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In the twenty first century, employment of domestic workers is entirely universal. They carry out tasks such as child-rearing, food provisioning and preparation, cleaning, laundering and other homemaking tasks. Most of this invisible work throughout recorded history has been considered to be outside of production, either unwaged or so poorly paid it cannot serve to reproduce the labourer. However, domestic work, traditionally undertaken by women, is social reproduction, and is necessary to sustain productive labour. Marxists believe that social formations arise from the dominant mode of production and necessarily reflect and reproduce that mode in order to continue it through time. In a capitalist system, the reproduction of both the means of production and the forces of production must be ensured, otherwise production will cease and the system will flounder. The global capitalist economy has altered the social reproduction over the past three decades and many wealthier sections of society in developed countries now pay woman from poorer countries in the developing world to care for their children and carry out their domestic requirements. This migration for work in domestic service occurs on international, regional and rural-urban scales, and has become a major mechanism by which Third World women are incorporated into the waged labour market. However, the widespread phenomenon of the contemporary ‘maid trade’ (Momsen, 1999: p.9) possess a number of disturbing similarities to the slave trade of the 16th to 19th centuries. Maids experience violence, are highly vulnerable and have limited access to political, social and economic citizenship rights. This causes them to become ‘frustrated or defeated by the awesome power of the state to restrict or prohibit their capacity to belong to the imagined community of the nation’ (Mitchell et al, 2003).

In order to assess whether migrant domestic labour is a 21st century form of international slavery, it is necessary to recognise the reasons for its occurrence: the capitalist economy. Globalised capitalism has changed the face of social reproduction worldwide over the past four decades, enabling intensification of capital accumulation and exacerbating differences in wealth and poverty. During the 1960s and 1970s, feminist theories labelled housework as the great equaliser of women. Whatever women did, they all did housework, and if there were some women who hired others to do it they were a privileged few. All women were workers and their home was the workplace. This work was unpaid and unsupervised. Since then, the demand for domestic help has altered considerably. During the 1960s, the dual career family emerged as a new family form (Gregson and Lowe, 1994), but one that could only function if there were surrogates to take over the wife’s domestic role. In addition, for many countries the 1980s saw the demise of the social contract as a result of neoliberalism, privatisation, and the fall of the welfare state. The result was a reliance on private means of securing and sustaining social reproduction characterised by an increase in hiring of workers to cope with childcare and eldercare. This is usually done by women, and has clear class, race and national components.

Many women immigrate from Third World countries in search of work in the First World. The increasing global wage gap is a powerful incentive for the move. In addition, migrants can also receive more security in the developed world, having access to a variety of jobs, which is a crucial factor in the instabilities that globalisation creates. In 1996, over half of those who legally emigrated to the United States were women (Hochschild, 2000). The majority of these female migrants found work as domestics. The burden of middle-class working mothers in the rich North is reduced at the expense of increasing the burdens of these servants immigrating from the developing world, who are often also mothers themselves. Immigrant workers must rely on the help of others to care for their own children. In this global care chain, poorer women raise children for wealthier women while still poorer women raise their children. Parrenas (2001: p.86-88) describes this ‘globalisation of mothering’ by detailing how one domestic worker relies on a paid domestic worker to care for her children in the Philippines as she takes care of the household work of a professional woman in Italy. Although it is important to recognise that the employer is not directly responsible for this separation of mother and child, the situation does possess similarities with separation of slave children from their mothers during the slave trade.

Many migrant workers are illegal, as in the case of Paraguayan women working as domestic servants in Buenos Aires, or they are largely undocumented, as in Singapore (Momsen, 1999). They choose to work as live-in domestics because it is an occupation which provides a place to live for newly- arrived immigrants, and it is least likely to be checked by immigration authorities. Cox and Watt (2002) carried out a survey of domestic workers in the Hampstead area of North London, and the women sampled were all employed on an informal basis. The consequence of this was that these immigrants have no legal rights to basic requirements such as sick or holiday pay, or health and safety cover. This arrangement was highly beneficial to employers as they had no responsibility for their employees. Furthermore, in receiving countries, state policy often treats foreign domestic workers as no more than a form of commodified labour to be bought and sold in the open market (Yeoh, and Huang, 1998). In Singapore, foreign workers are largely seen as ‘a buffer to even out the swings of the business cycle’ (The Straits Times, November 17, 1988, quoted in Yeoh and Huang, 1998) and are subject to repatriation during periods of economic downturn such as the 1984/5 recession when 200, 000 workers were sent home (Salaff, 1990). This treatment cannot be equated with slavery, but nonetheless it is exploitation of financially less advantaged people and reinforces the domination and control of one group over another.

Migrants who work in domestic services experience a further lack of basic rights in the way in which their employers have a significant degree of control over their movement. For example, the employer often exerts power over the worker by holding their passport to ensure their good behaviour. his means that the worker’s liberty is severely restricted and her movements controlled by her employer. In addition, while employers do not ‘own’ their workers, in the United States, the visas given to domestic workers require them to only work for the employers who sponsor them. If they leave the employer they are liable for deportation. The actual experience of the worker in this sense may therefore, be similar to that of a slave (Anderson, 2000).

Domestic workers are increasingly recognised in the international community as among ‘the most widely exploited and most vulnerable to abuse and violence’ (Stasiulis and Bakan, 1997: p.32). Violence against domestics is hard to quantify, but incorporates a variety of types including physical violence, poor living conditions and overwork. The most severe violence towards domestics was highlighted in May 2015 when Indonesia announced that it would stop sending new domestic workers to 21 Middle Eastern countries after two Indonesian women were executed in Saudi Arabia (France-Presse, 2015).

Poor living conditions are also witnessed and are characterised by a lack of food and privacy. In Canada, thousands of migrant workers gain access to the country via the Live-in Caregiver programme. This is a visa programme designed and implemented by the Canadian federal government, to create a supply of domestic workers at rates affordable to middle-class Canadian families. The vast majority of domestic workers come from the Philippines and since 1984 this origin has accounted for over 60 per cent of migrant workers (Pratt et al, 1998). The programme stipulates that the migrant domestic worker must live in their employer’s home. Some employers fail to provide a lock for the door and respect the worker’s room as a private space. The insecurity of their own room means that domestic workers cannot properly claim a place, and it communicates to them their lack of rights and the transitory nature of their ‘stay’ in Canada (Pratt, et al 1998). Hunger is also a problem for some domestic workers. If starvation is not really the issue, their diminished status is communicated and absorbed through food restrictions. Beyond the shortage of food, some domestic workers also feel a great awkwardness about introducing their own cultural food habits into the house. This lack of privacy and food alone cannot be claimed to be a form of slavery, however the relationship that it creates between employer and employee does have parallels with the control and power exerted over slaves by their master during the slave trade.

A major feature of the exploitation of domestic workers occurs through the restricting, controlling or even striking out of the maid’s day of rest. A survey by Yeoh and Huang (1998) on migrant domestic workers in Singapore found that 28.4 per cent of the maids have no day off at all, about one third have one day off per month, and just over 10 per cent have one day off per week. Pratt, et al (1998) describes the discomfort felt by Filipino domestic workers in Canada, within the rest of the house when their employers were home, because of feelings that they must continue working and a sense of being scrutinised. Domestic workers are also subject to non-payment or a reduction in wages. Furthermore, the management of these companies find ways of shaving off nearly an hour’s worth of wages a day, such as time spent travelling from house to house and unpacking equipment. It can be suggested therefore, that domestic work is a form of economic slavery.

Suggestions that migrant domestic labour is a 21st century form of international slavery particularly come from the nature of the work they must carry out and also physical violence that they are subjected to. For example, domestic workers are often told to scrub the floor twice daily with a toothbrush and stand to attention while the employer is out. Anderson (2000) illustrates the horrific treatment migrant servants all too frequently face. She gives details of a 15 year old girl from Burma who was sold by her parents and taken to Bangkok where she worked 18 hour days, cooking, cleaning, doing the laundry, massaging her employers and sleeping on the floor in a store room. She was required to do this for 5 months without pay. The girl attempted to escape, but was brought back at gunpoint. In other cases, male employers have been found to rape and sexually abuse migrant workers.

Migration for work in domestic service, although having deep historical roots, has been reinvented in the last three decades in response to the global spread of neo-liberal economic policies and the increased paid employment of women. It has now become a transnational activity, in which women leave their native land to work for a short period in a foreign country, in order to support the families left behind. Much of this work is done by racialised minorities and those whose legal status is precarious (Ehrenreich and Hochschild, 2003). These groups are therefore, highly vulnerable and their treatment by the middle- class has led to claims that migrant domestic labour is a 21st century form of international slavery. This is highlighted through the separation of mother and child, a lack of basic rights and the abuse of power and control over employees. However, it must be recognised that these experiences are not uniform within and between countries. Many domestic workers are well treated and lead happy lives. Moreover, it has been argued that while some worker’s experiences may be similar to those of slaves, the mechanisms of power exercised over them are different. The legal limitations on the power held over migrant domestic workers in the 21st century are generally greater than those that were held over slaves.

Bibliography

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France-Presse, A. (2015) Indonesia to stop sending domestic workers to Middle East, The Guardian, Available at: http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/may/05/indonesia-to-stop-sending-domestic-workers-to-middle-east-reports,. Accessed: 1st October, 2015.

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Places Through the Body. London: Routledge.

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Stasiulis, D. and Bakan, A. (1997) Negotiating Citizenship: The Case of Foreign Domestic Workers in Canada, Feminist Review No. 57, Citizenship: Pushing the Boundaries (Autumn, 1997): 112-139.

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Essay Question:

Examine how ideas about race were elaborated in the second half of 19th century and the early 20th century.

Race is a historically and culturally specific notion, embedded in a constellation of economic, political, and cultural discourses and uniquely linked to specific relations of power and authority’ (Hirschfield, 1998, p.34).

It has been argued that race was an Enlightenment project that resulted from the desire to classify (Cohen, 1974, p.207). Racial thinking certainly existed before this period, but the modern concept of race is a more recent one that has developed from the encounter of more Europeans with other peoples (MacDonald, 1973, p.241). There is some disagreement as to when the construction of race took its current form. First, it has been suggested that the descriptions of race in ancient literature demonstrate that it originates in xenophobic beliefs (Hirschfield, 1998, p.34). The system of natural classification that developed in the Eighteenth Century is also seen as an important contribution (Hannaford, 1996, p.188). However, almost all studies agree that a distinctive development of racial thinking began to take place in the Nineteenth Century (Hirschfield, 1998, p.35). The Nineteenth Century saw the search for the historical and biological origins of race (Hannaford, 1996, p.235). It went beyond the simply classification of race and towards a more significant delineation of race into one that embodies characteristics, personalities and even mental abilities. Several key developments were relevant to this progression. These will be examined as follows: first the importance of the development of biological categories and the influence of power will be examined. Secondly, the development of scientific dialogue of Darwinism and Eugenics will be discussed. Thirdly, an examination will be made of the influence of nationalism and imperialism. Finally, the notion to which the discourse became self-serving will be considered in that as the connection between cultural features and racial stereotypes became ingrained, there was recourse to the scientific argument to justify the features of power.

The urge to divide the human race into broad categories similar to the animal kingdom seems to be a starting point for many of the theorists in the Nineteenth Century (James, 1981, p.19). Kant’s On the Different Human Races is characteristic of this view: he draws analogy to how the animal species are divided to demonstrate a division in the human race. ‘A natural division is based upon identifying lines of descent that divide according to our reproductive relations’ (Kant, 2000, p. 8). This description of racial characteristics holds a number of significant features of the developing views of race. It seeks to explain differences as accruing from environmental change (James, 1981, p.19). Despite attempting to read as a scientific study, it demonstrates some significant bias towards the North Europeans, describing those who live in the humid heat of a warm climate, which he states produces ‘a thick, turned up nose and thick fatty lips’ (Kant, 2000, p.17). The skin needs to be oily to avoid the absorption of the ‘foul, humid air’ (Kant, 2000, p.17). This thus demonstrates that the scientific foundation became the vector for the view of ‘racial development and the perceived superiority of white.

