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Introduction

There is a difference between the terms sex and gender. Sex refers to biological differences such as chromosomes, hormones and internal and external sex organs, whereas gender is the way in which males and females behave in society, displaying what are considered as masculine or feminine traits. These traits are often stereotypes about what constitutes being a male or female in society (Unger, 1979). There are a number of ways in which children develop gender and an understanding at a young age that they are a boy or a girl. The development may occur through social learning theory, (SLT, Bandura, 1977) or through cognitive schema theory (Martin and Halverson, 1981). Children tend to grow up understanding they are a boy or girl and this knowledge becomes a part of their self-concept. The following essay will consider the ways in which gender develops in childhood and how stereotypical perspectives of gender are perpetuated.

The Biological Approach to Gender

A powerful argument for the biological influence on gender can be made when evaluating the study of David Reimer (Money, 1975). Money worked with children born with genitalia that was not clearly defined as either male or female, and, in his role as a doctor, he believed that gender could be reassigned. It was argued by Money that children are born gender neutral and their gender identity develops as a consequence of behavioural interventions and SLT as proposed by Bandura (1977).

David Reimer was one of a pair of male monozygotic twins whose penis was burnt off during an operation for circumcision. The penis could not be repaired and at 7 months it was decided by doctors and his parents that a functional vagina could be constructed and David should be raised as a girl, Brenda. Money reported originally that the gender reassignment had been a success and Brenda as a child was feminine, liked wearing dresses and playing with dolls. Although Brenda also had tomboyish characteristics it was suggested that this was due to the games played with her twin brother.

However, despite Money’s claims that nature could be overcome by nurture and gender was not biologically determined it was later reported that Brenda had been desperately unhappy as a female child and at 14 years she became male again (Diamond and Sigmundson, 1997). It was argued by Money that the study was reliable because David’s twin brother acted as a control as the twins shared the same genes and environment which meant their behaviours could be classified as being either nature or nurture. The findings of the study were biased and based on the subjective interpretations made by Money, perhaps to prove the veracity of his theory regarding gender reassignment. The study was a unique case study and ethically could not be replicated to investigate whether other children, perhaps younger than David, could adapt to gender reassignment. There have been cases have reported successful adaptation such as Daphne Went, who was born with the condition testicular feminising syndrome (TFS). This means that although the individual is biologically male they have external female genitalia. Daphne was happy as a female, unlike David Reimer, who in adulthood committed suicide (Goldwyn, 1979)

Another supporting argument for the biological differences between males and females was found using neuroimaging techniques and electroencephalogram (EEG). It has been shown, for example, that males tend to use the left hemisphere of the brain more than their right hemisphere, whereas females are less lateralised and this may have an effect on gender. The right hemisphere of the brain is involved in aspects of language and it has been found that females tend to use both hemispheres more equally than males (Koles, Lind and Flor-Henry, 2010).

Is Gender Socially Constructed?

There is a strong argument that gender is a socially constructed concept. This means that labels such as gender are meaningless as there is no scientific foundation for such labels. Nevertheless, such labels become entrenched in everyday language and knowledge with only a few people questioning such terms (Gergen, 2009). Gergen argues that gender can be classified in various forms in addition to the male/female dichotomous representation. Diamond and Butterworth (2008) similarly propose that gender should be a fluid concept that allows individuals who do not see themselves as fitting into either a male or female heterosexual category, to define themselves as lesbian, bisexual or transsexual.

The Role of Play in Gender Development

Children typically become aware of their gender identity and that they are either a boy or a girl at a very young age. When gender awareness develops, children tend to participate consistently in what society perceives as being gender appropriate behaviours. Kohlberg, (1966, p.89) proposes that by the age of 3-years a child has a cognitive representation of the relationship between behaviour and gender, for example, ‘I am a boy, therefore I want to do boy things, therefore the opportunity to do boy things (and to gain approval for doing them) is rewarding’. However, a criticism of Kohlberg’s theory is that children are exposed to many influences before the age of 3-years that have a fundamental role in the formation of gender identity. Martin and Halverson (1981) propose that young children develop a gender schema (a set of beliefs or expectations) about the self which includes roles for males and roles for females, which they observe in everyday life, thus they remember gender specific behaviours and forget or ignore information about opposite-gender behaviours. Martin and Halverson’s model explains how gender stereotypes develop and are resistant to change for most children as they become older.

Parents, siblings and peers reinforce gender stereotypes from birth and therefore it could be argued that gender-related behaviours develop because they are encouraged by other people who are close to the child. Female infants typically have pink clothes and nurseries, while boys often have blue clothes and nurseries. It is suggested by Bandura (1977) that children learn behaviours through the observation and imitation of others and in particular the behaviours of same-sex others (such as mothers or sisters). Behaviours are further reinforced if they are rewarded or praised, for example, behaviours that are perceived as being gender appropriate. If behaviour is perceived as being gender inappropriate this tends to be discouraged (Fagot, 1978). In a study undertaken by Fagot (1985) the notion of same sex-peers influencing behaviour was observed with a group of 21-25 month old boys and girls. Behaviours of the children were classified as male, female or neutral and the reactions of the teachers and children to the behaviours were recorded. It was found that the boys gave positive responses when other boys engaged in male activities and the girls responded positively to the other girls rather than boys. The nursery school teachers could influence the girls to alter their behaviours, from physical activities to quieter activities. Neither the girls nor the teachers could influence the boys to change their behaviour, and they continued with physical activities, tending not to take any notice of the teachers. The boys did not respond to the teacher’s requests even when the quieter activities were positively reinforced, which does not support SLT, although the boys themselves had a greater effect in changing other boy’s behaviours.

There have been a large number of studies which have found that children play with toys that are gender-specific (Bussey and Bandura, 1999). A study conducted by Fagot (1978) asked parents to rate the play of their children aged between 20- and 24-months in their own homes. It was found that parents rated the most appropriate behaviours for girls as playing with dolls, dancing and dressing up. For boys the more appropriate behaviour was physical activities such as rough and tumble play, playing with blocks and manipulating objects. It was also found that girls were not encouraged to undertake tasks that involved manipulating objects while the boys were discouraged from playing with dolls (Fagot, 1978). The study demonstrates that parents have different approaches towards their children and gender specific play.

Using pictures of toys, Serbin, Poulin-Dubois, Colburne, Sen and Eichstedt (2001) found that children of 12-, 18- and 24-months preferred stereotypically gender specific toys such as boys preferred trucks and girls preferred dolls. Wong and Hines (2015) undertook a study with boys and girls at two different ages; firstly at 20-40 months and then at 26-47 months. The study used two stereotypical gender-specific toys (a train and a doll) and colour coded a-typical toys in either pink or blue. The findings were predictable as the girls played with the doll and the boys played with the train. However, for the colour-coded a-typical toys the results showed that children were strongly influenced by the colour (for example, the boys avoided playing with anything coded pink). The authors conclude that colour coding toys should be avoided as it may allow all children to develop different skills by playing with different types of stereotypical gender-specific toys, particularly if the colour was more neutral.

Miller (1987) reports that stereotypical gender specific toys have an effect on cognitive and social development of boys and girls, and that it is difficult to find similarities in either the toys or the play of boys and girls. This perspective is supported by a study undertaken by Cherney, Kelly-Vance, Glover, Ruane and Ryalls (2003). The study investigated how stereotypical gender specific toys influenced cognitive development on children aged 18-47 months. The children were observed in a playroom for complex play activities. According to Cherney et al. play is an appropriate way to assess children’s cognitive development, for example the change to symbolic play from exploratory play. Such changes may also help identify children at risk from developmental delay. However, it is reported that very young children (18-months) show different abilities depending on the toys they are playing with. The findings of this study are relevant because children are assessed for their cognitive development at an early age and therefore may not show their potential if given atypical toys that are not gender specific. The findings showed a larger effect for girls in comparison to boys, in that a higher degree of complexity of play was shown when the girls played with stereotypical girl’s toys such as a kitchen and dolls. Thus a selection of toys need to be used when assessing children in formal standardised test situations. However, the study does not mention cultural differences in play and whether the findings would apply to different cultures and ethnic groups.

Conclusion

The evidence presented indicates that both nature, nurture and the wider society perpetuate and emphasise gender stereotypes in childhood. The differences between males and female involve biological differences and in Money’s (1975) longitudinal study of David Reimer showed that nature was dominant over nurture (Diamond and Sigmundson, 1997). This appears to support the idea that gender is a socially constructed concept that identifies two groups (Gergen, 2009) although it is argued that there are more facets to gender than the dominant male/female dichotomy (Diamond and Butterworth, 2008)

Gender is learnt from an early age and SLT (Bandura, 1977) has a role in determining gender with parents reinforcing what society considers appropriate behaviour for boys and girls (Fagot, 1978) Children develop a mental framework or schema of behaviours that are appropriate for either male or female children. The schema appears to be reflected very strongly in the way children play and the type of toys they play with from an early age. Toys can be classified as being stereotypical for either boys or girls and this is particularly the case if toys are coloured pink or blue (Wong and Hines, 2015). The problem with gender specific toys is that they result in gender stereotypical behaviours, roles and activities (Cherney et al. 2003). A further problem is that because children show a strong preference for stereotypical gender-related toys, if such toys are not used in formal standardised tests, the child’s full ability may be incorrectly recorded (Cherney et al. 2003). One omission from many studies is the play of children from different cultures and ethnic groups and how their play affects gender stereotypes. This would appear to be very relevant in contemporary society although this does not appear to be mentioned in the Wong and Hines (2015) study.

References

Bandura, A. (1977). Social Learning Theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.

Bussey, K. and Bandura, (1999). Social cognitive theory of gender development and differentiation. Psychological Review, 106, pp.676-713.

Cherney, I.D., Kelly-Vance, L., Glover, K.G., Ruane, A. and Ryalls, B.O. (2003). The effects of stereotyped toys and gender on play assessment in children aged 18-47 months. Educational Psychology, 23(1), 95-106

Diamond, M. and Sigmundson H.K. (1997). Sex reassignment at birth: Long-term review and clinical implications. Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine, 151(3), 298-304.

Diamond, L.M. and Butterworth, M. (2008). Questioning gender and sexual identity: dynamic links over time. Sex Roles, 59, 365-376.

Fagot, B.I. (1978). The influence of sex of child on parental reactions to toddler children. Child Development, 49, 459-465.

Fagot, B.I. (1985). Beyond the reinforcement principle: Another step to understanding sex role development. Developmental Psychology, 21(6), 1097-1104.

Gergen, K.J. (2009). An Invitation to Social Construction, 2nd edition. London: Sage Publications Ltd.

Goldwyn, E. (1979). The fight to be male. The Listener, May, 709-712

Kohlberg, L. (1966). A cognitive-developmental analysis of children’s sex-role concepts and attitudes. In E.E. Maccoby (Ed.) The Development of Sex Differences. Stanford, CA. Stanford University Press.

Koles, Z.J., Lind, J.C. and Flor-Henry, P. (2010). Gender differences in brain functional organization during verbal and spatial cognitive challenges. Brain Topography, 23(2), 199-204.

Martin, C.L. and Halverson, C.F. Jr. (1981). A schematic processing model of sex typing and stereotyping in children. Child Development, 54, 563-574

Miller, C.L. (1987). Qualitative differences among gender-stereotyped toys: implications for cognitive and social development in girls and boys. Sex Roles 16(9/10), 473-487

Money, J. (1975). Ablatio penis: Normal male infant sex-reassigned as a girl. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 4(1) pp.65-71.

Serbin, L.A., Poulin-Dubois, D., Colburne, K.A., Sen, M.G. and Eichstedt, J.A. (2001). Gender stereotyping in infancy: visual preferences for and knowledge of gender stereotyped toys in the second year. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 25(1), pp.7-15.

Unger, R.K. (1979). Toward a redefinition of sex and gender. American Psychologist, 34(11), 1085-1094

Wong, W. and Hines, M. (2015). Effects of gender color-coding on toddlers’ gender-typical toy play. Archives of Sexual Behaviour, 44(5), 1233-1242

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Introduction

The objective of this paper is to explore why the outcomes of the work of the Goethe Institute of Germany and the Confucius Institute of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) have been so contrasting in terms of establishing cultural and social influence. The paper begins by examining the origins of both institutes and their aims in the context of soft power. Soft power is critically examined as a governmental imperative in a globalised world, and it will be shown how cultural institutes have a role in its formulation and exercise. The next section examines the institutes’ structure and governance, and how these have been crucial determinants of their success. Finally, the findings reported in this paper are drawn together and summarised in the Conclusion.

The origins and aims of the Goethe Institute and the Confucius Institute

The Goethe Institute was established in 1951 in what was then West Germany, with the aim of rebuilding respect for and the reputation of the German language and culture following the Second World War. It originated primarily as a language-learning organisation, for which purpose it established dedicated “reading rooms”, but as it developed it expanded its remit to encompass the propagation of German culture and the holding of social events. By 2015, the Goethe Institute had 159 centres worldwide (Goethe Institute, 2015a).

