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Describe the Structure and Functions of Microtubules – Why Can Drugs That Interfere With Microtubule Assembly Be Used as Cancer Therapy?

Introduction

Microtubules form as a highly organised network of polarised tube filaments from a protein called tubulin. Its regulation is needed for processes such as mitosis, cell migration, cell signalling and cell trafficking. The microtubules themselves are regulated by several kinases and phosphatases via signalling cascades, and concomitantly by interactions with actin cytoskeleton and adhesion sites.

Microtubule-targeted drugs (MTDs) constitute a major anticancer therapeutic class having properties of anti-mitotic and anti-angiogenic properties, thereby inhibiting malignant cell growth mainly by altering microtubule dynamics in both cancer and endothelial cells. The key to design of MTDs and the understanding of tumour progression regulators is the identification of proteins regulating the microtubule network.

Cell Morphology and Function

As the name implies, microtubules are hollow tubes having an external diameter of roughly 25nm and a cell wall thickness of 5-7nm. One of their functions is to transport organelles (e.g. secretetory vesicles) through the cytoplasm, a particularly important role in nerve cells where axoplasmic flow is required. They also have a critical role in cilia and flagella movement. Microtubules originate from a complex structure known as centrosome.

Between cell divisions (figure 1), the centrosome is located at the centre of a cell near the nucleus. Embedded in the centrosome are two cylindrical centrioles, arranged at right angles to each other. At the onset of cell division, a centrosome divides and the two daughter centrosomes move to opposite poles of the nucleus to form a mitotic spindle

The functions of microtubules are important to the survival of eukaryotic cells because, along with actin and intermediate filaments, microtubules constitute the cytoskeleton which offers shape and strength to the cytoplasm. It is therefore vital that we understand their fundamentals, such as what they are composed of and how their structure is both maintained and destroyed within cells.

As mentioned in the introduction, the building blocks microtubules are tubulin. However, only two forms of tubulin, ?-tubulin and ?-tubulin, play a role in the formation of the microtubule structure. When the ? and ?-tubulin bind, a useful subunit called a heterodimer forms.

When intracellular conditions favour assembly, tubulin heterodimers assemble into linear protofilaments, which in turn assemble into microtubules. All such assembly is subject to regulation by the cell. [11]

The interactions holding ? and ?-tubulin in a heterodimeric complex are strong enough that ? tubulin subunit rarely dissociates under normal conditions. Each tubulin subunit binds two molecules of GTP. One GTP-binding site, located in ?-tubulin, binds GTP irreversibly and does not hydrolyze it, whereas the second site, located on ?-tubulin, binds GTP reversibly and hydrolyzes it to GDP. The second site is called the exchangeable site because GDP can be displaced by GTP. The recently solved atomic structure of the tubulin subunit reveals that the non-exchangeable GTP is trapped at the interface between the ? and ?-tubulin monomers, while the exchangeable GTP lies at the surface of the subunit

Microtubules may appear to be stable but they usually oscillate between growth and shortening phases. During growth, heterodimers are added on to the end of a microtubule, and during shrinkage they come off as intact subunits. [11]

This active process of assembly and disassembly can be inhibited by a range of drugs that bind to many sites in the ?-tubulin subunit. These drugs prevent mitotic division and ultimately lead to cell death, by means of necrosis and apoptosis.

The subunits are aligned end to end into a protofilament. The side-by-side packing of protofilaments forms the wall of the microtubule. In this model, the protofilaments are slightly staggered so that a-tubulin in one protofilament is in contact with a-tubulin in the neighboring protofilaments.

Microtubules and Cancer Therapy

The aim of treatment in patients with cancer is cure or, if this is not possible, effective palliation of many cancers present as localised tumour masses, but surgery or radiotherapy often fails to eradicate the disease, which eventually becomes widespread. For this reason, there is a trend to incorporate systemic treatment with local treatment at the time of diagnosis. [3] The basic mechanism of anticancer drugs is the inhibition of cell proliferation processes.

However if they fail to selectively target tumour cells over proliferating normal cells, this renders the drug toxic. This particularly arises in the bone marrow, gastrointestinal epithelium and hair follicles. A cytotoxic drug is said to be selective in cancer therapy if it inhibits malignant composite cells undergoing division and concomitantly allows for normal cell proliferation.