The foundation of the racial paradigm can therefore be discerned in the need to classify elements of the human race in a manner similar to the natural world (Lazarus, 2011, p.4). As has been seen, the development of classification resulted in a derogation of the non-European races. From one point of view, this can be seen as a natural progression, as those doing the classification may tend to regard themselves as the superior race, simply defining all alternatives as the ‘other’ (James, 1981, p.19). However, this went much further than a simple scientific approach to considering all races to be inferior in a general sense to a kind of opposition to other races (Bayly, 2004, p.227). The classification was extended not simply to demonstrate different racial characteristics to ones that included personalities, attitudes and associated capabilities. The urge to categorise therefore does not simply predetermine the unequal distribution of racial characteristics between different races (Cohen 1974, p.207).

Darwinism can be seen as a significant academic contribution to the racism paradigm. The notion that some races had evolved to a more complete end than others dominated the discourse (Bayly, 2004, p.230). This represented a significant departure from the old notions of racism and pointed towards the solution: the other, more advanced races would attempt to educate the other races and complete their evolution. The triumph of Western Capitalism was seen as a self-evident manifestation of evolution’s triumph in the Western Europeans, with the success of the ex-colonies such as the United States being seen as further proof of a racial superiority of white people (Duiker and Spielvogel, 2006, p.563). This was intertwined with the notion of social Darwinism, where the formation of societies were seen as corresponding to the same principles of evolutionary racism. This can be seen in the declaration by the German General Friedrich von Bernhardi in 1907: ‘war is a biological necessity of the first importance… since without it unhealthy development will follow, which excludes the advancement of the race, and therefore all real civilization’ (Duiker and Spielvogel, 2006, p.563).

The development of Eugenics in the late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries represents the clearest manifestation of the racial characteristics. This can be described as the science of racial improvement (Duiker and Spielvogel, 2006, p.564). This characterises the racist paradigm at that time, whereupon differences had become interpreted as significant and strong manifestations of elements that are better or worse within a race (Benedict, 1983, p.45). Selective breeding was seen as a method by which the tendency of racial characteristics would tend towards an average could be modified. This provided further scientific rationale that justified racial stereotypes. Furthermore, it demonstrated that intermixing between the races could result in interbreeding, and thus ‘pollute’ racial stocks (Duiker and Spielvogel, 2006, p.546). The formation of the British Society for Eugenics in the early Twentieth Century represented a significant development of the scientific rationale attempting a social cause, whereby some elements of society were encouraged to breed whereas others were discouraged. This, evidently reached its apogee in the Nazism of the 1930s and 1940s, but the principles were prevalent before this took a particularly strong manifestation. The Nuremberg laws in 1935 redefined German citizenship on racial grounds and ultimately this resulted in sterilisation and genocide of undesirable elements in society. It was the extremes that this manifestation reached that contributed to its dramatic decline in popularity following the war (Benedict, 1983, p.46).

Biological determinism offers one starting point for the justification of slavery in the mid-Nineteenth Century and therefore offered a starting point for the justification of racial oppression; in other words it provided the means of defining unequal power relationships (Cohen, 1974, p.209). The associated racial characteristics applied to other races by Europeans and their descendants can be seen in the manifestation of power (James, 1981, p.25). At a point where the anti-slavery movement was growing in importance across the old colonial powers, it seemed required that justification of the submissive state of such individuals in society was required (Gupta, 1983, p.27). Slavery in the USA became to be seen more as a paternalistic benevolence by slave owners to a race who, by their nature, were unable to thrive for themselves outside the framework of slavery (Bayly, 2004, p.277). It was widely held in the USA in the Nineteenth Century that black people were slow of learning and had little natural intelligence (Hannaford, 1996, p.188). The power relations that were involved in the suppression of one group by another therefore justified the characterisation of that race as limited in natural ability, and thus suggested the oppression of the race was of benefit to them rather than the exploitative relationship it was. This idea will be further explored in the development of nationalism and imperialism, but it is important to note the manifestation of power relationships in a wide range of contexts before the late-Nineteenth Century developments (Hannaford, 1996, p.189).

The notion of racism also developed to encompass not only significant differences of race, but differences in nationality (Gupta, 1983, p.23). This ‘racism without colour’ requires attention owing to its growth in the period of the late Nineteenth and early Twentieth Centuries (Gupta, 1983, p.22). It has been argued that race and racism are ‘inextricably linked’ but this is difficult to support (Morris, 1994, p.845). Although there is significant racial heterogeneity in the UK, there are strong arguments that suggest that a perceived racial homogeneity is a cultural construct (Gupta, 1983, p.23). The growth of nationalism can be seen as a significant contribution to the development of racist ideologies (Lazarus, 2011, p.3). According to a number of studies of nationalism, the notion became increasingly important in the Nineteenth Century resulting in the theme of nationalism that is present today (Brubaker, 2011, p.1785). The later Nineteenth Century was the period during which the theme of nationalism was very strong (Anderson, 2006, p.11). This, therefore, resulted in the development of racism to extend to national characteristics rather than simply focusing on biological differences.

A significant corollary of the development of nationalism was that it was founded on shared values and national characteristics (Ersanilli and Koopmans, 2010, p.773). This therefore provided the notion that other cultures and nations did not share such characteristics. This can be seen as part of the foundation of the notion of racism based upon essentially nationalistic characteristics. As Benedict (1983, p.128) states ‘if Frenchman and Germans differed, by that token they were different races.’ A crucial element of a number of nationalisms was the notion that the population within the set geographical limitations were of the same race (Anderson, 2006, p.15). This intertwined the notion of race and national boundaries in a way that had not received such a complete notion before. However, in order for this developed to take place, the notions of racial-nationalism drew heavily upon the developing paradigm that suggests that there is a coincidence between the race of an individual or a group and other features, such as learning acumen, personality features, attitudes and so on (Ersanilli and Koopmans, 2010, p.775).

The application of this idea to the set of national characteristics was relatively smooth: it simply posited that, in the same way the geography changed the racial characteristics of people in terms of physical features, it further had an effect on their personal characteristics (Kant, 2000, p.17). Therefore individuals living in a nation state that had a different geographical location would thus develop similar characteristics as each other and different ones from different states. This paradigm could only apply to a certain number of states and does not fully explain the existence of entrenched racism that occurred in other areas such as the USA, South Africa and Australia (Anderson, 2006, p.16). In such cases the notion of power represents the most significant explanatory variable. However, it is significant that there was an attempt to provide a strong adherence to a common set of values in late Nineteenth Century; particularly such values as might be deemed Anglo-Saxon, which reinforced the supremacy of the white make, the Protestant Church and the English Language (Bayly, 2004, p.229). This can be seen as perhaps resulting from the same factors that produced a racial conception of nationality.

The later Nineteenth Century was a period during which imperialist theories were also legion (Bayly, 2004, p.227). In the historical context of creation, these views were intertwined with nationalism. However, within the context of the development of racial arguments, they have a significant role to play. This has been characterised as ‘new’ imperialism, during which most of Africa was seized by Europeans (Bayly, 2004, p.228). These views are considered separately as it can illustrate the significance of the importance of nationalism in emphasising the racial characteristics of nation states (Anderson, 2006, p.11). Imperialism, however, demonstrated the importance of power relations in the development of the racial discourse. In many senses, the racial discourse can be seen as developing from a concerted attempt to justify the unequal power relationship between the rulers and ruled. This can be seen in extent to which most Europeans gave humanitarian or religious justification for their actions, suggesting that the superiority of European civilization compelled them to impose it upon the primitive cultures (Bayly, 2004, p.229). Social Darwinism played a significant role in the development of imperialisms justified on academic racism, whereby the primitive aspects of the race were seen as justification in itself for the imperialist activities. Other motives for imperialism, such as the economic imperative, all drew on the racist paradigm to provide a less selfish justification for the new empires (Bayly, 2004, p.230). This therefore resulted in an increase in the notion of race being a defining characteristic.

Racial ideologies were not simply advanced by a conglomeration of nationalism, imperialism, Darwinism and Eugenics (Giroux, 1992, p.165). In the early Twentieth Century, there became evidence strands of simply cultural racism that can be seen as running alongside the biological determinism that was largely prevalent. From this perspective, individuals were suspicious or negative towards to other races not solely on the basis on racial differences, but because those differences represented a divergence in cultural values (Giroux, 1992, p.164). This can be seen in the number of miscegenation laws that prevailed in the USA in this period, which have been interpreted as founded on notions of biological mixing (Hirschfield, 1998, p.24). However, there was considered to be more at stake than simply the eroding of biological race: marriage resulted in social responsibility and constituted more than simply the biological element; it did not outlaw illicit sex but simply marriage. This therefore was an attempt to assert the supremacy of the white man over all other races (Giroux, p.165). However, during this period, challenges to miscegenation laws included the argument that the continual subdivision of racial categories made no sense in terms of an identification of race as a biological characteristic (Mason, 1994, p.845). Therefore, this period includes not only the development of the biological classification of racism in the Nuremberg Laws in 1935, but also the gradual eradication of this notion in the courtrooms of the USA and the continued definition on the grounds of power relationships (Bayly, 2004, p.231).

The results of this investigation therefore demonstrate the following features of the definition of racism in the late Nineteenth Century and the early Twentieth Century (Jackson, 2004, p.4). First, the starting point was the biological definition of racism, which, coupled with unequal power relationships resulted in the definition of certain features as being undesirable, less advanced or primitive (Bayly, 2004, p.227). Second, the development of the sciences of evolutionary Darwinism and Eugenics provided further scientific validity to these views, justifying unequal power relationships either by pinpointing the inability of certain races to develop, or by suggesting the more advanced races had a personal benevolence to the others (Duiker and Spielvogel, 2006, p.563). Third, the growth in nationalism resulted in the extension of the racist paradigm to encompass characteristics defined by nationalism rather than identified by biological features (Anderson, 2006, p.11). Fourth, the growth in imperialism in this period drew upon evolutionary theory to define the colonised as less developed and therefore justifying their colonisation as a duty for the more evolved (Bayly, 2004, p.227). Finally, cultural separatism played a role, where the biological racial argument was used as a cover to simply perpetuate the inequalities in society (Giroux, 1992, p.165). During this period, racism went from a series of speculations to a firmly developed and justified academic discipline; different elements of the paradigm intertwined to justify unequal power relationships and vindicate oppression.

References
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Ersanilli, E. and Koopmans, R., 2010. ‘Rewarding Integration? Citizenship Regulations and the Socio-Cultural Integration of Immigrants in the Netherlands, France and Germany’, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 36(5), pp.773-791.
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Introduction

There is a difference between the terms sex and gender. Sex refers to biological differences such as chromosomes, hormones and internal and external sex organs, whereas gender is the way in which males and females behave in society, displaying what are considered as masculine or feminine traits. These traits are often stereotypes about what constitutes being a male or female in society (Unger, 1979). There are a number of ways in which children develop gender and an understanding at a young age that they are a boy or a girl. The development may occur through social learning theory, (SLT, Bandura, 1977) or through cognitive schema theory (Martin and Halverson, 1981). Children tend to grow up understanding they are a boy or girl and this knowledge becomes a part of their self-concept. The following essay will consider the ways in which gender develops in childhood and how stereotypical perspectives of gender are perpetuated.

The Biological Approach to Gender

A powerful argument for the biological influence on gender can be made when evaluating the study of David Reimer (Money, 1975). Money worked with children born with genitalia that was not clearly defined as either male or female, and, in his role as a doctor, he believed that gender could be reassigned. It was argued by Money that children are born gender neutral and their gender identity develops as a consequence of behavioural interventions and SLT as proposed by Bandura (1977).

David Reimer was one of a pair of male monozygotic twins whose penis was burnt off during an operation for circumcision. The penis could not be repaired and at 7 months it was decided by doctors and his parents that a functional vagina could be constructed and David should be raised as a girl, Brenda. Money reported originally that the gender reassignment had been a success and Brenda as a child was feminine, liked wearing dresses and playing with dolls. Although Brenda also had tomboyish characteristics it was suggested that this was due to the games played with her twin brother.