The aims of the Confucius Institute are remarkably similar to those of the Goethe Institute, although emergent from contrasting origins. It was established in 2004 with the aim of ameliorating concerns felt around the world outside the PRC about the country’s headlong economic growth and rapidly increasing military power. Like the Goethe Institute, the Confucius Institute aimed to facilitate language learning, but expanded its activities into the cultural and social sphere. By 2015, the Confucius Institute operated in more than 480 locations worldwide, using facilities on university campuses (UCLA Confucius Institute, 2015).

Both institutes began with difficult yet auspicious origins; both Germany and the PRC had reputations to build from a low base, but both Germany and the PRC are countries with rich cultural heritages capable of attracting significant degrees of interest from people in the outside world.

The approach of both institutes, however, is essentially top-down, with a strategy of imparting knowledge about their cultures in their subject locations as something differentiated and separate, rather than attempting what is conventionally regarded to be meaningful cultural influence through immersion and integration (Christians, 1997), calling into question the likely effectiveness of the institutes in achieving their stated aims. Given those aims, it is appropriate to conceptualise them as agencies of government, which is essentially concerned with the exercise of power (Dowding, 1996).

Historically, governments have achieved their aims through “hard” power; typically the maintenance of armed forces and commercial strength underpinned their diplomacy (Dowding, 1996). Nye (1990) notes, however, that advancing globalisation has increased the financial cost and political consequences of the use of hard power, as exemplified by the PRC, whose military strength and commercial influence have had increasingly negative consequences in terms of international relations and trust. Military and commercial strength are, in themselves, insufficient in assuring international influence in an age where societal opinion matters, and such opinion is instantaneously shared through social media which frequently imports environmental, social and moral considerations (Nye, 2004). In response to the reduced influence of hard power, governments have turned to “soft” power – the use of co-option rather than coercion (Nye, 2004) – in order to achieve their strategic aims. An important means of exerting soft power is through the use of culture. However, while a country may possess attractive cultural features, they will not be influential if those features are not widely known or appreciated (Mattern, 2005), and cultural institutes are seen as a means by which such knowledge and appreciation may be established and international trade enhanced. There are drawbacks to this approach; Ferguson (2003) notes that soft power has its contradictions. It is, for example, quite possible for a section of society to be unproblematically using Microsoft software to write anti-US campaign material while drinking Coca Cola in a Macdonald’s restaurant. Soft power also has its limitations; Blechman (2004) notes that it cannot be mobilised to achieve specific policy goals, although a core strength of soft power lies it its essential organically democratic nature, in that individuals and groups can influence the policy it sets out to achieve (Van Ham, 2005; Moravcsik, 1997). It is also the case that the attractiveness of a culture is determined not by its purveyor, but rather by its recipients (Fan, 2008).

It is, therefore, the case that soft power is not a direct replacement for hard power, although it does have value in forming and legitimising policy, and in establishing the environment in which policy may be pursued. Given that policy is mediated through the essentially top-down phenomenon of government, it is not unreasonable to posit that, counter to Christians’ (1997) thesis of social influence, the top-down nature of the institutes does not render them unfit for purpose, but they rather have a model of influence that reflects the approach of the state governments that are their ultimate sponsors.

The relative success of the Goethe Institute and the Confucius Institute, and the effect of their structure and governance

Having established the criteria by which the institutes’ success may be measured – that of the establishment and exercise of state soft power, and what the limitations of that soft power are – this section explores how successful the Goethe Institute and the Confucius Institute have been in achieving their aims.

There is considerable evidence to support the contention that the Goethe Institute has been generally successful in achieving its aims. The reputation of Germany has been significantly rehabilitated from its low point at the end of the Second World War, and that country is today widely respected and admired. This may be as much to do with, inter alia, the harmless jollity of the Munich Oktoberfest, the international popularity of German Christmas markets and Germany’s high-quality industrial products as the effect of the Goethe Institute, although the evidence for the influence of the Goethe Institute is clear in data that shows that people outside Germany who come into contact with the institute hold a higher opinion of Germany than those who do not (The Economist, 2015). It is reasonable to assert, therefore, that the Goethe Institute has achieved the aim of being of some influence in the favourable propagation of German culture.

The same cannot be said, however, for the international reputation of the PRC. Comparing the reputation of the PRC to that of Japan (Germany’s Far-Eastern equivalent in respect of post-Second World War reputation), it can be seen from the Chicago Council study (2009) that Japan has been successfully rehabilitated and has managed to withstand the concerns ensuing from economic success that the PRC is clearly failing to ameliorate. This contrast in outcomes is difficult to explain, given the similarities in the international interest in the rich cultural heritages of Germany and the PRC. Chinese culture, like that of Germany, has much to offer; Chinese food is popular throughout the world, as are Tai Chi, Sun Tsu’s The Art of War (in a business context) and Confucian wisdom, yet the PRC is stubbornly perceived to be an economic threat around the world, and a military threat in East Asia (Paradise, 2009) – something that the Confucius Institute has apparently failed to counter.

Examination of the structure of these institutes offers insight into their contrasting success. A clear indication lies in their developmental histories; since 1951, the Goethe Institute has established 159 centres throughout the world (Goethe Institute, 2015a), while since only 2004 the Confucius Institute has established over 480 (UCLA Confucius Institute, 2015). Such comparatively headlong expansion on the part of the Confucius Institute unfortunately mirrors the rapid economic growth of its home country that causes so much international concern. Also, the name “Confucius Institute” implicitly suggests the copying of something that worked elsewhere – naming the institute after the country’s internationally famous philosopher, a strategy that worked for Germany and so (it is thought) ought to work for the PRC. This strategy, however, also mirrors an important aspect of the PRC’s economic success – the copying of products designed and developed elsewhere that has led to many intellectual property disputes around the world (Gregory, 2003). It thus appears that the structural paradigm of the Confucius Institute may be a contributory factor to its lack of success.

Further examination of the governance of these institutes offers insight with respect to their success. The Goethe Institute, while being a government-sponsored institution, is able to raise its own funds and is governed at arm’s length, a status guaranteed in its constitution (Goethe Institute, 2015b). This arm’s-length principle ensures that it is not controlled by government, but by a body of independent and trustworthy people who have the aims and interests of the institute, not the government, at heart (Cavaliero, 1986). By being governed in this way, the Goethe Institute is able to assert, transparently, its credentials and the authenticity of its objectives.

The Confucius Institute, however, is ultimately administered by and accountable to Kanban, the PRC government body responsible for the teaching of Chinese as a foreign language. This need not necessarily be fatal to the Confucius Institute’s international credentials, although significant damage in this respect is evident in that Kanban only sanctions the use of simplified Chinese character writing within the Confucius Institute, which is widely interpreted to be an attempt to limit Taiwanese cultural influence, as within Taiwan writing using traditional Chinese characters is the norm (Ding and Saunders, 2006).

It may be possible to rationalise this Chinese written character dilemma on grounds of expediency, as Chinese writing is difficult to master and, if the use of both forms were to be employed, the result would be unnecessarily confusing for students. Clearly the Confucius Institute had to make a decision in this regard, and it is not unreasonable to expect that, as it is an organisation that originates within the PRC, it would select the predominant Chinese character style of that country. Other concerns come into play, however; the Confucius Institute has no independent control over the choice of textbooks and educational materials that it uses in its cultural activities; Kanban has complete control in this regard, leading some host schools and universities to express concern about the Chinese history propagated by the Confucius Institute differing from that taught in regular classes (Patty, 2011).

Apologists for the Confucius Institute may find rationalisations for these concerns, but the factors concerning its structure and governance have been sufficient in combination to endow it with the status of a PRC-government overseas ‘stooge’. Such concerns have resulted in the University of Chicago and Pennsylvania State University expelling the Confucius Institute from their campuses (Foster, 2014).

The work of the Goethe Institute is not the only cause of Germany’s post-war rehabilitation, but its positive influence is determinable, and has been facilitated by its measured growth and arm’s-length governance. Any positive influence that the Confucius Institute may have had is more difficult to establish; despite its rapid growth, its apparent attempt to reproduce the success of others elsewhere and the negative aspects of its structure and governance appear to act in its detriment.

Conclusion

This paper has set the limits of what the success of cultural institutes looks like within the context and limitations of soft power. The top-down nature of the institutes has been examined as a possible drawback when set against the immersive qualities that typically lead to meaningful cultural influence; however, this was found to be less of a disadvantage in terms of cultural theory than an honest approach taken by bodies that are essentially agencies of government.

This paper set out to examine why the outcomes of the work of the Goethe Institute of Germany and the Confucius Institute of the PRC have been so contrasting in terms of establishing cultural and social influence. It has been established that the Goethe Institute has been successful in its contribution to meeting Germany’s soft-power aims, while the Confucius Institute has had indeterminate positive influence and its negative influence has been made clear. The reasons for these contrasting outcomes can be summarised as follows. The Goethe Institute’s growth has been evolutionary whereas the growth of the Confucius Institute has been explosive, mirroring the economic growth of its home country which is in itself a cause of the PRC’s reputational difficulties that the institute is ostensibly attempting to ameliorate. Similarly, the Confucius Institute’s name appears to represent and attempt to reproduce that which worked elsewhere, mirroring a concerning facet of the PRC’s problematic intellectual property issues within its industrial sector. Finally, the Goethe Institute is governed at arm’s length, whereas the PRC has direct control over the governance of the Confucius Institute, a significant factor in its loss of reputation and fundamental incompatibility with the principles of academic freedom and independence that are so valued by its host universities.

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Question: 1

Family structure and interaction assume cardinal functions in the social control theories and delinquency. However, myriad factors are assimilated with family configuration and criminal behavior and consequently folk’s relations and felony. Akers R.L. (1998).Family interface dynamics include; management and control, character prop up, compassionate and dependence cherished communique, influential communication, parental condemnation of peers and variance, these factors have the equivalent upshots on crime in both-parents. Akers R.L. (1998).

Paucity or stumpy proceed echelon is a prime factor that puts more emphasis as a primary illustration for criminal traits. Research findings have shown that scarcity is the genesis to most unsociable performances. Akers R.L. (1998).

In the regard to the family constitution, dealings by particular family members influence the functional dimensions of others. According to research findings a member’s initiative about the well being of other member of the family presents with each other an element of safety in opposition to catastrophes, thus, extend beyond acquaintances. Akers R.L. (1998).

Whereas a pattern of asymmetric consideration is evident between parents and children; thus parent’s value meaning incorporate the children’s expenditure as well their own, the child’s convenience utility is purely centered on the child’s using up. This structure leads to an off the wall child philosophy, thus if the parent is adequately compassionate in the direction of his or her child, both the parent and the child are comfortable.

This finding supports the proposal that self-sacrifice benefits two parties (the addressee as well as the bringer). Akers, R.L. (1989). Family unit is an integral aspect for the development of children. In the event that interaction between parent and child vanishes through a divorce, the absence of one parent i.e. the father may upshot in the parent’s goodwill for the child to cry off from what would be if not.

If the cry off is adequate, the child acknowledges the repercussion and advance to a more selfish verdict and both the parents and the child stand to loose. The rationale here underscores the fact that augmented philanthropy promotes good actions even on the part of a egoistically aggravated child while curtailed or deprived of selflessness enhances poor behavior. Akers, R.L. (1989).

Question 2

When children become naughty, parents have been viewed as the line of control. Nonetheless, antagonism and resistance in children has been inspected as the lack of obedience. On the extreme hand, heavy-handed parenthood has witnessed the production of belligerent insubordinate and unfriendliness offspring. Research findings support the argument that poor parenting is a concrete impetus that has brought about the development of delinquent children’s.

According to the social hypothesis, the connection progression, Baumrinds constituents of precious parenting and typologies that contents the most profound parenting is the convincing of parents and reaction and demandingness. Based on the self control theory, if a child fails to develop self control by the age of 10 years they often don’t acquire it. Akers, R.L. (1989).

Question 3

Akers’ social learning theory is a cluster of the learning point of view of criminology that has been influenced by chronological collective and opinionated circumstances. Akers theory is mostly applied to characters within a certain group from which the underpinning is due; these include a bunch of criminals, peer stratums or communal stratums. Smoking within the puberty age bracket is one of the deviant traits that Ronald Aker (1985) debate about.

The social erudition theory digs out concrete facts as to why puberty enhances the smoking habits but is not in a position to explain the genesis of the behavior. Ronald Aker (1989) successive study of alcohol features among the aged illustrate the fact that mature drinking and puberty drinking tag along similar conduits of customs and group performance.

Question 4

The control theory unlike the learning theory is centered on issues that appertain to why persons kowtow in a given society (Hirschi 1969). The social control theory presumes that fastidious persons are mingled fittingly in a civilization, while others are not; conversely, the discrepancy is brought about by how persons socialize not to break the law. According to the Social Learning theory, conventionality is affiliated to the “attachments” structured by children that help to reroute them from nonstandard manners.

