each possible solution will have its own strengths and weaknesses, its own advantages and drawbacks. And while the process of assessment may be viewed as excessively tedious at times, it is critical to never underestimate its importance. A study on the need for an assessment model in primary medical care facilities for the elderly noted that: “When psychosocial needs go unmet through misdiagnosis, lack of detection, lack of treatment and follow up, elderly patients are at risk of further health problems that can lead to physical deterioration, reduced independence, and eventually to the need for more intensive and expensive services. “ (Berkman et al., 1999) The failure of proper assessment not only prevents positive solutions, but also results in negative impacts.

Assessment forms a critical foundation for the effectiveness of all other social work efforts. As such, the identification of different solutions requires policy knowhow and creativity on the part of the social worker. Meeting the demands of this important aspect of assessment, in conjunction with the skills of problem identification and critical analysis, will ensure sound and proper assessments which enable the identification of proper solutions.

Assessment is a critical component at the basis of all kinds of social work, from medical care and patient treatment to domestic violence and child poverty. All outcomes depend upon an assessment model built upon sound observation and critical analysis combined with creative and informed policy thought.

Solid assessment will provide the social worker with a range of options for addressing a particular problem. The selection of an appropriate solution involves properly understanding the nature of the problem, as well as the various impacts of each option at different levels.

The skills required to identify the right solution to a problem involve more than simple program literacy or policy analysis. They involve the fundamental ability to not only understand policies, but to weigh them concurrently against previously identified goals. Because many factors involved in determining the impacts of a possible solution are subjective (i.e. individuals, public and private groups, changing laws etc…), achieving this is not a matter of simple analysis but of an intuitive understanding of these subjective factors. Too often, someone unfamiliar with, or removed from, these subjective variables enacts a calculated decision based upon what is understood to be sound analysis. The history of social work is filled with this kind of serial miscalculation.

Take, for example, a 2005 study on battered women. It found that: “Safety planning will be most effective if it occurs within a contextualized assessmentprocess that illuminates the deeper struggles and multiple harms that women balance when making decisions about continuing or ending relationships.” (Lindhorst et al., 2005) While a “contextualized assessment process” is the main focus of the essay, it is the effectiveness of the plan or policy that is identified as the major issue affected by its absence. Assuming the burdens of sound assessment are properly met elsewhere, the ‘contextualization of the process’, or the root of its understanding in the subjective variables which specifically define it, will determine its success.

Real planning and policy implementation in response to sound assessment must always be rooted in the day to day reality of the issue it is dealing with. Too much abstraction or beaurocratization of this process distances it from reality, and only serves the employment of solutions which leave critical needs and major goals unmet. Ensuring that this understanding is present, along with the required critical analysis skills and policy knowledge on the part of the social worker, will ensure the right person is making these decisions. A bad decision based upon the best assessment is still an unacceptable outcome.

It is never evident, however, that the right plan or policy was chosen or the right assessment undertaken without some kind of evaluation. Success and failure is seldom absolute. More often it exists in degrees. And while success may be met in a number of respects, it may be absent in a number of others. The process of evaluation is designed to measure these degrees.

The changes that have taken place since a particular plan or policy was implemented are a major indicator of their effectiveness. Too often, however, not enough attention is paid to whether or not these changes are actually the result of the plans or policies in question. It is the process of evaluation’s primary task to determine the facts of policy impacts and exactly what policies are responsible for certain changes.

Furthermore, the process of evaluation is usually synonymous with some kind of accountability. When looking at programs from a financial point of view, this accountability is welcome. Indeed, it is rightly viewed as necessary to their responsible administration. This evaluation is, to a large degree, black and white. Either the numbers add up or they don’t. Either an idea has fundamentally succeeded or it has failed, or else it needs some tweaking.

From a personnel perspective, however, “the words ‘accountability,’ ‘supervision’ and ‘evaluation’ are frightening. They imply having one’s feet held to the fire for failure. These processes exist in a paradigm of fear and dread. Educators blame others and blame the circumstances for their lack of effectiveness rather than taking personal responsibility.

This phenomenon in human dynamics should not be seen as unique to teachers and administrators in education. It exists everywhere. We all have a tough time taking and giving criticism. We all have that very common fear of failure.” (Mcgrath, 2000) The human dynamic is here identified as a force resistant to the very kind of accountability the process of evaluation is meant to bring about. The study, “The Human Dynamics of Personnel Evaluation” (Mcgrath, 2000) talks about the judgmental nature and pressure of accountability which needs to be taken into account in the evaluation process.

The evaluation process is often viewed as a simple matter of calculation, or arithmetic. We had the goals the reasoning goes, we had the assessment and the plan, and we had what happened – just add it all up. But it’s just not that simple. The human dynamic is woven between virtually every fibre in the assessment and policy process. Viewing accountability through a fiscal lens, or a purely factual lens of objective causes and effects, miscalculates one of the largest and most influential factors in determining the usefulness of social work evaluation: people.

Making the evaluation process effective must involve, as with the two other processes discussed in this essay, more than just analysis. It must involve a psychology of responsibility that individuals are confronted with in the process at all levels. It must involve a confrontation of the fear of failure present in the heart of every sincere effort. Perhaps the great compassion which drives the field of social work forward, demanding the investment of nothing less than life itself from thousands of people, is also its greatest weakness. I believe, however, that it is the unawareness of this vulnerability which makes it a liability – nothing the fullness of character and a mature temperament cannot address.

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