However, despite Money’s claims that nature could be overcome by nurture and gender was not biologically determined it was later reported that Brenda had been desperately unhappy as a female child and at 14 years she became male again (Diamond and Sigmundson, 1997). It was argued by Money that the study was reliable because David’s twin brother acted as a control as the twins shared the same genes and environment which meant their behaviours could be classified as being either nature or nurture. The findings of the study were biased and based on the subjective interpretations made by Money, perhaps to prove the veracity of his theory regarding gender reassignment. The study was a unique case study and ethically could not be replicated to investigate whether other children, perhaps younger than David, could adapt to gender reassignment. There have been cases have reported successful adaptation such as Daphne Went, who was born with the condition testicular feminising syndrome (TFS). This means that although the individual is biologically male they have external female genitalia. Daphne was happy as a female, unlike David Reimer, who in adulthood committed suicide (Goldwyn, 1979)

Another supporting argument for the biological differences between males and females was found using neuroimaging techniques and electroencephalogram (EEG). It has been shown, for example, that males tend to use the left hemisphere of the brain more than their right hemisphere, whereas females are less lateralised and this may have an effect on gender. The right hemisphere of the brain is involved in aspects of language and it has been found that females tend to use both hemispheres more equally than males (Koles, Lind and Flor-Henry, 2010).

Is Gender Socially Constructed?

There is a strong argument that gender is a socially constructed concept. This means that labels such as gender are meaningless as there is no scientific foundation for such labels. Nevertheless, such labels become entrenched in everyday language and knowledge with only a few people questioning such terms (Gergen, 2009). Gergen argues that gender can be classified in various forms in addition to the male/female dichotomous representation. Diamond and Butterworth (2008) similarly propose that gender should be a fluid concept that allows individuals who do not see themselves as fitting into either a male or female heterosexual category, to define themselves as lesbian, bisexual or transsexual.

The Role of Play in Gender Development

Children typically become aware of their gender identity and that they are either a boy or a girl at a very young age. When gender awareness develops, children tend to participate consistently in what society perceives as being gender appropriate behaviours. Kohlberg, (1966, p.89) proposes that by the age of 3-years a child has a cognitive representation of the relationship between behaviour and gender, for example, ‘I am a boy, therefore I want to do boy things, therefore the opportunity to do boy things (and to gain approval for doing them) is rewarding’. However, a criticism of Kohlberg’s theory is that children are exposed to many influences before the age of 3-years that have a fundamental role in the formation of gender identity. Martin and Halverson (1981) propose that young children develop a gender schema (a set of beliefs or expectations) about the self which includes roles for males and roles for females, which they observe in everyday life, thus they remember gender specific behaviours and forget or ignore information about opposite-gender behaviours. Martin and Halverson’s model explains how gender stereotypes develop and are resistant to change for most children as they become older.

Parents, siblings and peers reinforce gender stereotypes from birth and therefore it could be argued that gender-related behaviours develop because they are encouraged by other people who are close to the child. Female infants typically have pink clothes and nurseries, while boys often have blue clothes and nurseries. It is suggested by Bandura (1977) that children learn behaviours through the observation and imitation of others and in particular the behaviours of same-sex others (such as mothers or sisters). Behaviours are further reinforced if they are rewarded or praised, for example, behaviours that are perceived as being gender appropriate. If behaviour is perceived as being gender inappropriate this tends to be discouraged (Fagot, 1978). In a study undertaken by Fagot (1985) the notion of same sex-peers influencing behaviour was observed with a group of 21-25 month old boys and girls. Behaviours of the children were classified as male, female or neutral and the reactions of the teachers and children to the behaviours were recorded. It was found that the boys gave positive responses when other boys engaged in male activities and the girls responded positively to the other girls rather than boys. The nursery school teachers could influence the girls to alter their behaviours, from physical activities to quieter activities. Neither the girls nor the teachers could influence the boys to change their behaviour, and they continued with physical activities, tending not to take any notice of the teachers. The boys did not respond to the teacher’s requests even when the quieter activities were positively reinforced, which does not support SLT, although the boys themselves had a greater effect in changing other boy’s behaviours.

There have been a large number of studies which have found that children play with toys that are gender-specific (Bussey and Bandura, 1999). A study conducted by Fagot (1978) asked parents to rate the play of their children aged between 20- and 24-months in their own homes. It was found that parents rated the most appropriate behaviours for girls as playing with dolls, dancing and dressing up. For boys the more appropriate behaviour was physical activities such as rough and tumble play, playing with blocks and manipulating objects. It was also found that girls were not encouraged to undertake tasks that involved manipulating objects while the boys were discouraged from playing with dolls (Fagot, 1978). The study demonstrates that parents have different approaches towards their children and gender specific play.

Using pictures of toys, Serbin, Poulin-Dubois, Colburne, Sen and Eichstedt (2001) found that children of 12-, 18- and 24-months preferred stereotypically gender specific toys such as boys preferred trucks and girls preferred dolls. Wong and Hines (2015) undertook a study with boys and girls at two different ages; firstly at 20-40 months and then at 26-47 months. The study used two stereotypical gender-specific toys (a train and a doll) and colour coded a-typical toys in either pink or blue. The findings were predictable as the girls played with the doll and the boys played with the train. However, for the colour-coded a-typical toys the results showed that children were strongly influenced by the colour (for example, the boys avoided playing with anything coded pink). The authors conclude that colour coding toys should be avoided as it may allow all children to develop different skills by playing with different types of stereotypical gender-specific toys, particularly if the colour was more neutral.

Miller (1987) reports that stereotypical gender specific toys have an effect on cognitive and social development of boys and girls, and that it is difficult to find similarities in either the toys or the play of boys and girls. This perspective is supported by a study undertaken by Cherney, Kelly-Vance, Glover, Ruane and Ryalls (2003). The study investigated how stereotypical gender specific toys influenced cognitive development on children aged 18-47 months. The children were observed in a playroom for complex play activities. According to Cherney et al. play is an appropriate way to assess children’s cognitive development, for example the change to symbolic play from exploratory play. Such changes may also help identify children at risk from developmental delay. However, it is reported that very young children (18-months) show different abilities depending on the toys they are playing with. The findings of this study are relevant because children are assessed for their cognitive development at an early age and therefore may not show their potential if given atypical toys that are not gender specific. The findings showed a larger effect for girls in comparison to boys, in that a higher degree of complexity of play was shown when the girls played with stereotypical girl’s toys such as a kitchen and dolls. Thus a selection of toys need to be used when assessing children in formal standardised test situations. However, the study does not mention cultural differences in play and whether the findings would apply to different cultures and ethnic groups.

Conclusion

The evidence presented indicates that both nature, nurture and the wider society perpetuate and emphasise gender stereotypes in childhood. The differences between males and female involve biological differences and in Money’s (1975) longitudinal study of David Reimer showed that nature was dominant over nurture (Diamond and Sigmundson, 1997). This appears to support the idea that gender is a socially constructed concept that identifies two groups (Gergen, 2009) although it is argued that there are more facets to gender than the dominant male/female dichotomy (Diamond and Butterworth, 2008)

Gender is learnt from an early age and SLT (Bandura, 1977) has a role in determining gender with parents reinforcing what society considers appropriate behaviour for boys and girls (Fagot, 1978) Children develop a mental framework or schema of behaviours that are appropriate for either male or female children. The schema appears to be reflected very strongly in the way children play and the type of toys they play with from an early age. Toys can be classified as being stereotypical for either boys or girls and this is particularly the case if toys are coloured pink or blue (Wong and Hines, 2015). The problem with gender specific toys is that they result in gender stereotypical behaviours, roles and activities (Cherney et al. 2003). A further problem is that because children show a strong preference for stereotypical gender-related toys, if such toys are not used in formal standardised tests, the child’s full ability may be incorrectly recorded (Cherney et al. 2003). One omission from many studies is the play of children from different cultures and ethnic groups and how their play affects gender stereotypes. This would appear to be very relevant in contemporary society although this does not appear to be mentioned in the Wong and Hines (2015) study.

References

Bandura, A. (1977). Social Learning Theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.

Bussey, K. and Bandura, (1999). Social cognitive theory of gender development and differentiation. Psychological Review, 106, pp.676-713.

Cherney, I.D., Kelly-Vance, L., Glover, K.G., Ruane, A. and Ryalls, B.O. (2003). The effects of stereotyped toys and gender on play assessment in children aged 18-47 months. Educational Psychology, 23(1), 95-106

Diamond, M. and Sigmundson H.K. (1997). Sex reassignment at birth: Long-term review and clinical implications. Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine, 151(3), 298-304.

Diamond, L.M. and Butterworth, M. (2008). Questioning gender and sexual identity: dynamic links over time. Sex Roles, 59, 365-376.

Fagot, B.I. (1978). The influence of sex of child on parental reactions to toddler children. Child Development, 49, 459-465.

Fagot, B.I. (1985). Beyond the reinforcement principle: Another step to understanding sex role development. Developmental Psychology, 21(6), 1097-1104.

Gergen, K.J. (2009). An Invitation to Social Construction, 2nd edition. London: Sage Publications Ltd.

Goldwyn, E. (1979). The fight to be male. The Listener, May, 709-712

Kohlberg, L. (1966). A cognitive-developmental analysis of children’s sex-role concepts and attitudes. In E.E. Maccoby (Ed.) The Development of Sex Differences. Stanford, CA. Stanford University Press.

Koles, Z.J., Lind, J.C. and Flor-Henry, P. (2010). Gender differences in brain functional organization during verbal and spatial cognitive challenges. Brain Topography, 23(2), 199-204.

Martin, C.L. and Halverson, C.F. Jr. (1981). A schematic processing model of sex typing and stereotyping in children. Child Development, 54, 563-574

Miller, C.L. (1987). Qualitative differences among gender-stereotyped toys: implications for cognitive and social development in girls and boys. Sex Roles 16(9/10), 473-487

Money, J. (1975). Ablatio penis: Normal male infant sex-reassigned as a girl. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 4(1) pp.65-71.

Serbin, L.A., Poulin-Dubois, D., Colburne, K.A., Sen, M.G. and Eichstedt, J.A. (2001). Gender stereotyping in infancy: visual preferences for and knowledge of gender stereotyped toys in the second year. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 25(1), pp.7-15.

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Introduction

The objective of this paper is to explore why the outcomes of the work of the Goethe Institute of Germany and the Confucius Institute of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) have been so contrasting in terms of establishing cultural and social influence. The paper begins by examining the origins of both institutes and their aims in the context of soft power. Soft power is critically examined as a governmental imperative in a globalised world, and it will be shown how cultural institutes have a role in its formulation and exercise. The next section examines the institutes’ structure and governance, and how these have been crucial determinants of their success. Finally, the findings reported in this paper are drawn together and summarised in the Conclusion.

The origins and aims of the Goethe Institute and the Confucius Institute

The Goethe Institute was established in 1951 in what was then West Germany, with the aim of rebuilding respect for and the reputation of the German language and culture following the Second World War. It originated primarily as a language-learning organisation, for which purpose it established dedicated “reading rooms”, but as it developed it expanded its remit to encompass the propagation of German culture and the holding of social events. By 2015, the Goethe Institute had 159 centres worldwide (Goethe Institute, 2015a).

The aims of the Confucius Institute are remarkably similar to those of the Goethe Institute, although emergent from contrasting origins. It was established in 2004 with the aim of ameliorating concerns felt around the world outside the PRC about the country’s headlong economic growth and rapidly increasing military power. Like the Goethe Institute, the Confucius Institute aimed to facilitate language learning, but expanded its activities into the cultural and social sphere. By 2015, the Confucius Institute operated in more than 480 locations worldwide, using facilities on university campuses (UCLA Confucius Institute, 2015).

Both institutes began with difficult yet auspicious origins; both Germany and the PRC had reputations to build from a low base, but both Germany and the PRC are countries with rich cultural heritages capable of attracting significant degrees of interest from people in the outside world.

The approach of both institutes, however, is essentially top-down, with a strategy of imparting knowledge about their cultures in their subject locations as something differentiated and separate, rather than attempting what is conventionally regarded to be meaningful cultural influence through immersion and integration (Christians, 1997), calling into question the likely effectiveness of the institutes in achieving their stated aims. Given those aims, it is appropriate to conceptualise them as agencies of government, which is essentially concerned with the exercise of power (Dowding, 1996).