These unions incorporate affection, participation and the principle system. In a nut shell this amalgamation maintains the puberty and a section of the wider society concerned. Inadequate socialization exhibited by a child in form of weakened links of caucus is known as broken bond theory. Nonetheless, failed to bond theory is another twist of the social control theory that depicts an outright lack of attachment to others and to compliance that leads to character deviance. Akers, R.L. (1989).

Question 5

Respondent learning is typically a behavioral type of learning. Persons as well as animals conditioned this way don’t learn consciously the association flanked by stimuli and responses, but, since the pairings happen repeatedly, the conditioned stimulus elicits the conditioned response unconsciously.

In most cases, the rejoinders are not automated; however distinctive results do induce the animals or humans to repeat the behavior while divergent outcomes cause them not to repeat the behavior. Behavioral theorists in this case hold the view that distinct psychological disorders lead to respondent conditioning. Watson’s experiment on Albert illustrated that phobias could be learnt by means of combining a neutral and a harmless stimulus with an unconditionally frightening event, hence bringing about the association of fear with a harmless stimulus. Akers, R.L. (1989).

References

Akers, R.L. (1989). Social Learning Theory and Puberty Cigarette Smoking cum Alcohol. 43:230-139

Akers R.L. (1998). Social Learning and Social Structure: A General Theory of crime and Deviance. New York University Press

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How far is globalisation a form of Americanisation? Drawing on theory critically evaluate why the US has been so hostile to overseas left wing regimes since 1945?

There has been a great deal of debate over the extent to which the current phase of globalisation can be defined or delimited by the process of Americanisation. Multinational corporations have adamantly maintained that their operations overseas are not vehicles of Americanisation, but are instead a form of ‘indigenisation’ through adaptation to local cultures. Some scholars have argued, however, that contemporary discourses about globalisation have fallen under the spell of a form of historical perennialism in which current trends have been extrapolated too far into the past and inaccurately conceptualised as being merely a continuation of deeper trends. “Globalisation is now used to describe everything and its opposite, from the Roman Empire to WW1, from cosmopolitan behavior to Genghis Khan’s conquests, and even the Neolithic age,” writes Daniele Conversi in his article titled The Limits of Cultural Globalisation? (Conversi 2010, p. 36). Central to this misconception is a confusion between globalisation as an ideology, usually expressed as a form of cosmopolitanism, and globalisation in practice. Whether the current phase of globalisation is the latest chapter in a millennia-long saga of societal integration, or is in fact something completely different, it is difficult to dispute that it has taken on a distinctly American character since the end of World War 2.

On a superficial level, the Americanisation of the world seems obvious and intuitive. English is now spoken with at least partial competence by over half of the world’s population and has become the de facto lingua franca facilitating communication between people from remote locations. Not only is English the dominant language on the internet, but more than a third of the world’s mail, telexes, and cables are in English, and approximately 40% of the world’s radio programs are in English (Swain 2011). Of the top ten global brands, seven are based in the United States with Coca-Cola occupying the top spot, leading many to perceive it as a symbol of Americanisation. The fact that the McDonald’s fast food franchise has disseminated to all corners of the globe has made possible the somewhat tongue-in-cheek use of the “Big Mac Index,” now regularly published by The Economist as an informal way of comparing the purchasing power of any two currencies (Hoefert and Hofer 2006). As we will see, the forces of cultural homogenisation flowing from the United States go far beyond language, hamburgers, and soda.

The modern era of globalisation can be demarcated by the Bretton Woods agreement in 1944 (Korten 2001), which set the basis for the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, establishing, in the IMF’s own words, a system of “global surveillance activities (IMF 2007).” During the early years of the Cold War, the Marshall Plan facilitated the transfer of American industrial management models to Western Europe (Kipping and Bjarnar 1998). The methods employed to help Western Europe recover from the ravages of war would later be applied to under-developed countries, first as a means of deterring the spread of communism, and later as a project of global trade liberalisation. In the words of Dutch-American sociologist Saskia Sassen,

The most widely recognised instance of Americanisation is seen…in the profound influence U.S. popular culture exerts on global culture. But it has also become very clear in the legal forms ascendant in international business transactions. Through the IMF and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), as well as the GATT, the U.S. vision has spread to—some would say been imposed on—the developing world (Sassen 1996, p.20).

While Presidents Nixon, Ford and Carter all played a role in advancing the neoliberal agenda, it wasn’t until Reagan that the doctrines of privatisation and deregulation took on the ideological character espoused by many conservative thinkers today (Conversi 2010). What came to be known as ‘Reaganomics’ was advanced during the 1980s when structural adjustment loans (SALs) were leveraged to “blast open” and “discipline” the Third World (Bello 1999, p. 27).

While the advent of Reaganomics had a considerable impact on economics and finance abroad, Conversi contends that its effects on cultural practices may have been even more extensive. “In Reagan’s years, the robust nexus between politics, economics, military and the expansion of mass consumerism was amplified through the media industry,” he writes (Conversi 2010, p. 39). A constant condition that the IMF and World Bank attached to their developmental support packages was the total overhaul of local cultural productions, formerly tied to regional and national markets or subject to state regulation such that they would be left to the mercy of corporate expansion.

In the cultural arena, the removal of trade barriers has led to the unfettered preponderance of American items of mass consumption and to the virtual erasure of millions of local cultural producers, an event that has been presented as an ineluctable step on the road to further development. This has led not to the kind of globalisation envisioned by cosmopolitan theorists, but rather to the assertion of a cultural hyper-power (Conversi 2010, p. 41).

Hollywood’s embrace of the global marketplace led to the collapse of native film industries in both Europe and Asia, which were displaced by an invasion of American cultural products via mass distribution agencies (Conversi 2010). The content of Hollywood movies can have subtle yet profound effects on the culture and institutions of foreign countries. One Chinese activist described in detail how the portrayal of the inner workings of the United States government and judicial system in American popular culture has convinced many Chinese citizens of the merits of American-style democracy (Nye 2004). The bombardment of US cultural exports has been a primary motivation for the Chinese government’s increasingly draconian information policies.

American cultural imperialism has been met with varying levels of resistance. In recent years, the cultural policies of governments abroad have come to encompass protectionist measures that Harvey Feigenbaum has described as being “cultural counterattacks” against the homogenising effects of neoliberal globalisation. These protectionist policies typically involve intentionally limiting the availability of American broadcast programming through the use of sophisticated quota systems:

The French, for instance, require that 60 percent of the prime-time television shows be European productions and that 40 percent be French. Canadians require their television networks to broadcast significant content, and the South Koreans will tolerate large numbers of television shows from abroad only if they have scientific or educational content (Feigenbaum 2002).

As a counter-weight to the U.S. championing of neoliberalism, France has been attempting to pull Europe in a different direction. Cultural exception is a political concept introduced by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in 1993 and refers to the belief that cultural products should be exceptions to the trade agreements codified by the World Trade Organization (WTO). The United States and various industries and lobbies have predictably lambasted cultural exception as being protectionist, culturally chauvinist, deleterious to global free trade, and that it makes it easier for oppressive governments to suppress minority voices. Despite these objections, however, cultural exception was upheld by UNESCO in 2005 with only two countries (the U.S. and Israel) out of two hundred voting against it.

Much to the dismay of narrow-minded theocracies such as Iran, and oppressive regimes such as the Chinese government, the effectiveness of these protectionist policies are limited by new decentralising audiovisual technologies such as satellite and digital on-demand television. China has responded to the threat of new media with the infamous Gold Shield Project and increasingly severe penalties for breeches of its digital information policies. Most media industries, however, have at least partially acquiesced to the cultural hegemony of Hollywood and the United States (Feigenbaum 2002).

If we accept the premise that global trade liberalisation has been a central tenet of U.S. foreign policy since 1945, the reasons for U.S. hostility toward left-wing regimes abroad becomes obvious. Left-wing leaders typically promote socialist and populist policies such as protectionism, nationalisation of industries and the socialisation of services, all of which are anathema global free trade. Virtually every left-wing government since World War 2, almost all of them democratically elected, has faced at least some degree of opposition from the U.S. Government ranging from trade sanctions to overthrow and the instigations of coup d’etats.

The following examples of covert foreign regime change actions illustrate the lengths that Western politicians have been willing to go in order to protect private property and ensure free trade across the globe. In the 1953 Iranian coup d’etat, the CIA collaborated with the United Kingdom depose the democratically elected Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh who was attempting to nationalise Iran’s petroleum industry, which threatened the profits of British Petroleum (BP) (New York Times 2000). During the Guatemalan Revolution of 1944-54, the CIA engineered the overthrow of the democratically elected Jacobo Arbenz whose ambitious agrarian reforms designed to grant land to millions of landless peasants were seen as a threat to the land holdings of the United Fruit Company. After the CIA installed a puppet regime led by the military dictator Carlos Castillo Armas, the country entered a civil war lasting decades in which over 200,000 people were killed (Streeter 2000). Probably the most famous example of a democratically elected leftist leader who was ousted by the U.S. is Chile’s Salvador Allende who adopted collectivist policies that nationalised industry before being deposed, killed, and replaced by the far more repressive Augusto Pinochet. A more recent example, though not himself deposed by U.S. machinations, was the Venezuelan leader Hugo Chavez whose administration proposed and enacted democratic socialist economic policies involving redistribution of wealth, land reforms, and the establishment of worker-owned cooperatives.

Despite all of this, it remains fashionable in both scholarly and popular discourses to maintain that globalisation and Americanisation are wholly distinct phenomena. As mentioned earlier, representatives of large multinationals such as McDonald’s often attempt to portray their relationships with local cultures as bi-directional and reflexive rather than hegemonic, pointing to such practices as incorporating elements of indigenous cuisine into fast-food menus (Conversi 2010). Another somewhat inane example is the choice made by McDonald’s to replace Ronald McDonald with Asterix the Gaul as their official mascot for French markets. Globalisation apologists often employ the terms ‘glocalism’ and ‘glocalisation’ in an attempt to describe these ‘intercultural’ encounters as being largely symmetric and egalitarian and to characterise globalisation as being compatible with the maintenance of local cultures. What we typically see, however, are local businesses being forced to Americanise their appearance and practices by market pressures (Conversi 2010). One prominent example is ‘Bollywood’, which despite being heralded as an affirmation of Indian national identity, produces cultural content that merely imitates American cultural forms (Rao 2007). A case can be made that such indigenised forms of ‘Americana’ are potentially even more devastating to cultural diversity than more candid forms of imperialism because they can more easily don the disguise of national indigenousness (Conversi 2010).

We can conclude that while superficial efforts have been made on the part of multinational corporations to adapt their products to indigenous cultures, such efforts are motivated by market forces rather than by any concern for cultural diversity and tend only to exacerbate trends toward cultural homogenisation. While optimists taking the long view may interpret American cultural hegemony as a necessary evil required to lay the groundwork for a truly cosmopolitan global society at some point in the future, it simply does not make sense to posit neoliberal globalisation as being continuous with earlier globalising trends. The period from 1945 to the present coincides with the ascendency of a global order taking a very particular form and encompassing the widespread enforcement of trade liberalisation, privitisation, deregulation, and an antipathy toward left wing regimes. Whether Americanisation will become a permanent fixture of our transition to a truly planetary society remains to be seen.

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Globalisation Studies, Issue 3 (2010), pp. 36-59.

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Under Conditions of Globalization.” The Journal of Arts Management, Law, and Society 31 (4): 255–64.

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‘The ability to live free from violence and fear is a basic human right.’ – Sandra Horley CBE, Chief Executive of Refuge. Annual Report, 2014, p 2

Introduction

A brief essay cannot detail all aspects of a topic which transcends gender or sexual orientation and encompasses psychological, physical, sexual, financial, and emotional abuse. Domestic violence (DV) includes forced marriage, human trafficking, rape and sexual assaults, ‘honour killings’ and elder abuse (Crown Prosecution Service, 2015). While recognising the importance of these issues and acknowledging that men can also be victims, this essay will focus on DV against women. The evidence shows that the majority of victims are women in heterosexual relationships (Department of Health, 2005). Also, as women tend to have overall responsibility for their offspring, it is relevant to discuss the impact of DV on the children involved.

Domestic violence against women will be noted in the context of patriarchy, but this essay will also build on the main findings of Dobash and Dobash’s groundbreaking research (1979) which helped to identify DV as a separate topic for investigation. Many responses have been developed to meet the needs of victims. This essay will focus on the ‘Refuge’ model and the newer ‘MARAC’ inter-agency support structure. For illustrative purposes, case histories will be cited where appropriate. Finally, as modernisation of services has attracted criticism and reductions in funding have put pressure on service provision, the impact of these changes will be considered.

Domestic violence is defined as ‘any incident or pattern of incidents of controlling, coercive, threatening behaviour, violence or abuse between those age 16 or over who are, or who have been, intimate partners or family members regardless of gender or sexuality’ (Home Office, 2013).