Historically, governments have achieved their aims through “hard” power; typically the maintenance of armed forces and commercial strength underpinned their diplomacy (Dowding, 1996). Nye (1990) notes, however, that advancing globalisation has increased the financial cost and political consequences of the use of hard power, as exemplified by the PRC, whose military strength and commercial influence have had increasingly negative consequences in terms of international relations and trust. Military and commercial strength are, in themselves, insufficient in assuring international influence in an age where societal opinion matters, and such opinion is instantaneously shared through social media which frequently imports environmental, social and moral considerations (Nye, 2004). In response to the reduced influence of hard power, governments have turned to “soft” power – the use of co-option rather than coercion (Nye, 2004) – in order to achieve their strategic aims. An important means of exerting soft power is through the use of culture. However, while a country may possess attractive cultural features, they will not be influential if those features are not widely known or appreciated (Mattern, 2005), and cultural institutes are seen as a means by which such knowledge and appreciation may be established and international trade enhanced. There are drawbacks to this approach; Ferguson (2003) notes that soft power has its contradictions. It is, for example, quite possible for a section of society to be unproblematically using Microsoft software to write anti-US campaign material while drinking Coca Cola in a Macdonald’s restaurant. Soft power also has its limitations; Blechman (2004) notes that it cannot be mobilised to achieve specific policy goals, although a core strength of soft power lies it its essential organically democratic nature, in that individuals and groups can influence the policy it sets out to achieve (Van Ham, 2005; Moravcsik, 1997). It is also the case that the attractiveness of a culture is determined not by its purveyor, but rather by its recipients (Fan, 2008).

It is, therefore, the case that soft power is not a direct replacement for hard power, although it does have value in forming and legitimising policy, and in establishing the environment in which policy may be pursued. Given that policy is mediated through the essentially top-down phenomenon of government, it is not unreasonable to posit that, counter to Christians’ (1997) thesis of social influence, the top-down nature of the institutes does not render them unfit for purpose, but they rather have a model of influence that reflects the approach of the state governments that are their ultimate sponsors.

The relative success of the Goethe Institute and the Confucius Institute, and the effect of their structure and governance

Having established the criteria by which the institutes’ success may be measured – that of the establishment and exercise of state soft power, and what the limitations of that soft power are – this section explores how successful the Goethe Institute and the Confucius Institute have been in achieving their aims.

There is considerable evidence to support the contention that the Goethe Institute has been generally successful in achieving its aims. The reputation of Germany has been significantly rehabilitated from its low point at the end of the Second World War, and that country is today widely respected and admired. This may be as much to do with, inter alia, the harmless jollity of the Munich Oktoberfest, the international popularity of German Christmas markets and Germany’s high-quality industrial products as the effect of the Goethe Institute, although the evidence for the influence of the Goethe Institute is clear in data that shows that people outside Germany who come into contact with the institute hold a higher opinion of Germany than those who do not (The Economist, 2015). It is reasonable to assert, therefore, that the Goethe Institute has achieved the aim of being of some influence in the favourable propagation of German culture.

The same cannot be said, however, for the international reputation of the PRC. Comparing the reputation of the PRC to that of Japan (Germany’s Far-Eastern equivalent in respect of post-Second World War reputation), it can be seen from the Chicago Council study (2009) that Japan has been successfully rehabilitated and has managed to withstand the concerns ensuing from economic success that the PRC is clearly failing to ameliorate. This contrast in outcomes is difficult to explain, given the similarities in the international interest in the rich cultural heritages of Germany and the PRC. Chinese culture, like that of Germany, has much to offer; Chinese food is popular throughout the world, as are Tai Chi, Sun Tsu’s The Art of War (in a business context) and Confucian wisdom, yet the PRC is stubbornly perceived to be an economic threat around the world, and a military threat in East Asia (Paradise, 2009) – something that the Confucius Institute has apparently failed to counter.

Examination of the structure of these institutes offers insight into their contrasting success. A clear indication lies in their developmental histories; since 1951, the Goethe Institute has established 159 centres throughout the world (Goethe Institute, 2015a), while since only 2004 the Confucius Institute has established over 480 (UCLA Confucius Institute, 2015). Such comparatively headlong expansion on the part of the Confucius Institute unfortunately mirrors the rapid economic growth of its home country that causes so much international concern. Also, the name “Confucius Institute” implicitly suggests the copying of something that worked elsewhere – naming the institute after the country’s internationally famous philosopher, a strategy that worked for Germany and so (it is thought) ought to work for the PRC. This strategy, however, also mirrors an important aspect of the PRC’s economic success – the copying of products designed and developed elsewhere that has led to many intellectual property disputes around the world (Gregory, 2003). It thus appears that the structural paradigm of the Confucius Institute may be a contributory factor to its lack of success.

Further examination of the governance of these institutes offers insight with respect to their success. The Goethe Institute, while being a government-sponsored institution, is able to raise its own funds and is governed at arm’s length, a status guaranteed in its constitution (Goethe Institute, 2015b). This arm’s-length principle ensures that it is not controlled by government, but by a body of independent and trustworthy people who have the aims and interests of the institute, not the government, at heart (Cavaliero, 1986). By being governed in this way, the Goethe Institute is able to assert, transparently, its credentials and the authenticity of its objectives.

The Confucius Institute, however, is ultimately administered by and accountable to Kanban, the PRC government body responsible for the teaching of Chinese as a foreign language. This need not necessarily be fatal to the Confucius Institute’s international credentials, although significant damage in this respect is evident in that Kanban only sanctions the use of simplified Chinese character writing within the Confucius Institute, which is widely interpreted to be an attempt to limit Taiwanese cultural influence, as within Taiwan writing using traditional Chinese characters is the norm (Ding and Saunders, 2006).

It may be possible to rationalise this Chinese written character dilemma on grounds of expediency, as Chinese writing is difficult to master and, if the use of both forms were to be employed, the result would be unnecessarily confusing for students. Clearly the Confucius Institute had to make a decision in this regard, and it is not unreasonable to expect that, as it is an organisation that originates within the PRC, it would select the predominant Chinese character style of that country. Other concerns come into play, however; the Confucius Institute has no independent control over the choice of textbooks and educational materials that it uses in its cultural activities; Kanban has complete control in this regard, leading some host schools and universities to express concern about the Chinese history propagated by the Confucius Institute differing from that taught in regular classes (Patty, 2011).

Apologists for the Confucius Institute may find rationalisations for these concerns, but the factors concerning its structure and governance have been sufficient in combination to endow it with the status of a PRC-government overseas ‘stooge’. Such concerns have resulted in the University of Chicago and Pennsylvania State University expelling the Confucius Institute from their campuses (Foster, 2014).

The work of the Goethe Institute is not the only cause of Germany’s post-war rehabilitation, but its positive influence is determinable, and has been facilitated by its measured growth and arm’s-length governance. Any positive influence that the Confucius Institute may have had is more difficult to establish; despite its rapid growth, its apparent attempt to reproduce the success of others elsewhere and the negative aspects of its structure and governance appear to act in its detriment.

Conclusion

This paper has set the limits of what the success of cultural institutes looks like within the context and limitations of soft power. The top-down nature of the institutes has been examined as a possible drawback when set against the immersive qualities that typically lead to meaningful cultural influence; however, this was found to be less of a disadvantage in terms of cultural theory than an honest approach taken by bodies that are essentially agencies of government.

This paper set out to examine why the outcomes of the work of the Goethe Institute of Germany and the Confucius Institute of the PRC have been so contrasting in terms of establishing cultural and social influence. It has been established that the Goethe Institute has been successful in its contribution to meeting Germany’s soft-power aims, while the Confucius Institute has had indeterminate positive influence and its negative influence has been made clear. The reasons for these contrasting outcomes can be summarised as follows. The Goethe Institute’s growth has been evolutionary whereas the growth of the Confucius Institute has been explosive, mirroring the economic growth of its home country which is in itself a cause of the PRC’s reputational difficulties that the institute is ostensibly attempting to ameliorate. Similarly, the Confucius Institute’s name appears to represent and attempt to reproduce that which worked elsewhere, mirroring a concerning facet of the PRC’s problematic intellectual property issues within its industrial sector. Finally, the Goethe Institute is governed at arm’s length, whereas the PRC has direct control over the governance of the Confucius Institute, a significant factor in its loss of reputation and fundamental incompatibility with the principles of academic freedom and independence that are so valued by its host universities.

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Question: 1

Family structure and interaction assume cardinal functions in the social control theories and delinquency. However, myriad factors are assimilated with family configuration and criminal behavior and consequently folk’s relations and felony. Akers R.L. (1998).Family interface dynamics include; management and control, character prop up, compassionate and dependence cherished communique, influential communication, parental condemnation of peers and variance, these factors have the equivalent upshots on crime in both-parents. Akers R.L. (1998).

Paucity or stumpy proceed echelon is a prime factor that puts more emphasis as a primary illustration for criminal traits. Research findings have shown that scarcity is the genesis to most unsociable performances. Akers R.L. (1998).

In the regard to the family constitution, dealings by particular family members influence the functional dimensions of others. According to research findings a member’s initiative about the well being of other member of the family presents with each other an element of safety in opposition to catastrophes, thus, extend beyond acquaintances. Akers R.L. (1998).

Whereas a pattern of asymmetric consideration is evident between parents and children; thus parent’s value meaning incorporate the children’s expenditure as well their own, the child’s convenience utility is purely centered on the child’s using up. This structure leads to an off the wall child philosophy, thus if the parent is adequately compassionate in the direction of his or her child, both the parent and the child are comfortable.

This finding supports the proposal that self-sacrifice benefits two parties (the addressee as well as the bringer). Akers, R.L. (1989). Family unit is an integral aspect for the development of children. In the event that interaction between parent and child vanishes through a divorce, the absence of one parent i.e. the father may upshot in the parent’s goodwill for the child to cry off from what would be if not.

If the cry off is adequate, the child acknowledges the repercussion and advance to a more selfish verdict and both the parents and the child stand to loose. The rationale here underscores the fact that augmented philanthropy promotes good actions even on the part of a egoistically aggravated child while curtailed or deprived of selflessness enhances poor behavior. Akers, R.L. (1989).

Question 2

When children become naughty, parents have been viewed as the line of control. Nonetheless, antagonism and resistance in children has been inspected as the lack of obedience. On the extreme hand, heavy-handed parenthood has witnessed the production of belligerent insubordinate and unfriendliness offspring. Research findings support the argument that poor parenting is a concrete impetus that has brought about the development of delinquent children’s.

According to the social hypothesis, the connection progression, Baumrinds constituents of precious parenting and typologies that contents the most profound parenting is the convincing of parents and reaction and demandingness. Based on the self control theory, if a child fails to develop self control by the age of 10 years they often don’t acquire it. Akers, R.L. (1989).

Question 3

Akers’ social learning theory is a cluster of the learning point of view of criminology that has been influenced by chronological collective and opinionated circumstances. Akers theory is mostly applied to characters within a certain group from which the underpinning is due; these include a bunch of criminals, peer stratums or communal stratums. Smoking within the puberty age bracket is one of the deviant traits that Ronald Aker (1985) debate about.

The social erudition theory digs out concrete facts as to why puberty enhances the smoking habits but is not in a position to explain the genesis of the behavior. Ronald Aker (1989) successive study of alcohol features among the aged illustrate the fact that mature drinking and puberty drinking tag along similar conduits of customs and group performance.

Question 4

The control theory unlike the learning theory is centered on issues that appertain to why persons kowtow in a given society (Hirschi 1969). The social control theory presumes that fastidious persons are mingled fittingly in a civilization, while others are not; conversely, the discrepancy is brought about by how persons socialize not to break the law. According to the Social Learning theory, conventionality is affiliated to the “attachments” structured by children that help to reroute them from nonstandard manners.

These unions incorporate affection, participation and the principle system. In a nut shell this amalgamation maintains the puberty and a section of the wider society concerned. Inadequate socialization exhibited by a child in form of weakened links of caucus is known as broken bond theory. Nonetheless, failed to bond theory is another twist of the social control theory that depicts an outright lack of attachment to others and to compliance that leads to character deviance. Akers, R.L. (1989).

Question 5

Respondent learning is typically a behavioral type of learning. Persons as well as animals conditioned this way don’t learn consciously the association flanked by stimuli and responses, but, since the pairings happen repeatedly, the conditioned stimulus elicits the conditioned response unconsciously.

In most cases, the rejoinders are not automated; however distinctive results do induce the animals or humans to repeat the behavior while divergent outcomes cause them not to repeat the behavior. Behavioral theorists in this case hold the view that distinct psychological disorders lead to respondent conditioning. Watson’s experiment on Albert illustrated that phobias could be learnt by means of combining a neutral and a harmless stimulus with an unconditionally frightening event, hence bringing about the association of fear with a harmless stimulus. Akers, R.L. (1989).

References

Akers, R.L. (1989). Social Learning Theory and Puberty Cigarette Smoking cum Alcohol. 43:230-139

Akers R.L. (1998). Social Learning and Social Structure: A General Theory of crime and Deviance. New York University Press

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How far is globalisation a form of Americanisation? Drawing on theory critically evaluate why the US has been so hostile to overseas left wing regimes since 1945?

There has been a great deal of debate over the extent to which the current phase of globalisation can be defined or delimited by the process of Americanisation. Multinational corporations have adamantly maintained that their operations overseas are not vehicles of Americanisation, but are instead a form of ‘indigenisation’ through adaptation to local cultures. Some scholars have argued, however, that contemporary discourses about globalisation have fallen under the spell of a form of historical perennialism in which current trends have been extrapolated too far into the past and inaccurately conceptualised as being merely a continuation of deeper trends. “Globalisation is now used to describe everything and its opposite, from the Roman Empire to WW1, from cosmopolitan behavior to Genghis Khan’s conquests, and even the Neolithic age,” writes Daniele Conversi in his article titled The Limits of Cultural Globalisation? (Conversi 2010, p. 36). Central to this misconception is a confusion between globalisation as an ideology, usually expressed as a form of cosmopolitanism, and globalisation in practice. Whether the current phase of globalisation is the latest chapter in a millennia-long saga of societal integration, or is in fact something completely different, it is difficult to dispute that it has taken on a distinctly American character since the end of World War 2.

On a superficial level, the Americanisation of the world seems obvious and intuitive. English is now spoken with at least partial competence by over half of the world’s population and has become the de facto lingua franca facilitating communication between people from remote locations. Not only is English the dominant language on the internet, but more than a third of the world’s mail, telexes, and cables are in English, and approximately 40% of the world’s radio programs are in English (Swain 2011). Of the top ten global brands, seven are based in the United States with Coca-Cola occupying the top spot, leading many to perceive it as a symbol of Americanisation. The fact that the McDonald’s fast food franchise has disseminated to all corners of the globe has made possible the somewhat tongue-in-cheek use of the “Big Mac Index,” now regularly published by The Economist as an informal way of comparing the purchasing power of any two currencies (Hoefert and Hofer 2006). As we will see, the forces of cultural homogenisation flowing from the United States go far beyond language, hamburgers, and soda.

The modern era of globalisation can be demarcated by the Bretton Woods agreement in 1944 (Korten 2001), which set the basis for the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, establishing, in the IMF’s own words, a system of “global surveillance activities (IMF 2007).” During the early years of the Cold War, the Marshall Plan facilitated the transfer of American industrial management models to Western Europe (Kipping and Bjarnar 1998). The methods employed to help Western Europe recover from the ravages of war would later be applied to under-developed countries, first as a means of deterring the spread of communism, and later as a project of global trade liberalisation. In the words of Dutch-American sociologist Saskia Sassen,

The most widely recognised instance of Americanisation is seen…in the profound influence U.S. popular culture exerts on global culture. But it has also become very clear in the legal forms ascendant in international business transactions. Through the IMF and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), as well as the GATT, the U.S. vision has spread to—some would say been imposed on—the developing world (Sassen 1996, p.20).

While Presidents Nixon, Ford and Carter all played a role in advancing the neoliberal agenda, it wasn’t until Reagan that the doctrines of privatisation and deregulation took on the ideological character espoused by many conservative thinkers today (Conversi 2010). What came to be known as ‘Reaganomics’ was advanced during the 1980s when structural adjustment loans (SALs) were leveraged to “blast open” and “discipline” the Third World (Bello 1999, p. 27).

While the advent of Reaganomics had a considerable impact on economics and finance abroad, Conversi contends that its effects on cultural practices may have been even more extensive. “In Reagan’s years, the robust nexus between politics, economics, military and the expansion of mass consumerism was amplified through the media industry,” he writes (Conversi 2010, p. 39). A constant condition that the IMF and World Bank attached to their developmental support packages was the total overhaul of local cultural productions, formerly tied to regional and national markets or subject to state regulation such that they would be left to the mercy of corporate expansion.

In the cultural arena, the removal of trade barriers has led to the unfettered preponderance of American items of mass consumption and to the virtual erasure of millions of local cultural producers, an event that has been presented as an ineluctable step on the road to further development. This has led not to the kind of globalisation envisioned by cosmopolitan theorists, but rather to the assertion of a cultural hyper-power (Conversi 2010, p. 41).

Hollywood’s embrace of the global marketplace led to the collapse of native film industries in both Europe and Asia, which were displaced by an invasion of American cultural products via mass distribution agencies (Conversi 2010). The content of Hollywood movies can have subtle yet profound effects on the culture and institutions of foreign countries. One Chinese activist described in detail how the portrayal of the inner workings of the United States government and judicial system in American popular culture has convinced many Chinese citizens of the merits of American-style democracy (Nye 2004). The bombardment of US cultural exports has been a primary motivation for the Chinese government’s increasingly draconian information policies.

American cultural imperialism has been met with varying levels of resistance. In recent years, the cultural policies of governments abroad have come to encompass protectionist measures that Harvey Feigenbaum has described as being “cultural counterattacks” against the homogenising effects of neoliberal globalisation. These protectionist policies typically involve intentionally limiting the availability of American broadcast programming through the use of sophisticated quota systems:

The French, for instance, require that 60 percent of the prime-time television shows be European productions and that 40 percent be French. Canadians require their television networks to broadcast significant content, and the South Koreans will tolerate large numbers of television shows from abroad only if they have scientific or educational content (Feigenbaum 2002).

As a counter-weight to the U.S. championing of neoliberalism, France has been attempting to pull Europe in a different direction. Cultural exception is a political concept introduced by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in 1993 and refers to the belief that cultural products should be exceptions to the trade agreements codified by the World Trade Organization (WTO). The United States and various industries and lobbies have predictably lambasted cultural exception as being protectionist, culturally chauvinist, deleterious to global free trade, and that it makes it easier for oppressive governments to suppress minority voices. Despite these objections, however, cultural exception was upheld by UNESCO in 2005 with only two countries (the U.S. and Israel) out of two hundred voting against it.

Much to the dismay of narrow-minded theocracies such as Iran, and oppressive regimes such as the Chinese government, the effectiveness of these protectionist policies are limited by new decentralising audiovisual technologies such as satellite and digital on-demand television. China has responded to the threat of new media with the infamous Gold Shield Project and increasingly severe penalties for breeches of its digital information policies. Most media industries, however, have at least partially acquiesced to the cultural hegemony of Hollywood and the United States (Feigenbaum 2002).

If we accept the premise that global trade liberalisation has been a central tenet of U.S. foreign policy since 1945, the reasons for U.S. hostility toward left-wing regimes abroad becomes obvious. Left-wing leaders typically promote socialist and populist policies such as protectionism, nationalisation of industries and the socialisation of services, all of which are anathema global free trade. Virtually every left-wing government since World War 2, almost all of them democratically elected, has faced at least some degree of opposition from the U.S. Government ranging from trade sanctions to overthrow and the instigations of coup d’etats.

The following examples of covert foreign regime change actions illustrate the lengths that Western politicians have been willing to go in order to protect private property and ensure free trade across the globe. In the 1953 Iranian coup d’etat, the CIA collaborated with the United Kingdom depose the democratically elected Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh who was attempting to nationalise Iran’s petroleum industry, which threatened the profits of British Petroleum (BP) (New York Times 2000). During the Guatemalan Revolution of 1944-54, the CIA engineered the overthrow of the democratically elected Jacobo Arbenz whose ambitious agrarian reforms designed to grant land to millions of landless peasants were seen as a threat to the land holdings of the United Fruit Company. After the CIA installed a puppet regime led by the military dictator Carlos Castillo Armas, the country entered a civil war lasting decades in which over 200,000 people were killed (Streeter 2000). Probably the most famous example of a democratically elected leftist leader who was ousted by the U.S. is Chile’s Salvador Allende who adopted collectivist policies that nationalised industry before being deposed, killed, and replaced by the far more repressive Augusto Pinochet. A more recent example, though not himself deposed by U.S. machinations, was the Venezuelan leader Hugo Chavez whose administration proposed and enacted democratic socialist economic policies involving redistribution of wealth, land reforms, and the establishment of worker-owned cooperatives.

Despite all of this, it remains fashionable in both scholarly and popular discourses to maintain that globalisation and Americanisation are wholly distinct phenomena. As mentioned earlier, representatives of large multinationals such as McDonald’s often attempt to portray their relationships with local cultures as bi-directional and reflexive rather than hegemonic, pointing to such practices as incorporating elements of indigenous cuisine into fast-food menus (Conversi 2010). Another somewhat inane example is the choice made by McDonald’s to replace Ronald McDonald with Asterix the Gaul as their official mascot for French markets. Globalisation apologists often employ the terms ‘glocalism’ and ‘glocalisation’ in an attempt to describe these ‘intercultural’ encounters as being largely symmetric and egalitarian and to characterise globalisation as being compatible with the maintenance of local cultures. What we typically see, however, are local businesses being forced to Americanise their appearance and practices by market pressures (Conversi 2010). One prominent example is ‘Bollywood’, which despite being heralded as an affirmation of Indian national identity, produces cultural content that merely imitates American cultural forms (Rao 2007). A case can be made that such indigenised forms of ‘Americana’ are potentially even more devastating to cultural diversity than more candid forms of imperialism because they can more easily don the disguise of national indigenousness (Conversi 2010).

We can conclude that while superficial efforts have been made on the part of multinational corporations to adapt their products to indigenous cultures, such efforts are motivated by market forces rather than by any concern for cultural diversity and tend only to exacerbate trends toward cultural homogenisation. While optimists taking the long view may interpret American cultural hegemony as a necessary evil required to lay the groundwork for a truly cosmopolitan global society at some point in the future, it simply does not make sense to posit neoliberal globalisation as being continuous with earlier globalising trends. The period from 1945 to the present coincides with the ascendency of a global order taking a very particular form and encompassing the widespread enforcement of trade liberalisation, privitisation, deregulation, and an antipathy toward left wing regimes. Whether Americanisation will become a permanent fixture of our transition to a truly planetary society remains to be seen.

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‘The ability to live free from violence and fear is a basic human right.’ – Sandra Horley CBE, Chief Executive of Refuge. Annual Report, 2014, p 2

Introduction

A brief essay cannot detail all aspects of a topic which transcends gender or sexual orientation and encompasses psychological, physical, sexual, financial, and emotional abuse. Domestic violence (DV) includes forced marriage, human trafficking, rape and sexual assaults, ‘honour killings’ and elder abuse (Crown Prosecution Service, 2015). While recognising the importance of these issues and acknowledging that men can also be victims, this essay will focus on DV against women. The evidence shows that the majority of victims are women in heterosexual relationships (Department of Health, 2005). Also, as women tend to have overall responsibility for their offspring, it is relevant to discuss the impact of DV on the children involved.

Domestic violence against women will be noted in the context of patriarchy, but this essay will also build on the main findings of Dobash and Dobash’s groundbreaking research (1979) which helped to identify DV as a separate topic for investigation. Many responses have been developed to meet the needs of victims. This essay will focus on the ‘Refuge’ model and the newer ‘MARAC’ inter-agency support structure. For illustrative purposes, case histories will be cited where appropriate. Finally, as modernisation of services has attracted criticism and reductions in funding have put pressure on service provision, the impact of these changes will be considered.

Domestic violence is defined as ‘any incident or pattern of incidents of controlling, coercive, threatening behaviour, violence or abuse between those age 16 or over who are, or who have been, intimate partners or family members regardless of gender or sexuality’ (Home Office, 2013).

The Crown Prosecution Service states that one in four women in England and Wales will be a victim of DV during her lifetime (CPS, 2015). International statistics suggest that one in three (one billion women) have suffered DV (Heise et al, 1999). UK police receive one phone call every minute of every day (Women’s Aid, 2014) and the British Crime Survey estimated that 12.9 million DV incidents are perpetrated against women over a one year period. At the same time, DV against men accounts for a further 2.5 million incidents (Walby and Allen, 2004). It must be acknowledged that female victims can on occasions be the aggressor. However, the level of violence inflicted by men is generally more extreme (Hester, 2009). Repeat victimisation is also more common in DV cases than in any other type of violent crime.