The Crown Prosecution Service states that one in four women in England and Wales will be a victim of DV during her lifetime (CPS, 2015). International statistics suggest that one in three (one billion women) have suffered DV (Heise et al, 1999). UK police receive one phone call every minute of every day (Women’s Aid, 2014) and the British Crime Survey estimated that 12.9 million DV incidents are perpetrated against women over a one year period. At the same time, DV against men accounts for a further 2.5 million incidents (Walby and Allen, 2004). It must be acknowledged that female victims can on occasions be the aggressor. However, the level of violence inflicted by men is generally more extreme (Hester, 2009). Repeat victimisation is also more common in DV cases than in any other type of violent crime.

The impact on victims is long-lasting. Besides physical injuries, women face increased incidence of depression and suicidal ideation. Psychosomatic disorders are commonplace and there is greater risk of unplanned pregnancy, HIV or STIs (World Health Organisation, 2002). Finally, they run an increased risk of being killed: every week, two women in the UK are murdered by their current or former partner (CPS, 2015). The World Health Organisation estimates that 40-70% of murdered women are killed by their current or former partner (WHO, 2002).

Children are also victims. Women’s Aid (2015) notes that mothers shield their children to the best of their ability, and may defer seeking help in the belief that the family should stay together. However, 90% of DV incidents are witnessed by children who may also be victims of abuse at the hands of the same perpetrator (Department of Health, 2005).

DV has not always been viewed seriously. Early feminists identified violence towards women as a form of patriarchy, arguing that the power relationships inherent in patriarchal society were reflected in male domination of the domestic sphere (Millett, 1970). In 1971, Erin Pizzey opened the first UK Women’s Refuge in West London. At that time, DV was rarely spoken of openly but the volume of women and children seeking help forced the issue onto the political agenda. In 1975, the first Government Select Committee was created to investigate DV. They recommended a minimum of one family refuge place per 10,000 people. The following year (1976) the Domestic Violence and Matrimonial Proceedings Act was enacted, offering civil protection orders (injunctions) for those at risk of abuse. The Housing Act (Homeless Persons) 1977 acknowledged that women and children at risk of violence were effectively homeless and had the right to state-funded temporary accommodation (Isaac, 2014). Domestic violence costs the taxpayer money: ?3.1 billion in 2004 (Department of Health, 2005). However, the cost to the victims is immeasurable.

A ground-breaking study of women in a Glasgow refuge confirmed that most abuse goes unreported. Male sexual jealousy was the usual source of conflict. Most women believed the abuse would stop after marriage, suggesting that warning signs were there at an early stage (Dobash and Dobash, 1979). This is supported by a recent SafeLives survey, which found that victims stayed in abusive relationships for around three years during which time they could be assaulted up to fifty times. On average, they saw five professionals in the final year before accessing specialised help (Topping, 2015). Refuge (2014) noted that women using their services had suffered for an average of five years before escaping.

The opening of the first Refuge marked a sea-change in service provision. Refuge is now one of the best-known charities involved in the sector, with a network of ‘safe houses’ across fifteen local authorities. Their experience, garnered over four decades, gives them a credible voice and their ‘three-pronged approach’ – provision, protection and prevention – has spawned a range of services.

Refuge protects women by advocating on their behalf for services, and lobbying for implementation of progressive legislation. They advise other agencies on best practice and campaign to raise awareness of DV by promoting education, training and research. DV should never be taken lightly: 80% of victims suffer multiple types of abuse, including physical, sexual, financial and emotional violence. 55% of women accessing Refuges had been strangled or choked by their partner and 55% had received threats to kill (Refuge, 2014):

‘Michelle was in a coma for thirteen weeks after being savagely attacked by her ex-partner. He hit her with a crowbar thirteen times. Her children witnessed the assault.’ (Refuge, 2014, p 6)

Most Refuge residents were denied access to economic resources, including bank accounts or welfare payments. Sometimes debts had been accrued in their name, and they may have been prevented from accessing education or employment. Empowering women to regain financial independence with workshops on budgeting skills and ‘preparation for work’ courses are key components of the Refuge programme (Refuge, 2014).

Activities are organised locally with input from refuge residents, and often reflect the ethnicity of the client group: the Hackney Refuge celebrates Eid and Diwali festivals with the exchange of gifts and special food prepared by the residents. Refuges are sensitive to the cultural needs of minorities, including victims of human trafficking and those with insecure residential status. ‘Special’ services are staffed by refuge workers (who speak a total of 28 different languages) from the same cultural background (Refuge, 2014).

‘Ayla’ suffered years of abuse at the hands of her husband and his relatives before fleeing with her daughter and contacting police. Her husband was arrested; Ayla was referred to the Refuge because of the serious risk of ‘honour’-based violence. Her Key Worker introduced her to a local service which provided counselling in Kurdish to help her manage her depression and build up her confidence. She notes:

‘Ayla ….. continued to receive death threats from her extended family for leaving her husband. When she arrived at the Refuge, she had some bruising to her face and her right ear. She could not hear in this ear …………. She was sent for various tests at the local hospital [and] was found to be profoundly deaf in her right ear due to the physical violence she had suffered over the years.’ (Refuge, 2014, p6)

A Refuge is home to the women and children for weeks, months or longer. Two out of every three residents are children, traumatised and needing specialist support. Children who witness domestic violence suffer emotional abuse. The effects include anxiety, depression, insomnia, nightmares, bedwetting, truanting, aggression, social isolation and loss of self-esteem. Older children may begin using alcohol or drugs, may develop eating disorders or resort to self-harm. (Women’s Aid, n.d.) Specially trained Child Support Workers are in every Refuge.

Once life-threatening injuries are dealt with, other needs are assessed. Refuge staff are adept at organising multi-agency interventions, including support for alcohol and drug misuse or mental health issues. Finding a safe permanent home is not easy but women are supported at every stage. On leaving the Refuge, women can access community-based outreach networks providing continued support for their individual needs.

Services are currently being stretched to breaking point as funding is slashed. Home Secretary Theresa May has refused to ring-fence budgets for women’s refuges, and public policy has changed to offering protection orders to victims and supporting them to remain in their local community. Erin Pizzey, founder of the UK Refuge movement, thinks this is a retrograde step: ‘My therapeutic model included long-term shared accommodation for vulnerable mothers and children. That is still needed.’ (Laville, 2014). The impact of budget cuts is significant. During 2014, refuges received 20,736 referrals. Of these, 31% – around 6,800 women – had to be turned away (Refuge, 2014).

New support structures for high-risk victims include ‘MARAC’ – a ‘Multi-Agency Risk Assessment Conference’ – which brings together social workers, children’s services managers, police and probation officers, drug and alcohol workers, housing officers, mental health officials, medical practitioners, GP link workers, and specialist domestic violence service managers. The concept originated in Cardiff following the deaths of a toddler and an unborn child as a result of DV. There are 288 MARACS across England, Wales, Northern Ireland, Guernsey and Scotland, and they usually meet monthly (Tickle, 2014).

DV victims deemed at particularly high risk of suffering traumatic or life-threatening events have their cases referred to their local MARAC. Only fifteen out of every thousand cases are men. Panel members contribute their knowledge of each case: rapid decisions are made and actions follow (Tickle, 2014).

In one instance a man had made serious threats towards his partner’s unborn child; child protection social workers were immediately assigned to the case. The victim was unaware of her partner’s previous convictions for battery. Under the Domestic Violence Disclosure Scheme (‘Clare’s Law’) it was decided to inform her of his previous history (Tickle, 2014). It is not apparent from these measures just how safe the victim would be, or how confident she would feel, while awaiting more permanent arrangements. Despite MARAC’s attempts to create a safety net around potential victims, the number of fatalities linked to DV has not decreased.

Links between MARACs and multi-agency hubs based in local authority areas are being enhanced to facilitate earlier identification of cases, particularly those involving children. The risk to a child in an abusive household may be higher than the risk to the adult, and many of these children remain unknown to children’s services. However, the multi-agency approach has its critics. Hague (1998) acknowledges the potential benefits of the policy but cautions against over-optimism, arguing that they exclude the main stakeholders – the victims – as contributors, and can provide a smokescreen to disguise inaction. She also predicted the marginalisation of the refuge movement (Hague, 1998).

Preparing an abuse victim to leave home and find a place of safety takes time. Tickle (2014) notes: ‘Becoming safer and staying safe are long-term, hard-won goals.’ There are many barriers to ending a relationship with an abusive partner, including shame, guilt, lack of support, and financial dependence. Safety is a real concern, and with good reason. Women are considered to be at the greatest risk of homicide at the point of separation or after leaving a violent partner (Refuge, 2015). However, the links between DV services and the Justice system have been considerably strengthened in recent years. Independent Domestic Violence Advocates (IDVAs) are specialist refuge staff based in police stations, hospitals etc, working with ‘high risk’ women and supporting them through the criminal and civil justice systems. During 2013 – 2014, IDVAs supported 2,642 new women and 2,918 children, including helping 1,024 women through the criminal justice system. 95% of women who wanted to make an official complaint were empowered to do so, and 58% of cases which went to court resulted in a guilty verdict (Refuge, 2014, p 11).

Conclusion

This essay has shown the extent and nature of DV in the UK and the efforts made to provide support for victims. Services have progressed enormously and DV is no longer treated lightly. Police prosecute when they have the evidence to do so, courts have the power to remove abusers from the family home, and women are becoming more aware of the services available to them.

Despite this, women are still at risk. Education and public awareness have roles to play in reducing the incidence of DV. In a multi-cultural society such as the UK, it is also essential that women facing particular challenges because of their ethnicity or cultural heritage have the confidence to come forward and lead by example from within their communities.

The Refuge model has operated successfully for decades but it has limitations. Their literature rightly highlights their work with women and children, but it does not clarify what happens to adolescent sons. It seems doubtful that they can be accommodated within a Refuge, even though they are presumably as emotionally damaged as their sisters or younger brothers. The Refuge is probably the safest option for women, but that protection may carry a price they are not prepared to pay.

It also seems doubtful that abused women would feel completely safe in their family home with just a court order between them and a clenched fist. The MARAC concept has huge potential and it is encouraging to see cooperation between agencies. However, notwithstanding budgetary pressures, when there is an immediate danger to a woman and her children, it would surely more prudent to arrange safe accommodation rather than to rely on care in the community. Nevertheless, women do move on from domestic abuse and the stories of survivors are truly inspiring.

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This essay will consider the role of citizens in two areas of justice: environmental justice and trade justice. Environmental justice will be examined specifically in relations to the issue of sound pollution (Open University, 2015c, p.31). Secondly, the role of citizens in ensuring trade justice will be examined. This can relate to the notion that all trade should have fair and equal access to trading markets (Open University, 2015e, p.21).

Sound is environmental pollution that occurs as a result of an individual exercising their right to positive freedom, the right to exercise their liberty free from constraint (Open University, 2015a, p.59). In this case, sound pollution may differ in definition depending on the context and the type of sound. It has been demonstrated that people are much more tolerant of some sounds that they deem necessary, such as traffic noise. However, noise also impinges upon individuals’ right to a peaceful existence (Open University, 2015c, p.31). There are a number of health benefits associated with a low level of background noise, and it is clear that restraints should be considered in terms of how far someone has the right to affect this (Open University, 2015c, p.41).

Given the definition of what constitutes noise may varies between different people, ages and cultures, it is impossible to have a standard rule that should apply in all cases of sound production (Open University, 2015c, p.44). People accept that there is likely to be environmental noises: even the tranquillity of the countryside involves farming machinery and that they cannot control this sound production (Open University, 2015c, pp.23-24). Furthermore, it seems problematic to have sanctions against noise when this does not affect other people (Open University, 2015c, p.44). In justice terms, therefore, the approach may be concerned with ensuring that people have the freedom to make noise as long as this does not impinge significantly upon other people’s rights to peace, within reason (Open University, 2015a, p.59). Given the definition changes of what noise might be regarded as problematic varies between people, it would seem this could be left to the judgment of those affected. It is accepted that some level of background noise is acceptable when it is unavoidable and has some benefit, such as building work. Other uses of sound, such as playing music at a high volume might be regarded as less acceptable: it offers some benefit to the person, but such benefits can still be achieved at a lower volume or through the use of headphones.

A drawback with the use of citizens in ensuring such justice is that it requires negotiation between different parties, and there may be individual differences between what people perceive is acceptable or unacceptable (Open University, 2015c ,p.44). There is a greater expectation for quiet and privacy today than in the past, but many buildings are poorly insulated against noise transmission and therefore even a low level of sound in a home can be disturbing (Open University, 2015c, p.44). The onus is placed upon the individual who believes that the noise is disturbing in arguing their case and there is also a responsibility of the person who produces the noise to respond sympathetically (Open University, 2015c, p.78). Therefore, where there are disagreements concerning the appropriateness of noise production, there may be tensions; for example, practising a musical instrument may be noise pollution to some people but may be regarded as necessary for work for another.

In such cases some further arbitration with the requisite requirements of what constitutes a ‘reasonable’ balance between noise production and peaceful existence (Open University, 2015c, p.77). Where noise is predictable and easily measured, such as in homes close to an airport, zoning regulation that controls the level of noise at different times of day should make a difference (Open University, 2015c, p.77). Therefore, there are contexts in which citizen’s involvement in ensuring justice may be exhausted. Nevertheless, for noise produced in the neighbourhood, citizens play an important role in regulating their noise production or tolerating a level of noise deemed acceptable, and this informs the guidelines or legal enforcement that may develop to regulate the soundscape.

Citizens have been argued to have a role in ensuring fair trade by purchasing goods that hold the ‘Fairtrade’ label (Open University, 2015d, p.5). It has been argued that access to markets is disproportionately available owing to the fact that there is limited protection to short-term market fluctuations (Open University, 2015d, p.5). This is particularly acute in some goods such as sugar, coffee, tea and chocolate, which are largely produced in poorer countries (Open University, 2015d, p.7). Fairtrade guarantees a minimum market price depending upon certain conditions. For example, farmers involved in the conditions need to invest some of the profit into community projects, adhere to a number of ethical guidelines and environmental practices (Open University, 2015d, p.9). By using the fair trade label, the organisation informs consumers that they are buying a good that supports such communities. Therefore, citizens support the aim of the organisation by changing their purchasing behaviour accordingly. Through their consumer behaviour, citizens believe they are helping producers receive a more equitable distribution of resources (Open University, 2015b, p.56).

There are two drawbacks to the Fairtrade process. The first is whether this is effectively a form of citizen justice or whether this is simply a type of conspicuous consumerism (Open University, 2015d, p.15). As many Fairtrade goods are more expensive than equivalents, they are perhaps a way that consumers attempt to show off their environmentalist credentials conspicuously rather than for this being the primary basis for their behaviour (Open University, 2015d, p.15). However, there is also the question of whether this matters: one argument is the more people buy Fairtrade goods, the more lucrative this market will be, and the lower this price differential will be. Therefore, although initially this serves as a symbolic boundary between Fairtrade consumers and others, price is a more significant determinant for consumers to make their decision (Open University, 2015d, p.17). Therefore, the decision of some supermarkets to make their own-brand teas hold the Fairtrade label may be an example that the label does not preclude participation to the wealthiest

A second issue that might consider whether citizens have a role in the Fairtrade process is whether the framework is a success: does this provide a better option for agricultural producers than other methods (Open University, 2015d, p.25). In the Fairtrade model, there is little attention paid to the working conditions of casual labourers, and research has demonstrated that for most workers, there is no difference at all between working on a Fairtrade farm and non-Fairtrade farm (Open University, 2015d, p.41). It has also been argued that intervention on this scale might affect the workings of the open market which uses price to create incentives to efficiency (Open University, 2015d, p.54). However, Fairtrade allows poorer farmers to avoid being victims of seasonal price fluctuations that might occur after sowing by guaranteeing them a price each year. Nonetheless, these benefits are initially strong for farmers, but research has shown these benefits are short-lived (Open University, 2015d, p.59).

In conclusion, there is clearly a role for citizens in justice for both the issues of environmental sound and in Fairtrade. In environmental sound, given the subjective assessments of what constitutes noise pollution and different ideas of what the right to tranquillity involves, citizens have an active role to play. However, for some aspects of noise pollution such as industrial or transportation noise, or where there is no agreement between citizens, this issue may be more effectively resolved by government intervention. In Fairtrade, citizen involvement can have some effect in mitigating the negative effects of the market, but perhaps represents one way in which development can be assured in poorer countries. Therefore, there is clearly a role for citizens in justice, but there are limits to the impact of this involvement.

Precis

Environmental justice and trade justice are two areas in which citizens can play a role. In environmental justice, the right to tranquillity against the right to produce noise can depend upon subjective factors. Where the noise is unavoidable and involves benefits, tolerance may be higher. Where the noise level can be reasonably controlled, such as playing music on a loudspeaker, tolerance may vary. Zoning, where industrial or transport activity is regulated to reduce noise level can occur in some areas. Therefore, citizens help identify nuisances, but regulations and enforcement may be required.

Citizens may play a role in ensuring trade justice. Fairtrade is a system whereby a minimum price is guaranteed for farmers in return for investment in community projects or environmental methods. Consumers may buy Fairtrade products to ensure a fair price for producers. This has been criticised as a type of conspicuous consumption, but it has also received the support of retailers, allowing for a more inclusive role. Secondly, the impact of Fairtrade has been questioned: it is based on a model of family farms and does not take into account the conditions of casual workers. However, as it allows minimum price, it can offer some benefit to small-scale producers. Therefore, in both cases there is a role for citizens in ensuring justice.

References

Open University (2015a). DD103, Week 13- Introducing Common Resources and Rights. Available at WEBPAGE, [accessed 30^th July, 2017].

Open University (2015b). DD103, Week 20- Exploring Boundaries, Available at WEBPAGE, [accessed 30^th July, 2017].

Open University (2015c). DD103, Week 23 -Managing the Soundscape, Available at WEBPAGE, [accessed 30^th July, 2017].

Open University (2015d). DD103, Week 24- Fair Trade: Bridging Boundaries, Available at WEBPAGE, [accessed 30^th July, 2017].

Open University (2015e). DD103, Block 4- Review and Consolidation, Available at WEBPAGE, [accessed 30^th July, 2017].

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The debate over whether social problems are socially constructed or biologically determined takes us immediately into the realms of constructivism and positivism. As such, we must begin our essay by offering a definition of the two fundamentally important sociological paradigms. Constructivism implies that social problems are indeed the result of socially constructed phenomena. Viewed from the constructivist perspective, the myriad of social, cultural, economic and political factors that affect the day to day running of contemporary society are subject to a variety of competing pressures, each of which are able to create new social problems where – in a different social, cultural, economic and political context – none would have arisen. Thus, society itself is the trigger for conflict and resolution; society itself is the location of the answers to the questions posited by the complexities of social construction. Thus, “because we are locked into our society, because our journey of knowledge occurs within the journey of our societies, we cannot know things about society with absolute certainty – the ‘truth’s of the social sciences are interpretative.”

The positivist tradition, on the other hand, takes a different approach. Beginning with the publication of The Positive Philosophy by French intellectual Auguste Comte in 1853, the positivist tradition to sociological theory has historically sought to underline the significance of science to the study of society and its ills. According to Comte, “the social world of human relationships could be treated as though it is similar to the natural world of inanimate objects.” As a result, positivist sociologists have since aimed to show how t is possible to develop a scientific study of society as though the study of society is equivalent to studying ‘social physics.’ Thus, human beings, their behaviour and interaction, have since been treated as scientific variables while society itself has been interpreted as methodological, scientific data with ‘cause and effect’ reduced to ‘results and equations.’ The implication here is that biology and other scientifically verifiable instances of pre-disposition towards deviance are responsible for the creation of social problems.

Taken at face value, these two opposing sociological theories would appear to suggest a deep-seated theoretical schism in the understanding of society and its many and varied problems. Yet both the positivist tradition and the constructivist tradition seek in the first instance to underscore that social problems are the result of delinquency and abnormal psychology. However, because, according to Gerald Davison, John Neale and Ann Kring, “the way different societies understand abnormal behaviour strongly affects the way they treat it,” the divergence between these two opposing sociological schools should be considered to be a natural schism over what is an inexorably complex, multi-faceted subject.

For instance, if we start from the assumption that society is, as a construct of human beings, controlled by the behaviour of people, then we must assume that biology plays some kind of a role in determining which elements of society are prone to problem types of behaviour and, conversely, which elements of society conform to cultural ‘norms.’ As the fundamental building blocks upon which humankind has been built, biology has historically been the first place to look in attempting to rationalise people and the deviations inherent within the organisation of any given society. Biology has, it can be argued, been able to show the innate behavioural differences between the sexes, highlighting how males have traditionally been more prone to producing social problems such as crime and disorder than females. However, according to Anthony Giddens, any attempt to understand society (even the differences between the sexes) as a ‘natural’ product of biology and genetic engineering can only remain fixed firmly within the realms of scientific hypothesis and not scientific fact.

“There is no evidence of the mechanisms which would link such biological forces with the complex social behaviour exhibited by human men and women. Theories which see individuals as complying with some kind of innate predisposition neglect the vital role of social interaction in shaping human behaviour.”

Ultimately, although adopting such a standpoint enables science to provide answers as to why social problems exist, it does not take into account the inherent diversity between peoples that is such a crucial part of the human condition. If, for example, we think of the modern urban space as representing a microcosm of human society, we can see how biology is completely incapable of accounting for the vast range of characteristics, problems and successes of the modern urban community. Factors such as ‘social exclusion’ and ‘urban degeneration’ are equally, if not more, important than biology in determining which sectors of society are subject to the most social problems. In bypassing the potentially debilitating sociological effects of poverty, exclusion and housing, the proponents of the positivist approach to sociology ignore some of the most basic triggers for social problems in the contemporary era. Only by understanding and acknowledging the complex interaction of sociological forces which conspire to render a person or a community problematic can policies be put in place to remedy the ills.

We should also note how social problems are in many ways created by the very society which purports to be in such a state of distress. Stan Cohen observed as much in his seminal study Folk Devils and Moral Panics: the Creation of Mods and Rockers where the author acknowledged that, throughout history “societies appear to be subject, every now and again, to periods of moral panic. A condition, episode, person or group of person emerges to become defined as a threat to societal values and interests; its nature is presented in a stylised and stereotypical fashion by the mass media; the moral barricades are manned by editors, bishops, politicians and other right-thinking people.”

Viewed through this prism, social problems – especially those social problems relating to crime, delinquency and disorder – can be seen to have been constructed as a means of protecting the traditional socio-political elite from what it perceives as a threat to its moral authority with the global mass media being the vehicle through which the social construction of delinquency has been transported to the news-consuming general public. The vilification of youth culture which Cohen so brilliantly exposed can be seen to have been repeated in a variety of forms since the 1970s. When, for instance, we pause to consider the media’s portrayal of youth culture at the dawn of the twenty first century with the incumbent demonisation of ‘hoodies’, we can see the extent to which social problems can, firstly, be constructed by a fearful socio-political elite and, secondly, how that fear can be disseminated via the media as a sociological fact. This is what Cohen refers to as “deviancy amplification” whereby the projection of the threat from a perceived social problem is grossly over-exaggerated, resulting in many cases in the cultural myth transpiring into a social reality. In this way, then, we can begin to see how the question of society and its myriad of problems is not nearly as straightforward a question as it at first appears.

Conclusion

One cannot offer a conclusion as to the production of society’s problems without reference to social construction. The idea that all of society’s problems are the result of pre-determined biological engineering is little short of preposterous, having its roots in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries imperialism and the need to underscore the white European man’s position at the top of the global hierarchy. Ultimately, sociology, while designated a ‘social science’, is not a science in the strictest sense. As Ken Browne notes, “the differences between the ‘natural’ sciences and sociology mean that sociologists cannot follow exactly the same procedures or produce such precise findings as those in the natural sciences.”

In the final analysis, as a study of people and their interactions with one another, the study of society cannot be reduced to scientific pre-determination, methodology, facts and figures. Only by acknowledging the complex interaction of forces that conspire to trigger social problems, can the broader issues of society and humanity be more adequately understood.

References

Browne, K. (2005) An Introduction to Sociology: Third Edition Cambridge: Polity Press

Cohen, S. (2002) Folk Devils and Moral Panics: The Creation of Mods and Rockers: Second Edition London and New York: Routledge

Davison, G.C., Neale, J.M. and Kring, A.M. (2003) Abnormal Psychology: Ninth Edition London: John Wiley & Sons

Einstadter, W.J. and Henry, S. (2006) Criminological Theory: An Analysis of its Underlying Assumptions London and New York: Rowman & Littlefield

Giddens, A. (2006) Sociology: Fifth Edition Cambridge: Polity Press

Jacobs, B. and Dutton, C. (1999) Social and Community Issues, in, Roberts, P. and Sykes, H. (Eds.) Urban Regeneration: A Handbook London and New York: Sage

Morrison, F. (1995) Theoretical Criminology: From Modernity to Post Modernism London and New York: Routledge

Roberts, P. (1999) The Evolution, Definition and Purpose of Urban Regeneration, in, Roberts, P. and Sykes, H. (Eds.) Urban Regeneration: A Handbook London and New York: Sage

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An Investigation of Principles, Care Strategies and Theories Related to Social Care Practice
Part One

This section provides a summative assessment of the principles, care strategies and theories that direct social care work within the UK. Specifically, the application of support principles, procedures for protecting clients from harm and the advantages of utilising a person-centred approach in working with clients are discussed. Additionally, ethical issues, applicable policies, legislation issues and regulation and the impacts of existing policies are presented in relation to providing social care.