The impact on victims is long-lasting. Besides physical injuries, women face increased incidence of depression and suicidal ideation. Psychosomatic disorders are commonplace and there is greater risk of unplanned pregnancy, HIV or STIs (World Health Organisation, 2002). Finally, they run an increased risk of being killed: every week, two women in the UK are murdered by their current or former partner (CPS, 2015). The World Health Organisation estimates that 40-70% of murdered women are killed by their current or former partner (WHO, 2002).

Children are also victims. Women’s Aid (2015) notes that mothers shield their children to the best of their ability, and may defer seeking help in the belief that the family should stay together. However, 90% of DV incidents are witnessed by children who may also be victims of abuse at the hands of the same perpetrator (Department of Health, 2005).

DV has not always been viewed seriously. Early feminists identified violence towards women as a form of patriarchy, arguing that the power relationships inherent in patriarchal society were reflected in male domination of the domestic sphere (Millett, 1970). In 1971, Erin Pizzey opened the first UK Women’s Refuge in West London. At that time, DV was rarely spoken of openly but the volume of women and children seeking help forced the issue onto the political agenda. In 1975, the first Government Select Committee was created to investigate DV. They recommended a minimum of one family refuge place per 10,000 people. The following year (1976) the Domestic Violence and Matrimonial Proceedings Act was enacted, offering civil protection orders (injunctions) for those at risk of abuse. The Housing Act (Homeless Persons) 1977 acknowledged that women and children at risk of violence were effectively homeless and had the right to state-funded temporary accommodation (Isaac, 2014). Domestic violence costs the taxpayer money: ?3.1 billion in 2004 (Department of Health, 2005). However, the cost to the victims is immeasurable.

A ground-breaking study of women in a Glasgow refuge confirmed that most abuse goes unreported. Male sexual jealousy was the usual source of conflict. Most women believed the abuse would stop after marriage, suggesting that warning signs were there at an early stage (Dobash and Dobash, 1979). This is supported by a recent SafeLives survey, which found that victims stayed in abusive relationships for around three years during which time they could be assaulted up to fifty times. On average, they saw five professionals in the final year before accessing specialised help (Topping, 2015). Refuge (2014) noted that women using their services had suffered for an average of five years before escaping.

The opening of the first Refuge marked a sea-change in service provision. Refuge is now one of the best-known charities involved in the sector, with a network of ‘safe houses’ across fifteen local authorities. Their experience, garnered over four decades, gives them a credible voice and their ‘three-pronged approach’ – provision, protection and prevention – has spawned a range of services.

Refuge protects women by advocating on their behalf for services, and lobbying for implementation of progressive legislation. They advise other agencies on best practice and campaign to raise awareness of DV by promoting education, training and research. DV should never be taken lightly: 80% of victims suffer multiple types of abuse, including physical, sexual, financial and emotional violence. 55% of women accessing Refuges had been strangled or choked by their partner and 55% had received threats to kill (Refuge, 2014):

‘Michelle was in a coma for thirteen weeks after being savagely attacked by her ex-partner. He hit her with a crowbar thirteen times. Her children witnessed the assault.’ (Refuge, 2014, p 6)

Most Refuge residents were denied access to economic resources, including bank accounts or welfare payments. Sometimes debts had been accrued in their name, and they may have been prevented from accessing education or employment. Empowering women to regain financial independence with workshops on budgeting skills and ‘preparation for work’ courses are key components of the Refuge programme (Refuge, 2014).

Activities are organised locally with input from refuge residents, and often reflect the ethnicity of the client group: the Hackney Refuge celebrates Eid and Diwali festivals with the exchange of gifts and special food prepared by the residents. Refuges are sensitive to the cultural needs of minorities, including victims of human trafficking and those with insecure residential status. ‘Special’ services are staffed by refuge workers (who speak a total of 28 different languages) from the same cultural background (Refuge, 2014).

‘Ayla’ suffered years of abuse at the hands of her husband and his relatives before fleeing with her daughter and contacting police. Her husband was arrested; Ayla was referred to the Refuge because of the serious risk of ‘honour’-based violence. Her Key Worker introduced her to a local service which provided counselling in Kurdish to help her manage her depression and build up her confidence. She notes:

‘Ayla ….. continued to receive death threats from her extended family for leaving her husband. When she arrived at the Refuge, she had some bruising to her face and her right ear. She could not hear in this ear …………. She was sent for various tests at the local hospital [and] was found to be profoundly deaf in her right ear due to the physical violence she had suffered over the years.’ (Refuge, 2014, p6)

A Refuge is home to the women and children for weeks, months or longer. Two out of every three residents are children, traumatised and needing specialist support. Children who witness domestic violence suffer emotional abuse. The effects include anxiety, depression, insomnia, nightmares, bedwetting, truanting, aggression, social isolation and loss of self-esteem. Older children may begin using alcohol or drugs, may develop eating disorders or resort to self-harm. (Women’s Aid, n.d.) Specially trained Child Support Workers are in every Refuge.

Once life-threatening injuries are dealt with, other needs are assessed. Refuge staff are adept at organising multi-agency interventions, including support for alcohol and drug misuse or mental health issues. Finding a safe permanent home is not easy but women are supported at every stage. On leaving the Refuge, women can access community-based outreach networks providing continued support for their individual needs.

Services are currently being stretched to breaking point as funding is slashed. Home Secretary Theresa May has refused to ring-fence budgets for women’s refuges, and public policy has changed to offering protection orders to victims and supporting them to remain in their local community. Erin Pizzey, founder of the UK Refuge movement, thinks this is a retrograde step: ‘My therapeutic model included long-term shared accommodation for vulnerable mothers and children. That is still needed.’ (Laville, 2014). The impact of budget cuts is significant. During 2014, refuges received 20,736 referrals. Of these, 31% – around 6,800 women – had to be turned away (Refuge, 2014).

New support structures for high-risk victims include ‘MARAC’ – a ‘Multi-Agency Risk Assessment Conference’ – which brings together social workers, children’s services managers, police and probation officers, drug and alcohol workers, housing officers, mental health officials, medical practitioners, GP link workers, and specialist domestic violence service managers. The concept originated in Cardiff following the deaths of a toddler and an unborn child as a result of DV. There are 288 MARACS across England, Wales, Northern Ireland, Guernsey and Scotland, and they usually meet monthly (Tickle, 2014).

DV victims deemed at particularly high risk of suffering traumatic or life-threatening events have their cases referred to their local MARAC. Only fifteen out of every thousand cases are men. Panel members contribute their knowledge of each case: rapid decisions are made and actions follow (Tickle, 2014).

In one instance a man had made serious threats towards his partner’s unborn child; child protection social workers were immediately assigned to the case. The victim was unaware of her partner’s previous convictions for battery. Under the Domestic Violence Disclosure Scheme (‘Clare’s Law’) it was decided to inform her of his previous history (Tickle, 2014). It is not apparent from these measures just how safe the victim would be, or how confident she would feel, while awaiting more permanent arrangements. Despite MARAC’s attempts to create a safety net around potential victims, the number of fatalities linked to DV has not decreased.

Links between MARACs and multi-agency hubs based in local authority areas are being enhanced to facilitate earlier identification of cases, particularly those involving children. The risk to a child in an abusive household may be higher than the risk to the adult, and many of these children remain unknown to children’s services. However, the multi-agency approach has its critics. Hague (1998) acknowledges the potential benefits of the policy but cautions against over-optimism, arguing that they exclude the main stakeholders – the victims – as contributors, and can provide a smokescreen to disguise inaction. She also predicted the marginalisation of the refuge movement (Hague, 1998).

Preparing an abuse victim to leave home and find a place of safety takes time. Tickle (2014) notes: ‘Becoming safer and staying safe are long-term, hard-won goals.’ There are many barriers to ending a relationship with an abusive partner, including shame, guilt, lack of support, and financial dependence. Safety is a real concern, and with good reason. Women are considered to be at the greatest risk of homicide at the point of separation or after leaving a violent partner (Refuge, 2015). However, the links between DV services and the Justice system have been considerably strengthened in recent years. Independent Domestic Violence Advocates (IDVAs) are specialist refuge staff based in police stations, hospitals etc, working with ‘high risk’ women and supporting them through the criminal and civil justice systems. During 2013 – 2014, IDVAs supported 2,642 new women and 2,918 children, including helping 1,024 women through the criminal justice system. 95% of women who wanted to make an official complaint were empowered to do so, and 58% of cases which went to court resulted in a guilty verdict (Refuge, 2014, p 11).

Conclusion

This essay has shown the extent and nature of DV in the UK and the efforts made to provide support for victims. Services have progressed enormously and DV is no longer treated lightly. Police prosecute when they have the evidence to do so, courts have the power to remove abusers from the family home, and women are becoming more aware of the services available to them.

Despite this, women are still at risk. Education and public awareness have roles to play in reducing the incidence of DV. In a multi-cultural society such as the UK, it is also essential that women facing particular challenges because of their ethnicity or cultural heritage have the confidence to come forward and lead by example from within their communities.

The Refuge model has operated successfully for decades but it has limitations. Their literature rightly highlights their work with women and children, but it does not clarify what happens to adolescent sons. It seems doubtful that they can be accommodated within a Refuge, even though they are presumably as emotionally damaged as their sisters or younger brothers. The Refuge is probably the safest option for women, but that protection may carry a price they are not prepared to pay.

It also seems doubtful that abused women would feel completely safe in their family home with just a court order between them and a clenched fist. The MARAC concept has huge potential and it is encouraging to see cooperation between agencies. However, notwithstanding budgetary pressures, when there is an immediate danger to a woman and her children, it would surely more prudent to arrange safe accommodation rather than to rely on care in the community. Nevertheless, women do move on from domestic abuse and the stories of survivors are truly inspiring.

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This essay will consider the role of citizens in two areas of justice: environmental justice and trade justice. Environmental justice will be examined specifically in relations to the issue of sound pollution (Open University, 2015c, p.31). Secondly, the role of citizens in ensuring trade justice will be examined. This can relate to the notion that all trade should have fair and equal access to trading markets (Open University, 2015e, p.21).

Sound is environmental pollution that occurs as a result of an individual exercising their right to positive freedom, the right to exercise their liberty free from constraint (Open University, 2015a, p.59). In this case, sound pollution may differ in definition depending on the context and the type of sound. It has been demonstrated that people are much more tolerant of some sounds that they deem necessary, such as traffic noise. However, noise also impinges upon individuals’ right to a peaceful existence (Open University, 2015c, p.31). There are a number of health benefits associated with a low level of background noise, and it is clear that restraints should be considered in terms of how far someone has the right to affect this (Open University, 2015c, p.41).

Given the definition of what constitutes noise may varies between different people, ages and cultures, it is impossible to have a standard rule that should apply in all cases of sound production (Open University, 2015c, p.44). People accept that there is likely to be environmental noises: even the tranquillity of the countryside involves farming machinery and that they cannot control this sound production (Open University, 2015c, pp.23-24). Furthermore, it seems problematic to have sanctions against noise when this does not affect other people (Open University, 2015c, p.44). In justice terms, therefore, the approach may be concerned with ensuring that people have the freedom to make noise as long as this does not impinge significantly upon other people’s rights to peace, within reason (Open University, 2015a, p.59). Given the definition changes of what noise might be regarded as problematic varies between people, it would seem this could be left to the judgment of those affected. It is accepted that some level of background noise is acceptable when it is unavoidable and has some benefit, such as building work. Other uses of sound, such as playing music at a high volume might be regarded as less acceptable: it offers some benefit to the person, but such benefits can still be achieved at a lower volume or through the use of headphones.

A drawback with the use of citizens in ensuring such justice is that it requires negotiation between different parties, and there may be individual differences between what people perceive is acceptable or unacceptable (Open University, 2015c ,p.44). There is a greater expectation for quiet and privacy today than in the past, but many buildings are poorly insulated against noise transmission and therefore even a low level of sound in a home can be disturbing (Open University, 2015c, p.44). The onus is placed upon the individual who believes that the noise is disturbing in arguing their case and there is also a responsibility of the person who produces the noise to respond sympathetically (Open University, 2015c, p.78). Therefore, where there are disagreements concerning the appropriateness of noise production, there may be tensions; for example, practising a musical instrument may be noise pollution to some people but may be regarded as necessary for work for another.