Applications of Support Principles

Ensuring that individuals are properly cared for in health and social care requires the application of a number of support principles. Examples of these support principles include equity in the provision of care, universality in its accessibility and providing multiple financial options for individuals of all backgrounds (Alcock, Daly & Griggs, 2008). As the individuals who require health and social care services differ in their ethnic, cultural, social and socioeconomic backgrounds, these support principles are pivotal in meeting the needs of the greatest percentage of the population (Alcock et al., 2008). Valuing diversity and providing support for families of varying backgrounds is a critical component of UK health and social care policy (Alcock et al., 2008).

Procedures for Protecting Clients from Harm

Protecting clients from harm is another important consideration for social care home managers within the UK. Generally, clients taking advantage of social care services are in vulnerable positions, and face financial, psychological or medical difficulties that make them prone to potential harm or abuse (Alcock, May & Rowlingson, 2008). The practise of safeguarding social care receivers is critical to preventing such abuse (Alcock et al., 2008). Current National Health Service (NHS, 2012) policy mandates that health and social care workers adhere to strict procedures for preventing neglect or abuse. Practitioners are held accountable for the services they provide, as well as their efforts to empower clients, protect their confidentiality and basic human rights and taking any additional measures necessary to protect vulnerable clients (NHS, 2012).

Benefits of the Person-Centred Approach

The person-centred approach guides all current UK health and social care practice (Edwards, 2012). This model of care, based on the early therapeutic work of Carl Rogers, emphasises protecting the individual rights of clients, and making decisions in a manner that best meets their unique needs (Moon, 2008). While this term is used frequently in other health and social care systems, many find themselves actually relying on financial and political considerations when planning care (Moon, 2008). The NHS prides itself on placing client satisfaction in the spotlight and enacting legislation that protects this person-centred approach, such as the Human Rights and Equality Acts (NHS, 2012). The advantages of this model range from increased client satisfaction, the ability to reach individuals from a diverse range of ethnic and financial backgrounds and more effective case outcomes (Edwards, 2012).

Ethical Dilemmas and Conflicts

Health and social care is a field rife with potential ethical dilemmas and conflicts. Examples of ethical dilemmas that commonly arise in this field are potential legal violations on the part of a client or colleague, the necessity to select between case alternatives that do not meet client needs, reporting unethical or illegal behaviour on the part of the client and negotiating roles and responsibilities when working with vulnerable population members (Edwards, 2012). Due to the sometimes-sensitive nature of the health and social care field, the NHS maintains ethical guidelines and policies for all practitioners to follow (McLean, 2010). Additionally, these guidelines are subject to perpetual reform to adapt to changing population needs (McLean, 2010).

Implementation of Policies, Legislation, Regulations and Codes

The NHS continually evaluates its policies, legislation, regulations and codes to ensure they are relevant and specific to the varying ethnic, cultural and financial backgrounds of the population (Tingle & Bark, 2011). The Health and Social Care Act 2012 currently serves as the most extensive legislation guiding the field within the UK (Department of Health, 2012). This act maintains policies on health and social care providers, professional accountability and the organisation of the field (Department of Health, 2012). Within this act are specific policy standards providing a greater voice for patients, a more patient-centred model of care and standards on streamlining health and social care services to prevent inefficiency (Department of Health, 2012). The result of this act has been greater accessibility of care and improved health and social care efficiency (Department of Health, 2012).

Local Policies and Procedures

While UK legislation guides health and social care practice throughout the region, local policies and procedures may vary depending on population needs (Tingle & Bark, 2011). For example, regions with higher or lower socioeconomic statuses may adapt local health and social care policy accordingly (Tingle & Bark, 2011). In such cases, local government associations or community well-being associations can convene to reform procedures in a manner that best meets local needs (Department of Health, 2012). These organisations serve to inform NHS policy through highlighting various local health and social care needs (McLean, 2010). Through adapting local policies and procedures to meet community need, the NHS is able to deliver a higher quality of service on a national level (McLean, 2010).

Impact of Policy, Legislation and Codes of Practice

Legislation, policy and code reform have a profound impact on health and social care practice. This reform protects both clients and practitioners, and provides practical guidance as to best practices related to specific social care needs (Department of Health, 2012). The aim of evaluating policy, legislation and codes of practice is to ensure that standards are current, relevant, clear to clients and practitioners and ensure the safe and ethical care of all individuals (Tingle & Bark, 2011).

Part Two

Changes in rules and legislations regarding health and social care practice serve to protect clients from discrimination and facilitate optimal person-centred care. Understanding the theories, social processes and professional roles involved can promote more holistic care delivery and prevent common ethical dilemmas. This section discusses such theoretical contributions to the health and social care field, as well as changes in organisational policy.

Theories Underpinning Health and Social Care Practice

Theory is critical to the field of health and social care, as it directs all practice (Jones & Atwal, 2009). The general theories and models of care utilised within the healthcare system ultimately dictate its legislation and policy reform (Jones & Atwal, 2009). Furthermore, delivering care based on theory helps guide future health and social care research (Jones & Atwal, 2009).

Health and social care within the UK is largely based on humanistic theory (Edwards, 2012). Humanistic theory emphasises the individual needs of each individual in designing care services, protecting clients’ individual rights, autonomy and dignity (Levin et al., 2011). Additionally, humanistic health and social care values the significance of effective communication with clients and colleagues, as well as in inter-professional working environments (Edwards, 2012). Humanistic theory is responsible for the person-centred model of care practised within the UK, which has subsequently directed recent policy reform (Levin et al., 2011).

Additionally, social learning theory has had a large impact on health and social care practice in the UK (Jones & Atwal, 2009). This theory highlights the importance of learning through observation and modelling in terms of adhering to a care plan (Jones & Atwal, 2009). Through understanding the significance of this form of learning, care home managers can empower clients and provide the best possible care to individuals of diverse backgrounds (Mendelstem, 2009). Theory-driven health and social care practice is generally better suited to address the multiple factors that influence practice (Mendelstem, 2009).

Finally, anti-oppressive theory and anti-discriminatory practice have shaped health and social care in the UK (Alcock et al., 2008). Anti-oppressive theory pertains to a style of professionalism that emphasises the role of social justice and the significance of individual rights (Alcock et al., 2008). Anti-discriminatory practice refers to social work that serves a range of diverse social and ethnic backgrounds, and does not limit service based on any of these characteristics (Alcock et al., 2008).

Impacts of Social Processes

Social learning and other social processes can impact health and social care services in varying ways. For example, user involvement has recently been a key focus of policy reform within the UK (King’s Fund, 2011). This practice has promoted a more patient-centred health care model that accounts for the perspectives of both patients and caregivers (King’s Fund, 2011). Research (e.g., Levin et al., 2011) has demonstrated that user involvement has improved service related to cancer care, as well as other disciplines within the health and social care umbrella. Forming a partnership with health and social care users and professionals can improve the inter-professional working environment and strengthen individual impacts on both policy and care (King’s Fund, 2011).

Additionally, engaging users and accounting for social processes in directing health care policy has shifted the current model from a reactive-oriented approach to one that is more proactive (Hearnden , 2008). Through incorporating service users, for example, the health and social care field has been able to anticipate cultural change and meet the needs of an increasingly diverse population (Hearnden , 2008). Finally, the combination of the engagement of users and the person-centred care model, the process of social exclusion within the health care system has largely been avoided (Hearnden , 2008).

Effectiveness of Inter-Professional Working

Health and social care within the UK is trending toward an increasingly inter-professional working model (Wallace & Davies, 2009). This health and social care policy promotes the collaboration of professionals to best meet the needs of clients (Wallace & Davies, 2009). The NHS has incorporated this policy into its legislation, and emphasises care that fosters working relationships between differing professional organisations (Trodd & Chivers, 2011). This model of care has resulted in a higher level of care within the UK, and has been critical in transforming perspectives on healthcare (Trodd & Chivers, 2011).

Accompanying the inter-professional model of care in the UK has been a more collaborative educational model (Courtenay, 2012). Practitioners are increasingly trained to incorporate an understanding of inter-professional care into their academic programmes, leading to a more holistic and patient-centred healthcare system (Courtenay, 2012). The sharing of knowledge that has resulted from this inter-professional model has subsequently created more effective and efficient care plans (Jones & Atwal, 2009). Though the implementation of an inter-professional working environment into practice has faces several challenges, such as a lack of support or training from managers, consistent evaluation and reform has led to improvements in the level of care throughout the UK (Trodd & Chivers, 2011).

Perhaps the most important area in which inter-professional working has been effective is its ability to transcend professional boundaries (Courtenay, 2012). Through effective collaboration with colleagues, professionals are able to share responsibilities and bypass many of the conflicts that previously detracted from these collaborative efforts (Courtenay, 2012). The result has been a more efficient and effective model of care (Courtenay, 2012).

Role, Responsibilities, Accountabilities and Duties

Regardless of one’s specific role within the health and social care system, working within a team environment enables professionals to work through difficult practical problems (Mendelstem, 2009). Additionally, the inter-professional working environment allows professionals to share resources, knowledge and services to solve these complex challenges (Mendelstem, 2009). All professionals are responsible for maintaining ethical codes and professional standards related to their specific health and social care discipline. The effective sharing of information within an inter-professional work environment requires that individuals are held accountable for maintaining a high level of expertise, and effectively carry out their professional duties (Mendelstem, 2009).

Each individual within the inter-professional working environment is also responsible for demonstrating the values and principles set forth by the NHS and their specific professional governance (Jones & Atwal, 2009). Collaborating with colleagues requires ethical conduct, effective verbal and non-verbal communication, respect for the contributions of other members of the care team and sharing responsibilities and professional duties (Harlen, 2005). Understanding these roles, responsibilities, accountabilities and duties facilitates a more holistic, patient-centred model of care (Day & Wigens, 2006). As a health and social care student, educating one’s self regarding these factors and their influence on policy is critical to future practice. Encouraging this understanding further improves the quality and efficiency of the healthcare system (Day & Wigens, 2006).

Contributions to Organisational Policy

Many roles within the health and social care field serve to assist in the implementation and reform of national healthcare policies (Jones & Atwal, 2009). As health and social care is practiced in a diverse range of settings, these workers play a vital role in directing organisational policy (Edwards, 2012). No other professionals possess the combination of organisational and practical insight as health and social care workers, and these professionals are essential in enabling other professionals, such as government officials and educators, in carrying out their duties (Jones & Atwal, 2009).

Additionally, health and social care workers are the first line of defence in safeguarding vulnerable population groups, and are primarily responsible for directing organisational policy regarding protecting these individuals (Department of Health, 2011). In protecting clients’ rights, social care workers are important in obtaining the resources needed to promote best practice standards (Pereira et al., 2008). Finally, through engaging in ethical practice, effectively managing case loads and continuing to increase professional knowledge, social care workers are influential in contributing to organisational quality (Edwards, 2012).

Recommendations for Good Practice

In meeting good practice requirements, education and professional development are vital (Courtenay, 2012). Through continuing to receiver further training, professionals can sharpen their skills and best meet the changing needs of a diverse population (Courtenay, 2012). Additionally, incorporating evidence into practice can facilitate a higher level of quality in health and social care (Rushton, 2005). This practice involves the review and dissemination of current research surrounding health and social care, and the subsequent implementation of this evidence into professional practice (Day & Wigens, 2006). The combination of these strategies can ensure the safeguarding of vulnerable population groups, a more collaborative working environment and the successful adherence to best practice standards (Courtenay, 2012).

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Introduction

Recent demographic indicators reveal that over the next decade the effect of ageing on the UK adult population will result in a 20%increase in those of 65 and a 60% increase in “the over 85 year-olds” by 2027 (DoH 2007a, p.1). This trend, together with the increase in the numbers of the population suffering from medical and health issues, including dementia and disability, presents a challenge to the provision of adult social care, in terms of both funding and the need to deliver appropriate services designed to provide this segment of the population with “equality of citizenship” (ibid).

As a response to the changing demography, in 2006, the Department of Health (hereinafter DoH) produced a white paper outlining a new direction for the provision of adult social care services within the community, which indicated the need for a fundamental change from previously existing policies and procedures (DoH 2006). Subsequent DoH (2007a, 2007b and 2009) publications have served to provide guidance on how it was anticipated these change would transition into the practical environment. The central theme of this new direction was based upon a personalised agenda, with users and their carers being given more control and choice over the care services they required and the format in which they wished these services to be provided. In other words, the objective was for adult social care services to be provided based upon a person-centred approach rather than the internal social care services decision-driven model (Department of Health 2007b).

As with all new fundamental and structural changes of this nature, a key element of the ‘personalisation agenda’ is to ensure that the quality of service delivery matches the health and social needs of the local community. It is this aspect of the new adult social care than forms the basis for this paper. Following a brief overview of the objectives and requirements of the ‘personalisation agenda,’ the paper will outline the measurement hat are required to be put in place to ensure the delivery of the requisite quality service to the end user and their carer (Mullins 2006).