In such cases some further arbitration with the requisite requirements of what constitutes a ‘reasonable’ balance between noise production and peaceful existence (Open University, 2015c, p.77). Where noise is predictable and easily measured, such as in homes close to an airport, zoning regulation that controls the level of noise at different times of day should make a difference (Open University, 2015c, p.77). Therefore, there are contexts in which citizen’s involvement in ensuring justice may be exhausted. Nevertheless, for noise produced in the neighbourhood, citizens play an important role in regulating their noise production or tolerating a level of noise deemed acceptable, and this informs the guidelines or legal enforcement that may develop to regulate the soundscape.

Citizens have been argued to have a role in ensuring fair trade by purchasing goods that hold the ‘Fairtrade’ label (Open University, 2015d, p.5). It has been argued that access to markets is disproportionately available owing to the fact that there is limited protection to short-term market fluctuations (Open University, 2015d, p.5). This is particularly acute in some goods such as sugar, coffee, tea and chocolate, which are largely produced in poorer countries (Open University, 2015d, p.7). Fairtrade guarantees a minimum market price depending upon certain conditions. For example, farmers involved in the conditions need to invest some of the profit into community projects, adhere to a number of ethical guidelines and environmental practices (Open University, 2015d, p.9). By using the fair trade label, the organisation informs consumers that they are buying a good that supports such communities. Therefore, citizens support the aim of the organisation by changing their purchasing behaviour accordingly. Through their consumer behaviour, citizens believe they are helping producers receive a more equitable distribution of resources (Open University, 2015b, p.56).

There are two drawbacks to the Fairtrade process. The first is whether this is effectively a form of citizen justice or whether this is simply a type of conspicuous consumerism (Open University, 2015d, p.15). As many Fairtrade goods are more expensive than equivalents, they are perhaps a way that consumers attempt to show off their environmentalist credentials conspicuously rather than for this being the primary basis for their behaviour (Open University, 2015d, p.15). However, there is also the question of whether this matters: one argument is the more people buy Fairtrade goods, the more lucrative this market will be, and the lower this price differential will be. Therefore, although initially this serves as a symbolic boundary between Fairtrade consumers and others, price is a more significant determinant for consumers to make their decision (Open University, 2015d, p.17). Therefore, the decision of some supermarkets to make their own-brand teas hold the Fairtrade label may be an example that the label does not preclude participation to the wealthiest

A second issue that might consider whether citizens have a role in the Fairtrade process is whether the framework is a success: does this provide a better option for agricultural producers than other methods (Open University, 2015d, p.25). In the Fairtrade model, there is little attention paid to the working conditions of casual labourers, and research has demonstrated that for most workers, there is no difference at all between working on a Fairtrade farm and non-Fairtrade farm (Open University, 2015d, p.41). It has also been argued that intervention on this scale might affect the workings of the open market which uses price to create incentives to efficiency (Open University, 2015d, p.54). However, Fairtrade allows poorer farmers to avoid being victims of seasonal price fluctuations that might occur after sowing by guaranteeing them a price each year. Nonetheless, these benefits are initially strong for farmers, but research has shown these benefits are short-lived (Open University, 2015d, p.59).

In conclusion, there is clearly a role for citizens in justice for both the issues of environmental sound and in Fairtrade. In environmental sound, given the subjective assessments of what constitutes noise pollution and different ideas of what the right to tranquillity involves, citizens have an active role to play. However, for some aspects of noise pollution such as industrial or transportation noise, or where there is no agreement between citizens, this issue may be more effectively resolved by government intervention. In Fairtrade, citizen involvement can have some effect in mitigating the negative effects of the market, but perhaps represents one way in which development can be assured in poorer countries. Therefore, there is clearly a role for citizens in justice, but there are limits to the impact of this involvement.

Precis

Environmental justice and trade justice are two areas in which citizens can play a role. In environmental justice, the right to tranquillity against the right to produce noise can depend upon subjective factors. Where the noise is unavoidable and involves benefits, tolerance may be higher. Where the noise level can be reasonably controlled, such as playing music on a loudspeaker, tolerance may vary. Zoning, where industrial or transport activity is regulated to reduce noise level can occur in some areas. Therefore, citizens help identify nuisances, but regulations and enforcement may be required.

Citizens may play a role in ensuring trade justice. Fairtrade is a system whereby a minimum price is guaranteed for farmers in return for investment in community projects or environmental methods. Consumers may buy Fairtrade products to ensure a fair price for producers. This has been criticised as a type of conspicuous consumption, but it has also received the support of retailers, allowing for a more inclusive role. Secondly, the impact of Fairtrade has been questioned: it is based on a model of family farms and does not take into account the conditions of casual workers. However, as it allows minimum price, it can offer some benefit to small-scale producers. Therefore, in both cases there is a role for citizens in ensuring justice.

References

Open University (2015a). DD103, Week 13- Introducing Common Resources and Rights. Available at WEBPAGE, [accessed 30^th July, 2017].

Open University (2015b). DD103, Week 20- Exploring Boundaries, Available at WEBPAGE, [accessed 30^th July, 2017].

Open University (2015c). DD103, Week 23 -Managing the Soundscape, Available at WEBPAGE, [accessed 30^th July, 2017].

Open University (2015d). DD103, Week 24- Fair Trade: Bridging Boundaries, Available at WEBPAGE, [accessed 30^th July, 2017].

Open University (2015e). DD103, Block 4- Review and Consolidation, Available at WEBPAGE, [accessed 30^th July, 2017].

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The debate over whether social problems are socially constructed or biologically determined takes us immediately into the realms of constructivism and positivism. As such, we must begin our essay by offering a definition of the two fundamentally important sociological paradigms. Constructivism implies that social problems are indeed the result of socially constructed phenomena. Viewed from the constructivist perspective, the myriad of social, cultural, economic and political factors that affect the day to day running of contemporary society are subject to a variety of competing pressures, each of which are able to create new social problems where – in a different social, cultural, economic and political context – none would have arisen. Thus, society itself is the trigger for conflict and resolution; society itself is the location of the answers to the questions posited by the complexities of social construction. Thus, “because we are locked into our society, because our journey of knowledge occurs within the journey of our societies, we cannot know things about society with absolute certainty – the ‘truth’s of the social sciences are interpretative.”

The positivist tradition, on the other hand, takes a different approach. Beginning with the publication of The Positive Philosophy by French intellectual Auguste Comte in 1853, the positivist tradition to sociological theory has historically sought to underline the significance of science to the study of society and its ills. According to Comte, “the social world of human relationships could be treated as though it is similar to the natural world of inanimate objects.” As a result, positivist sociologists have since aimed to show how t is possible to develop a scientific study of society as though the study of society is equivalent to studying ‘social physics.’ Thus, human beings, their behaviour and interaction, have since been treated as scientific variables while society itself has been interpreted as methodological, scientific data with ‘cause and effect’ reduced to ‘results and equations.’ The implication here is that biology and other scientifically verifiable instances of pre-disposition towards deviance are responsible for the creation of social problems.

Taken at face value, these two opposing sociological theories would appear to suggest a deep-seated theoretical schism in the understanding of society and its many and varied problems. Yet both the positivist tradition and the constructivist tradition seek in the first instance to underscore that social problems are the result of delinquency and abnormal psychology. However, because, according to Gerald Davison, John Neale and Ann Kring, “the way different societies understand abnormal behaviour strongly affects the way they treat it,” the divergence between these two opposing sociological schools should be considered to be a natural schism over what is an inexorably complex, multi-faceted subject.

For instance, if we start from the assumption that society is, as a construct of human beings, controlled by the behaviour of people, then we must assume that biology plays some kind of a role in determining which elements of society are prone to problem types of behaviour and, conversely, which elements of society conform to cultural ‘norms.’ As the fundamental building blocks upon which humankind has been built, biology has historically been the first place to look in attempting to rationalise people and the deviations inherent within the organisation of any given society. Biology has, it can be argued, been able to show the innate behavioural differences between the sexes, highlighting how males have traditionally been more prone to producing social problems such as crime and disorder than females. However, according to Anthony Giddens, any attempt to understand society (even the differences between the sexes) as a ‘natural’ product of biology and genetic engineering can only remain fixed firmly within the realms of scientific hypothesis and not scientific fact.

“There is no evidence of the mechanisms which would link such biological forces with the complex social behaviour exhibited by human men and women. Theories which see individuals as complying with some kind of innate predisposition neglect the vital role of social interaction in shaping human behaviour.”

Ultimately, although adopting such a standpoint enables science to provide answers as to why social problems exist, it does not take into account the inherent diversity between peoples that is such a crucial part of the human condition. If, for example, we think of the modern urban space as representing a microcosm of human society, we can see how biology is completely incapable of accounting for the vast range of characteristics, problems and successes of the modern urban community. Factors such as ‘social exclusion’ and ‘urban degeneration’ are equally, if not more, important than biology in determining which sectors of society are subject to the most social problems. In bypassing the potentially debilitating sociological effects of poverty, exclusion and housing, the proponents of the positivist approach to sociology ignore some of the most basic triggers for social problems in the contemporary era. Only by understanding and acknowledging the complex interaction of sociological forces which conspire to render a person or a community problematic can policies be put in place to remedy the ills.

We should also note how social problems are in many ways created by the very society which purports to be in such a state of distress. Stan Cohen observed as much in his seminal study Folk Devils and Moral Panics: the Creation of Mods and Rockers where the author acknowledged that, throughout history “societies appear to be subject, every now and again, to periods of moral panic. A condition, episode, person or group of person emerges to become defined as a threat to societal values and interests; its nature is presented in a stylised and stereotypical fashion by the mass media; the moral barricades are manned by editors, bishops, politicians and other right-thinking people.”

Viewed through this prism, social problems – especially those social problems relating to crime, delinquency and disorder – can be seen to have been constructed as a means of protecting the traditional socio-political elite from what it perceives as a threat to its moral authority with the global mass media being the vehicle through which the social construction of delinquency has been transported to the news-consuming general public. The vilification of youth culture which Cohen so brilliantly exposed can be seen to have been repeated in a variety of forms since the 1970s. When, for instance, we pause to consider the media’s portrayal of youth culture at the dawn of the twenty first century with the incumbent demonisation of ‘hoodies’, we can see the extent to which social problems can, firstly, be constructed by a fearful socio-political elite and, secondly, how that fear can be disseminated via the media as a sociological fact. This is what Cohen refers to as “deviancy amplification” whereby the projection of the threat from a perceived social problem is grossly over-exaggerated, resulting in many cases in the cultural myth transpiring into a social reality. In this way, then, we can begin to see how the question of society and its myriad of problems is not nearly as straightforward a question as it at first appears.

Conclusion

One cannot offer a conclusion as to the production of society’s problems without reference to social construction. The idea that all of society’s problems are the result of pre-determined biological engineering is little short of preposterous, having its roots in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries imperialism and the need to underscore the white European man’s position at the top of the global hierarchy. Ultimately, sociology, while designated a ‘social science’, is not a science in the strictest sense. As Ken Browne notes, “the differences between the ‘natural’ sciences and sociology mean that sociologists cannot follow exactly the same procedures or produce such precise findings as those in the natural sciences.”

In the final analysis, as a study of people and their interactions with one another, the study of society cannot be reduced to scientific pre-determination, methodology, facts and figures. Only by acknowledging the complex interaction of forces that conspire to trigger social problems, can the broader issues of society and humanity be more adequately understood.

References

Browne, K. (2005) An Introduction to Sociology: Third Edition Cambridge: Polity Press

Cohen, S. (2002) Folk Devils and Moral Panics: The Creation of Mods and Rockers: Second Edition London and New York: Routledge

Davison, G.C., Neale, J.M. and Kring, A.M. (2003) Abnormal Psychology: Ninth Edition London: John Wiley & Sons

Einstadter, W.J. and Henry, S. (2006) Criminological Theory: An Analysis of its Underlying Assumptions London and New York: Rowman & Littlefield

Giddens, A. (2006) Sociology: Fifth Edition Cambridge: Polity Press

Jacobs, B. and Dutton, C. (1999) Social and Community Issues, in, Roberts, P. and Sykes, H. (Eds.) Urban Regeneration: A Handbook London and New York: Sage

Morrison, F. (1995) Theoretical Criminology: From Modernity to Post Modernism London and New York: Routledge

Roberts, P. (1999) The Evolution, Definition and Purpose of Urban Regeneration, in, Roberts, P. and Sykes, H. (Eds.) Urban Regeneration: A Handbook London and New York: Sage

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An Investigation of Principles, Care Strategies and Theories Related to Social Care Practice
Part One

This section provides a summative assessment of the principles, care strategies and theories that direct social care work within the UK. Specifically, the application of support principles, procedures for protecting clients from harm and the advantages of utilising a person-centred approach in working with clients are discussed. Additionally, ethical issues, applicable policies, legislation issues and regulation and the impacts of existing policies are presented in relation to providing social care.

Applications of Support Principles

Ensuring that individuals are properly cared for in health and social care requires the application of a number of support principles. Examples of these support principles include equity in the provision of care, universality in its accessibility and providing multiple financial options for individuals of all backgrounds (Alcock, Daly & Griggs, 2008). As the individuals who require health and social care services differ in their ethnic, cultural, social and socioeconomic backgrounds, these support principles are pivotal in meeting the needs of the greatest percentage of the population (Alcock et al., 2008). Valuing diversity and providing support for families of varying backgrounds is a critical component of UK health and social care policy (Alcock et al., 2008).

Procedures for Protecting Clients from Harm

Protecting clients from harm is another important consideration for social care home managers within the UK. Generally, clients taking advantage of social care services are in vulnerable positions, and face financial, psychological or medical difficulties that make them prone to potential harm or abuse (Alcock, May & Rowlingson, 2008). The practise of safeguarding social care receivers is critical to preventing such abuse (Alcock et al., 2008). Current National Health Service (NHS, 2012) policy mandates that health and social care workers adhere to strict procedures for preventing neglect or abuse. Practitioners are held accountable for the services they provide, as well as their efforts to empower clients, protect their confidentiality and basic human rights and taking any additional measures necessary to protect vulnerable clients (NHS, 2012).

Benefits of the Person-Centred Approach

The person-centred approach guides all current UK health and social care practice (Edwards, 2012). This model of care, based on the early therapeutic work of Carl Rogers, emphasises protecting the individual rights of clients, and making decisions in a manner that best meets their unique needs (Moon, 2008). While this term is used frequently in other health and social care systems, many find themselves actually relying on financial and political considerations when planning care (Moon, 2008). The NHS prides itself on placing client satisfaction in the spotlight and enacting legislation that protects this person-centred approach, such as the Human Rights and Equality Acts (NHS, 2012). The advantages of this model range from increased client satisfaction, the ability to reach individuals from a diverse range of ethnic and financial backgrounds and more effective case outcomes (Edwards, 2012).

Ethical Dilemmas and Conflicts

Health and social care is a field rife with potential ethical dilemmas and conflicts. Examples of ethical dilemmas that commonly arise in this field are potential legal violations on the part of a client or colleague, the necessity to select between case alternatives that do not meet client needs, reporting unethical or illegal behaviour on the part of the client and negotiating roles and responsibilities when working with vulnerable population members (Edwards, 2012). Due to the sometimes-sensitive nature of the health and social care field, the NHS maintains ethical guidelines and policies for all practitioners to follow (McLean, 2010). Additionally, these guidelines are subject to perpetual reform to adapt to changing population needs (McLean, 2010).

Implementation of Policies, Legislation, Regulations and Codes

The NHS continually evaluates its policies, legislation, regulations and codes to ensure they are relevant and specific to the varying ethnic, cultural and financial backgrounds of the population (Tingle & Bark, 2011). The Health and Social Care Act 2012 currently serves as the most extensive legislation guiding the field within the UK (Department of Health, 2012). This act maintains policies on health and social care providers, professional accountability and the organisation of the field (Department of Health, 2012). Within this act are specific policy standards providing a greater voice for patients, a more patient-centred model of care and standards on streamlining health and social care services to prevent inefficiency (Department of Health, 2012). The result of this act has been greater accessibility of care and improved health and social care efficiency (Department of Health, 2012).

Local Policies and Procedures

While UK legislation guides health and social care practice throughout the region, local policies and procedures may vary depending on population needs (Tingle & Bark, 2011). For example, regions with higher or lower socioeconomic statuses may adapt local health and social care policy accordingly (Tingle & Bark, 2011). In such cases, local government associations or community well-being associations can convene to reform procedures in a manner that best meets local needs (Department of Health, 2012). These organisations serve to inform NHS policy through highlighting various local health and social care needs (McLean, 2010). Through adapting local policies and procedures to meet community need, the NHS is able to deliver a higher quality of service on a national level (McLean, 2010).

Impact of Policy, Legislation and Codes of Practice

Legislation, policy and code reform have a profound impact on health and social care practice. This reform protects both clients and practitioners, and provides practical guidance as to best practices related to specific social care needs (Department of Health, 2012). The aim of evaluating policy, legislation and codes of practice is to ensure that standards are current, relevant, clear to clients and practitioners and ensure the safe and ethical care of all individuals (Tingle & Bark, 2011).

Part Two

Changes in rules and legislations regarding health and social care practice serve to protect clients from discrimination and facilitate optimal person-centred care. Understanding the theories, social processes and professional roles involved can promote more holistic care delivery and prevent common ethical dilemmas. This section discusses such theoretical contributions to the health and social care field, as well as changes in organisational policy.

Theories Underpinning Health and Social Care Practice

Theory is critical to the field of health and social care, as it directs all practice (Jones & Atwal, 2009). The general theories and models of care utilised within the healthcare system ultimately dictate its legislation and policy reform (Jones & Atwal, 2009). Furthermore, delivering care based on theory helps guide future health and social care research (Jones & Atwal, 2009).

Health and social care within the UK is largely based on humanistic theory (Edwards, 2012). Humanistic theory emphasises the individual needs of each individual in designing care services, protecting clients’ individual rights, autonomy and dignity (Levin et al., 2011). Additionally, humanistic health and social care values the significance of effective communication with clients and colleagues, as well as in inter-professional working environments (Edwards, 2012). Humanistic theory is responsible for the person-centred model of care practised within the UK, which has subsequently directed recent policy reform (Levin et al., 2011).

Additionally, social learning theory has had a large impact on health and social care practice in the UK (Jones & Atwal, 2009). This theory highlights the importance of learning through observation and modelling in terms of adhering to a care plan (Jones & Atwal, 2009). Through understanding the significance of this form of learning, care home managers can empower clients and provide the best possible care to individuals of diverse backgrounds (Mendelstem, 2009). Theory-driven health and social care practice is generally better suited to address the multiple factors that influence practice (Mendelstem, 2009).

Finally, anti-oppressive theory and anti-discriminatory practice have shaped health and social care in the UK (Alcock et al., 2008). Anti-oppressive theory pertains to a style of professionalism that emphasises the role of social justice and the significance of individual rights (Alcock et al., 2008). Anti-discriminatory practice refers to social work that serves a range of diverse social and ethnic backgrounds, and does not limit service based on any of these characteristics (Alcock et al., 2008).

Impacts of Social Processes

Social learning and other social processes can impact health and social care services in varying ways. For example, user involvement has recently been a key focus of policy reform within the UK (King’s Fund, 2011). This practice has promoted a more patient-centred health care model that accounts for the perspectives of both patients and caregivers (King’s Fund, 2011). Research (e.g., Levin et al., 2011) has demonstrated that user involvement has improved service related to cancer care, as well as other disciplines within the health and social care umbrella. Forming a partnership with health and social care users and professionals can improve the inter-professional working environment and strengthen individual impacts on both policy and care (King’s Fund, 2011).

Additionally, engaging users and accounting for social processes in directing health care policy has shifted the current model from a reactive-oriented approach to one that is more proactive (Hearnden , 2008). Through incorporating service users, for example, the health and social care field has been able to anticipate cultural change and meet the needs of an increasingly diverse population (Hearnden , 2008). Finally, the combination of the engagement of users and the person-centred care model, the process of social exclusion within the health care system has largely been avoided (Hearnden , 2008).

Effectiveness of Inter-Professional Working

Health and social care within the UK is trending toward an increasingly inter-professional working model (Wallace & Davies, 2009). This health and social care policy promotes the collaboration of professionals to best meet the needs of clients (Wallace & Davies, 2009). The NHS has incorporated this policy into its legislation, and emphasises care that fosters working relationships between differing professional organisations (Trodd & Chivers, 2011). This model of care has resulted in a higher level of care within the UK, and has been critical in transforming perspectives on healthcare (Trodd & Chivers, 2011).

Accompanying the inter-professional model of care in the UK has been a more collaborative educational model (Courtenay, 2012). Practitioners are increasingly trained to incorporate an understanding of inter-professional care into their academic programmes, leading to a more holistic and patient-centred healthcare system (Courtenay, 2012). The sharing of knowledge that has resulted from this inter-professional model has subsequently created more effective and efficient care plans (Jones & Atwal, 2009). Though the implementation of an inter-professional working environment into practice has faces several challenges, such as a lack of support or training from managers, consistent evaluation and reform has led to improvements in the level of care throughout the UK (Trodd & Chivers, 2011).

Perhaps the most important area in which inter-professional working has been effective is its ability to transcend professional boundaries (Courtenay, 2012). Through effective collaboration with colleagues, professionals are able to share responsibilities and bypass many of the conflicts that previously detracted from these collaborative efforts (Courtenay, 2012). The result has been a more efficient and effective model of care (Courtenay, 2012).

Role, Responsibilities, Accountabilities and Duties

Regardless of one’s specific role within the health and social care system, working within a team environment enables professionals to work through difficult practical problems (Mendelstem, 2009). Additionally, the inter-professional working environment allows professionals to share resources, knowledge and services to solve these complex challenges (Mendelstem, 2009). All professionals are responsible for maintaining ethical codes and professional standards related to their specific health and social care discipline. The effective sharing of information within an inter-professional work environment requires that individuals are held accountable for maintaining a high level of expertise, and effectively carry out their professional duties (Mendelstem, 2009).

Each individual within the inter-professional working environment is also responsible for demonstrating the values and principles set forth by the NHS and their specific professional governance (Jones & Atwal, 2009). Collaborating with colleagues requires ethical conduct, effective verbal and non-verbal communication, respect for the contributions of other members of the care team and sharing responsibilities and professional duties (Harlen, 2005). Understanding these roles, responsibilities, accountabilities and duties facilitates a more holistic, patient-centred model of care (Day & Wigens, 2006). As a health and social care student, educating one’s self regarding these factors and their influence on policy is critical to future practice. Encouraging this understanding further improves the quality and efficiency of the healthcare system (Day & Wigens, 2006).

Contributions to Organisational Policy

Many roles within the health and social care field serve to assist in the implementation and reform of national healthcare policies (Jones & Atwal, 2009). As health and social care is practiced in a diverse range of settings, these workers play a vital role in directing organisational policy (Edwards, 2012). No other professionals possess the combination of organisational and practical insight as health and social care workers, and these professionals are essential in enabling other professionals, such as government officials and educators, in carrying out their duties (Jones & Atwal, 2009).

Additionally, health and social care workers are the first line of defence in safeguarding vulnerable population groups, and are primarily responsible for directing organisational policy regarding protecting these individuals (Department of Health, 2011). In protecting clients’ rights, social care workers are important in obtaining the resources needed to promote best practice standards (Pereira et al., 2008). Finally, through engaging in ethical practice, effectively managing case loads and continuing to increase professional knowledge, social care workers are influential in contributing to organisational quality (Edwards, 2012).

Recommendations for Good Practice

In meeting good practice requirements, education and professional development are vital (Courtenay, 2012). Through continuing to receiver further training, professionals can sharpen their skills and best meet the changing needs of a diverse population (Courtenay, 2012). Additionally, incorporating evidence into practice can facilitate a higher level of quality in health and social care (Rushton, 2005). This practice involves the review and dissemination of current research surrounding health and social care, and the subsequent implementation of this evidence into professional practice (Day & Wigens, 2006). The combination of these strategies can ensure the safeguarding of vulnerable population groups, a more collaborative working environment and the successful adherence to best practice standards (Courtenay, 2012).

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