The ‘Personalisation agenda’

The basic premise of the ‘personalisation agenda’ programme and its aim of moving control of adult social care services to a user/carer-centred model. In other words, instead of professionals within the social services making the decision in relation to the support services required, and how this would be provided, under the new systems, these issues will be determined by the individual user. Therefore, with the aid of the social services team as and when required, the purpose of ‘personalisation’ was to deliver four main objectives, which are outlined as follows:

Budgetary control

The user/carer will have the opportunity to design and create their own budget to cover their health and care needs. Based upon this budget, an allocation of funds will be provided over which the user/carer will retain control

Choice of support requirement spending

Within the context of the budget and resources that has been designed by the user/carer, they will retain the choice of what support services they require and how the budget will be allocated across these services

Choice of service providers

Rather than social services deciding the service provider, that choice will now be in the control of the user/carer. In this respect, the user/carer can decide whether the support services they require should be delivered at their home, at an external location, such as a care home or respite centre and, ultimately, whether the provider of these services should be the local social care service or an external private organisation.

Appropriate and timely access to support

Instead of having the delivery of their health and social care services determined by the professionals within the health care sector, the personalised approach gives the user/carer the right to choose the time of these services, for example, at night or during the day.

To ensure that these objectives could be met, with a target data for their full implementation being set at April 2011 (ADASS 2009), were tasked with introducing a system based upon the following changes:

Integrated working with the NHS

Commissioning Strategies, which maximise choice and control whilst balancing investment in prevention and early intervention

Universal information and advice services for all citizens

Proportionate social care assessments processes

Person centred planning and self-directed support to become mainstream activities with personal budgets which maximise choice and control

Mechanisms to involve family members and other carers

A framework which ensures people can exercise choice and control with advocacy and brokerage linked to the building of user-led organisations

Appropriate safeguarding arrangements

Effective quality assurance and benchmarking arrangements

To deliver these changes successfully within the target time scales set, this process has required local social services departments to take steps to redesign the manner in which their organisation were operating as outlined within the following section of this report.

3 Re-designing the provision of adult social care

For the adult social care departments of local authorities, main areas of change required to develop a user/carer-centred approach to service provision, the most important factors that needed to be addressed were concentrated upon three main areas. These can be defined as follows:

Ensuring the resources are available to assisting the user with the creation of their own care assessment needs and budget

Ensuring the facilitators of that choice were available and making sure that the required quality of service is delivered, and

Providing and communicating information in a manner that enables the user to make an informed choice

Consequently, there was a need to focus upon introducing improvements to three key operational elements:

3.1. Human resource capabilities

It will be apparent that some user/carers may require assistance with the process of conducting a personal assessment of their ongoing health and social care needs and designing the budget required to ensure that these needs are capable of being met. For this purpose therefore, it has been important for the local authority to provide users’ with access to employees with the required level of skills and capabilities to assist the user/carer with this process. In many cases, the requisite skills and competences required to achieve this transformation of services might not have existed within the roles of existing frontline service team members. Therefore, it has been important to introduce training programmes designed to assist the workforce to adapt to the new roles.

3.2. Physical internal and external resources

As user/carers now have the choice of how, where and who they wish to provide their service needs, it has been important to realign existing internal existing and external physical and, in some cases human, resources to provide the appropriate range of choice. In basic terms, this choice can be divided into two main categories, these being whether the user/carer requires the service to be delivered in the home or at an external location and having the choice as to whether the service is delivered by the public or private sector.

Home or external delivery of service

Within this context of choice, the main area of change has occurred where user/carers have wished their service requirements to be delivered in their own home. To facilitate this choice, adult care services have needed to ensure two requirements are met. Firstly, there has been a need to ensure that there is a sufficiency of employees experienced in the delivery of home based care services to users/carers, which in some cases has again meant retraining existing members of the workforce to ensure their ability to transition from working in a controlled environment to one where self-control is the main requirement. Secondly, it has meant that the adult social care service has an adequacy of physical and portable equipment required to facilitate home based service provision.

Public or private service provider

Concerning the choice of provider, it was incumbent upon the adult social care services to achieve two objectives. Firstly, there was a need to develop relationships with a sufficient number of external private care providers to enable sufficiency of choice for the user/carer. Secondly, as part of their remit to providing the appropriate type and quality of care, the department also needed to be assured that the quality of service available from the external private provider complied with the standards and quality of care as set down within the government and DoH requirements. Private health and social care providers in this context can refer to agencies and individuals who are trained in the provision of individual care services as well as the external organisations that are operate nursing, care home and other health care facilities.

3.3. Communication process

The final change required, and perhaps in many ways equally important as those discussed previously, has been the need to introduce a robust process of bi-direction communication between all the stakeholders, which includes the adult social care management teams, employees, external service providers, both public and private and, of course, the service user/carer. In order to make an informed choice it is critical that the user/carer has access to data and information related to all the available options open to them. For example, in the case of private care homes, this would include details of the accommodation amenities, the type of care services available from the provider, and overview of their quality standards and the price of the service being provided. In other words, there is a need to create a knowledge based organisation (Nonaka and Takeuchi 1995). In practice therefore, the communication process within the adult care service environment in accordance with the following diagram (figure 1).

4. Measuring quality service delivery

4.1. The rationale for measuring quality service

Major Service delivery transformation of the nature being discussed within this report requires change and, as Turner (2009, p.1) rightly confirms, “Change: and the need to manage change through projects, touches all our lives, in working and social environments.” This has certainly been the case in designing a process that requires the adoption of a user/carer-centred approach to adult social care. Similarly, as with all changes of this nature, not all aspects of the process can be completed at the same time, in other words it needs to be introduced in stages (Allan 2004, Cameron and Green 2004, Blake and Bush 2009 and Turner 2009). For example, providing carers with information related to private provider service choice cannot occur unless or until these providers have been contacted and a relationship built with them to facilitate their willingness and appropriateness to be included in the process. Lewin (Wirth 2004) in developing what he terms as the ‘freeze model’ suggests that stages required to complete this change are three in number:

Motivation of need for change (Frozen)

Design and implementing the change (Unfrozen and moving to a new state)

Making the change permanent (Refreezing)

Source: Wirth (2004)

Of equally critical importance having identified that structure that needs to be put in place to effect the change/transformation to the ‘personalised agenda’ requirements for the organisation, is to ensure that each aspect of this process is managed in an efficient and effective manner in order to deliver the quality of service that meets the user./carer needs. It is equally important to continue to measure the quality of service delivered on an ongoing basis. The ADASS (2009) have suggested that the transformation to the new service structure should be based upon the extent to which the local adult social service department has achieved the following five key priorities:

That the transformation of adult social care has been developed in partnership with existing service users (both public and private), their careers and other citizens who are interested in these services.

That a process is in place to ensure that all those eligible for council funded adult social care support will receive a personal budget via a suitable assessment process.

That partners are investing in cost effective preventative interventions, which reduce the demand for social care and health services.

That citizens have access to information and advice regarding how to identify and access options available in their communities to meet their care and support needs.

That service users are experiencing a broadening of choice and improvement in quality of care and support service supply, built upon involvement of key stakeholders (Councils, Primary Care Trusts, service users, providers, 3rd sector organisations etc), that can meet the aspirations of all local people (whether council or self-funded) wanting to procure social care services.

Source: ADASS (2009)

Consequently, it is clear that as an integral part of delivering these priorities, the local adult social services department to have implemented a number of performance assessment and measurement models are discussed in the following section of this report.

4.2. Measurement models for quality service delivery

For measuring the effectiveness of quality service delivery within the context of any organisation, there are a number of management and measurement models that can be used. The objective of some of these, as Turner (2009, p.357) comments is to analyse and assess the performance of the changes that are taking place, such as the transformation of adult social care being discussed in this report. However, in addition to these measurement models, there are others that are designed to measure service quality for specific elements and stakeholders within the change process and post change performance.

Taking the above issues into account, the focus of this discussion is aimed at measurements to be used during the course of the adult social service transformation, the effectiveness of individual employees and external provider’s provision of quality services and the measurements used to assess the satisfaction levels of the user/carer. This triangular approach is designed to achieve the following objectives for the adult social services department:

Monitoring quality service delivery against timelines and milestones set

Enabling department to comply within regulatory agendas

Ensuring required skills and competences of work force and external provider’s

Monitoring development of appropriate team based relationships

Measuring extent to which services provided meet with user/carer needs

In all of these areas, the measurement models being used are designed to be part of a continuing process of ensuring the service delivery remains at the highest level of quality (Mullins 2010).

4.2.2. Project and post-project performance

In the view of the author of this report, in order to evaluate the change and improvement to the quality of service during both its implementation and execution stages, it is considered that the measurement model based upon the KPI and Balanced Scorecard approach which was developed by Kaplan et al (2006) is the most appropriate for use. This is especially true within the implementation stages of the change process. The reason for this is that it provides regular opportunities for reassessment and the rapid introduction of measures to address issues that might have arisen (Johnson and Clark 2008). Moreover, within the context of the ‘personalised agenda’ approach, it has the added benefit of being able to combine the financial as well as the non-financial outcomes. In this respect therefore, when used in the adult social services this model not only enables an assessment of the service quality being delivered but will also help to ascertain whether the user/carer is being provided with value for money.

The design and benefits of this measurement model can best be explained from the following diagram, which clearly shows the objective of the Balance Scorecard is to assess and evaluate the performance of quality service delivery from four main perspectives. There are to provide a process for learning and growth, to provide guidance for the management of the organisation, ensuring satisfaction of user/carer needs and, as a result to achieve the financial objectives (Kaplan et al 2006).

In terms of improvement to the service quality, are clearing identified within the appraisal of the KPI’s (figure 3), in that it provides learning for the organisation, which leads to better decision making and continues the process of improved service quality delivery.

Source: API (2010) http://www.ap-institute.com/kpi_fig3.htm

4.2.3. Employee performance appraisal

Skills and competences of employees, whether part of the internal social services workforce or engaged by an external provider, are another key an essential area of service quality delivery that needs to be constantly kept under review (Leat 2001 and Armstrong 2006). The extent to which an employee is able to perform their duties in a manner that satisfies the user/carer, will have a significant impact upon the latter’s level of satisfaction. Consequently, it is important for managers to work with the employees to ensure that they are both acquiring the skills needed to perform their roles and motivated to undertake these duties in a manner that seeks to achieve excellence.

The most appropriate model in this instance is the use an individual employee ‘performance appraisal’ system. This model is based upon interactive communication and discussion process that takes place between the employer/manager and the employee (Leat 2001). The first stage is for both parties to complete a previously designed ‘performance appraisal’ form, which can be similar to the example that is provided in appendix 1 and attached to this report. The purpose of both parties completing this document is so that the level and standard of the employee’s performance is provided from both perspectives. This provides the opportunity for the employer to gain an insight into where the employee feels they are excelling and/or consider that further assistance from the organisation, perhaps in the form of additional training, may be considered helpful.

Following completion of the appraisal form, the employee will then deliver a copy of this to his/her employer for consideration. It is preferable at this stage to ensure that a meeting has been arranged at which both employee and employer will be able to discuss freely the results of the appraisal (Armstrong 2006). It should be deliberately designed for this appraisal process to take the form of a two-way conversation or discussion. From an employer’s viewpoint, this will provide them with the opportunity to provide the additional assistance that the employee perceives to be missing from their development, and discuss those areas where the employer considers improvements are required. For the employee, this process is likely to lead to them feeling more involvement with the organisation and therefore more motivated to produce the best service performance they can (Leat 2001).

Further, to enhance the levels of employee involvement and motivation, which as Armstrong (2006) argues, is key to gaining the best quality of service from the workforce, it is important that the adult social services department introduces a system of employee discussion groups. During these sessions, all employees should be encouraged to participate and share their views and opinions on the effectiveness of the processes that is intended to improve service quality for the user/carer. Often, these discussion sessions will lead to the innovative ideas being suggested which, although not previously considered, could produce benefit for the process, as well as improving employee’s level of involvement with the organisation.

4.2.4. User and carer service quality satisfaction

Academics and researchers, especially those who are intimately involved with the social and health care sectors, have sought to provide a number of tools aimed at improving the quality of service delivered to the user/carer. Two of these models, which have recently been assessed, are the SPRU and ASCOT models (SCIE 2010), the objective of both being to find ‘excellence in adult care services.”

The SPRU (Social Policy Research Unit) model (SCIE 2010, p.4)

The focus of the SPRU is based upon the conducting post-service delivery assessments and evaluation which, in other words means that this models, through some format, measures the extent to which the service quality has provide the required service and needs priority for the user/carer. It is a model that is often relied upon for inspection and compliance purposes, such as when the Quality Care Commission conducts an inspection of a private care home (Francis 2009).

The ASCOT (Adult Social Care Outcomes Toolkit) model

The ASCOT model of performance measurement is very similar to the SPRU model, with the difference being that in this case there are a more defined number of specific issues that the research in question is endeavouring to use for their assessment of the quality of the service being delivered to or experienced by the user/carer, as outlined below:

Accommodation, cleanliness and comfort – The person using the service feels their home environment, including all the rooms, is clean and comfortable.

Control over daily life – The person using the service can choose what to do and when to do it, having control over their daily life and activities.

Dignity – The negative and positive psychological impact of support and care on the personal sense of significance of the person using the service.

Food and nutrition – The person using the service feels they have a nutritious, varied and culturally appropriate diet with enough food and drink they enjoy at regular and timely intervals.

Occupation – The person using the service is sufficiently occupied in a range of meaningful activities whether it be formal employment, unpaid work, caring for others or leisure activities.

Personal cleanliness and comfort – The person using the service feels they are personally clean and comfortable and look presentable or, at best, are dressed and groomed in a way that reflects their personal preferences.

Safety – The person using the service feels safe and secure. This means being free from fear of abuse, falling or other physical harm and fear of being attacked or robbed.

Social participation and involvement – The person using the service is content with their social situation, where social situation is taken to mean the sustenance of meaningful relationships with friends, family and feeling involved or part of a community should this be important to them

Source: SCIE (2010, p.5)

What both of these models have in common is that they are based upon the recognised processes of quantitative primary research, which is commonly used by academics for a wide range of investigations (Johnson and Durberley 2000, Easterby-Smith et al 2004 and Gill and Johnson 2010). With the overall objective of ‘personalised agenda’ being to deliver a quality of service that meets the user/care’s needs and requirement, it follows that the only way that this quality can truly be measured is by gathering information from the source that is intimately connected with, and experiencing, the service being provided, this being the end users. Consequently, it is important for the adult social care department to introduce a continuing process of measures designed to accumulate feedback from the user/carer, which should include:

Regular conduct of a survey questionnaire aimed at gaining user/carer feedback and comments on all aspects of the services delivery process that they have decided to be included within their care management plan

Regular individual one-to-one meetings with user/carers to allow for more comprehensive bi-directional discussion related to their experience of the service quality provided

Of course, the most important part of this process is for the organisation to ensure that where issues or concerns are raised by the user/carer, These are referred to the relevant stakeholder group or person within the organisation so that they can be appropriately be addressed. Additionally, regular contact should be maintained with the user/carer, to advise them of the outcome of any measures taken to improve the quality of the service delivered.

5. Conclusion

There is no doubt that the transformation of adult social care has not only signalled one of the most comprehensive reforms of quality service delivery to the user/carer in many decades, but also one of the most complex in terms of its introduction and successful implementation (DoH 2009). Consequently, ensuring that the quality of the services being delivered are maintained during and post this implementation has required the introduction of a number of measures designed specifically to ensure that that this remains the case. As indicated within this report, those measures, the central part of which is to evaluate and examine the user/carers perception of service quality is being met, need to be applied to all stakeholder groups, including those internal to adult social services and the external services providers whose services are also utilised. It is considered that the measurement and managed tools discussed within this report provide the best models for this purpose.

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This work was produced by one of our professional writers as a learning aid to help you with your studies

Introduction

This report will focus on the needs of an older person using the ideas of developmental theorists. The subject of the case study will be a 70 year old female called Y and the key theories discussed will be Erikson’s life cycle model and Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs.

Background

I have based this study on a lady who I will refer to as Y. She is a neighbour who I have known for several years and is 70 years old. She had a fall recently which left her hospitalised for a short period with a broken shoulder. Her mobility is also waning due to arthritis and her shoulder injury has left her unable to drive and requiring physiotherapy. She also need short term help with aspects of personal care such as washing and dressing. She is a widow and I know her (adult) children fairly well. She and the family know that I am studying social work and one of the children had actually asked me for some advice recently about her mother’s situation and how they might access support services. I have had some discussions with the family and told them about this assignment during the course of these discussions; they have given me consent to discuss Y’s case. Y still has capacity to give consent this type of issue and she is also happy for me to use her details on the understanding that she will remain anonymous.

Methodology

Once I had obtained consent for Y and her family and provided assurances that her information would be kept confidential, I met with her on three occasions to discuss her needs, her feelings about her situation and how her situation might be improved. I had access to her medical records; I also met with her son and daughter on one occasion to discuss their mother’s situation. The interviews lasted around thirty minutes and were relatively informal.

Developmental stage and psychological models

The development model that I am applying to this case study is Erikson’s theory of psychological development. It is a model that believes personality development is something that continues through the course of a person’s life and Erikson breaks this down into eight different stages of development. The early stages cover the first stages of a person’s life. Moving through adolescence into young adulthood and middle age. At each stage Erikson’s model explains some of the thoughts and feelings that are likely to occupy a person’s mind, and discusses how success or failure in work or relationships can impact on a person’s psychological well-being (Newman and Newman, 2012).

It is the latter stage of Erikson’s model that are most relevant to Y. She has passed through stage 7 which Erikson sees as a period often pre-occupied by careers and parenting to the final stage of the model which is labelled Integrity vs Despair. At this point people are often examining their lives and considering whether they have a feeling of contentment about what they have achieved in life or feelings of disappointment. They are often worried about the future and there is a gradual realisation that the end of life is imminent (Ryan and Coughlan, 2013).

Erikson wrote about the concept of ego integrity and that people analyse that opportunities they have taken or lost in life. If people feel that they have not made the most of life’s opportunities there can be a feeling of despair that they no longer have time to put it right (Ryan and Coughlan, 2013).

When I applied this theory to Y I found that she was a person who was on the whole happy with what she had achieved in life. She had enjoyed a career working in local government; she had been happily married and raised two children who seemed to be going on to live fulfilling lives. I did not feel that Y had regrets about the past but she was starting to worry increasingly about the future.

Any view of Y of course should take into account her wishes, feelings and needs as an individual rather than simply looking at her age and pigeon-holing her according to a theoretical model, Social work as a profession should avoid stereotyping (Zastrow, 2014) and this is something by social work codes and standards

Attitudes and belief systems

My discussions with Y have me an insight into her attitudes and belief systems. Returning to Erikson’s model, I found that she had a positive view of her life to date but was increasingly concerned that the period of her life where she is an active citizen is coming towards an end. This is a view that can be held by other in society about older people. Ageist views that older people are a burden to society rather than making a contribution exist (Thompson, 2003) and I felt that Y herself was buying into this outlook.

I also felt that Y was worried that her lack of mobility would prevent from achieving her goals of playing an active part in the lives of her young grandchildren. Again, Erikson’s model suggests that dissatisfaction in the later stages of life can lead to despair and this was a concern about Y.

Psychological needs

I have given consideration to Maslow’s hierarchy of needs in looking at what psychological needs Y might have. Maslow argued that people are motivated to satisfy a certain level of need before being motivate to move on and meet the next (Mcleod, 2007).

Y has safety needs at this point. Her fall and her limited mobility are making her more vulnerable at home. My discussions with her established that she was concerned about having more falls or her mobility continuing to wane. She needs to be reassured in some way that her current condition is hopefully temporary, that she will recover from her shoulder injury and soon be as active and independent as she had been prior to her fall.

The next of Y’s needs from Maslow’s hierarchy that should be prioritised are her love and belonginess needs (McLeod, 2007). She clearly receives love from her family but her current lack of mobility, particularly the fact that she cannot drive until her should has healed, means that she is having less contact with family and friends; she is also reliant on people coming to her rather than being proactively able to go and make contact with friends and loved ones.

Maslow’s theory touches on the importance of self-esteem and this may well be a particular need of Y at the moment. She is feeling vulnerable due to a combination of age, declining mobility and a feeling that she is less able to look after herself than previously. She needs to get her confidence back and getting out and doing the social activities she has done prior to her fall will be central to her recovery both physically and psychologically.

I think that one of Y’s greatest needs over the next few months will be to remain engaged with the community around her. There is a concern that social isolation could lead her into depression; she will begin to overly dwell on the negatives of her situation and consequently move into a downward spiral both psychologically and physically.

Recommendations for holistic care needs

In the short-term, Y needs a carer to visit her once a day to help her get washed and dressed. She can make basic meals but a temporary frozen meals service might also be useful for her.

She will require ongoing physiotherapy for her shoulder. Monthly sessions at the local hospital should be a minimum but she also needs to take responsibility for doing her exercises each day.

A holistic assessment should also focus on her mental health; Y may be prone to some level of depression and this is something that professionals and family need to monitor. Counselling sessions should be commissioned if required.

Y should also be in touch with Age Action so she can use their information service, in particular in relation to social activities and travel whilst she cannot drive

Practical suggestions

There are a number of practical steps that can be taken immediately to make the home environment safer for Y and hopefully improve her overall well-being. One thing that she can do is identify current hazards in the home that increase her risk of falling and remove them. This might simply be furniture or ornaments in places that cause a problem. She can also invest in making the bathroom safer with rubbers mats and by installing hand rails around the bath and shower.

I would recommend that anyone caring for Y, whether this is a family member, neighbour, professional carer or volunteer, undertakes training with the HSE. Specific training courses such as 2Care in the Home” can provide guidance for carers on basic aspects of care such as feeding, washing and dressing.” In the short t-term, Y only needs assistance with dressing due to her injury and hopefully she will be able to manage her personal care in the medium term. If her abilities deteriorate however it is useful to have people with the correct skills on hand.

For Y’s family, this is the time in Y’s life where they may need to look for support as carers. Carer’s Allowance and Respite Care Grants may be some of the types of financial support open to them and I would recommend that they speak to their local Department of Social Protection office or research the help and support available to carers at http://hse.ie/eng/services/list/4/olderpeople/carersrelatives/Support_for_Carers.html

From a policy perspective, my experience with Y makes me feel that the government should have a focus on social inclusion for people in later life. Social care should not just be about the provision of personal services, it should also understand the psychological fears that older people have as they move toward the end of their lives and appreciate the importance of human relationships to them. Finding ways to allow older people to connect with others should be a central policy aim.

Long term consequences

The long term consequences of failing to meet Y’s needs are both physical and psychological. Failure to make her home environment safe could lead to further physical harm but a failure to meet psychological needs can also be damaging. Maslow’s theory stressed that the failure to meet one need leads to a lack of motivation to meet others (Moyle et al. 2014). Erikson’s theory also referred to the feelings of despair that can occur in later life (Moyle et al., 2014). If Y’s needs around contact and relationship are not met, her self-esteem will suffer and she will lose the motivation to do the things in life that make it worth living. Depression and despair may then follow.

Ethics and values

My engagement with Y and her family has been in line with the IASW standards; I have proposed solutions that are in Y’s best interests and acted in an honest and trustworthy fashion, ensuring confidentiality and essentially looking at ways to promote the rights of Y whilst ensuring that she does not take actions that might cause her harm (IASW, 2009). I am sure that Y is safe and looked after by her family but I think it is important that she understands her limitations at this point and does not allow her frustration to lead her to ‘run before she can walk’ in terms of long term recovery.

One of the key elements of the IASW Code of Ethic is that “truly valued, fully human life is generally realised by individuals living and acting interdependently in communities;” (IASW, 2007, P2) and I feel that my engagement with Y has been to encourage to get back to her life living interdependently in the community as soon as possible.

Critical reflection

My reflection on my engagement with Y and her family was that I engaged with her in a respectful and person-centred manner. My prior knowledge of Y and her family made the situation a little easier; I knew that they trusted and there were no professional power barriers impacting on the interviews. I felt that I used my communication skills well and asked questions best suited to gathering the relevant information from Y and her family so that the best recommendations could be made.

I hope that my intervention has been a positive development for Y and that she will take on board the suggestions I have made. I feel that we developed a relationship based on trust and that she valued the knowledge and ideas that I offered. I do believe that she will benefit from my work with her.

List of References
Age Action (2015) Information Service. [Online] Available: [https://www.ageaction.ie/how-we-can-help/information-service] accessed 2nd February 2016
HSE (2015_ Support for Carers. [Online] Available: [http://hse.ie/eng/services/list/4/olderpeople/carersrelatives/Support_for_Carers.htm] accessed 2nd February 2016
IASW (2009) Code of Practice [Online] Available: [https://www.iasw.ie/attachments/2eb7f6f6-ca51-4f38-b869-df7e0b411e91.PDF] accessed 2nd February 2016
IASW (2007) Code of Ethics [Online] Available: [https://www.iasw.ie/attachments/8b37e75a-26f6-4d94-9313-f61a86785414.PDF] accessed 2nd February 2016
McLeod, S. A. (2007). Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs. [online] Available: [http://www.simplypsychology.org/maslow.html] accessed 2nd February 2016
Moyle, W., Parker, D. and Bramble, M. (2014) Care of Older Adults: A Strengths-based Approach. Cambridge University Press
Newman, B. and Newman, P. (2012). Development Through Life: A Psychosocial Approach. Belmont: Wadsworth
Ryan, P. and Coughlan, B. (2013) Ageing and Older Adult Mental Health: Issues and Implications for Practice. London: Routledge
Thompson, N. (2003). Promoting Equality – Challenging Discrimination and Oppression, Palgrave Macmillan: Basingstoke
Zastrow, C. (2015). Social Work with Group. Stanford: Cengage