Anticancer drugs are classified according to their sites of action either during the cell cycle or along the synthetic pathway of cellular macromolecules. Some drugs are only effective during part of the cell cycle, which are termed phase-specific drugs, while others are cytotoxic throughout the cell cycle usually called cycle-specific drugs [3].

Vinca alkaloids and taxanes are drugs that inhibit mitosis by binding to the microtubular proteins necessary for spindle formation. They can therefore be classified as phase-specific drugs – to be more precise however; they are M-phase specific.

The main vinca alkaloids are vincristine, vinblastine and vindesine. They have been used in the treatment of cancer for over many years. It is because of their efficacy that has guaranteed that they remain among the drugs of choice for numerous types of human cancers, “They are used in acute lymphoblastic leukaemia, lymphomas and some solid tumours” [3]. They bind to tubulin and inhibit its polymerisation into microtubules which prevents spindle formation. [14]

Microtubules are central to a number of cellular processes including the formation of the mitotic spindle. It is without a doubt that the destruction of the spindle leads to a loss of chromosome segregation which consequently inhibits cell division causing cell death.

Although the cell spindle was an obvious goal for further drug development, research in this area was obsolete until the exciting clinical results of the taxane drugs were reported in the late 1980s [4].

The taxanes paclitaxel and docelatel also bind to tubulin, however these agents, in contrast to the vinca alkaloids, stabilise the spindle and produces mitotic arrest. Thus, microtubule stabilisation leads to similar effects as microtubule disruption.

Research in the field has again increased following the observation that agents that bind to tubulin can selectively destroy the arrangement of blood vessels within tumours, causing widespread tumour necrosis [5]. It may be possible that the vinca alkaloids and the taxane drugs also exert part of their tumour-destroying action through an antivascular mechanism. This may depend on targeting endothelial cells rather than tumour cells for drug action. A possible advantage of this approach is that endothelial cells are not transformed and are unlikely to acquire mutations resulting in drug resistance. [6] The destruction of the tumour vasculature also arises through a tubulin-related mechanism.

The disorder of the microtubular arrangement impairs the cell function because microtubules are involved in the maintenance of cell shape. The tumour selectivity begins from the unsystematic character of tumour blood vessels. Rouget cells or pericytes are associated abluminally with all vascular capillaries and post-capillary venules. [10] The tumour blood vessels lack these cells along with sustaining smooth muscle which causes them to be feeble.

Therefore the endothelial cells lining the tumour blood vessels are more vulnerable to the effects of vinca alkaloids and taxanes. Although contact with these anticancer drugs is experienced by all vascular endothelial cells, it is the vulnerable tumour blood vessels that are damaged the most. This ultimately leads to necrosis of tumour cells that were reliant on the blood vessels.

One problem seen in these studies is the survival of cancer cells at the periphery of the tumour [7]. These are nourished from the blood vessels of the normal neighboring tissue and are therefore not affected by the damage of blood vessels in the tumour. These tumour cells are likely to increase in number again. For that reason, it is doubtful that these anticancer drugs will be effective unless given in combination with additional therapies. This may be strikingly more successful than single drugs, for example in the treatment of some cancers such as Hodgkin’s disease. [3]

The shortcoming in previous clinical trials on agents targeting tubulin was the rejection of potentially useful agents because interest was more centered on toxicity and survival of drugs, rather than the action or effects of drugs on blood vessels. The breakthrough of new antivascular treatments would be an essential addition to cancer therapy; hence it is these agents that are presently most fascinating to scientists.

Other Drugs That Inhibit Function of Microtubules

There are more than thirty drugs in the past or in present clinical development. [13] In order to maintain a reasonable size for the following sections, only a few of the more fascinating drugs will be discussed. Some that where not mentioned previously include:

Taxol – an anti-cancer drug, stabilises microtubules
Colchicine – binds tubulin and blocks polymerisation. Microtubules depolymerise at high colchicine concentration.
Nocodazole – causes de-polymerisation of microtubules.
Actinomycin – antibiotic able to halt cancer, not widely used as it is highly toxic
The Microtubule Network as a Target for Therapeutic Agents

The various M-phase specific drugs act by targeting different parts of the heterodimer. To date, three binding areas have been acknowledged: the colchicine site close to the ?/? interface, the region where the vinca alkaloids bind, and the taxane binding pocket. [13]

Colchicine, currently a medication for acute gout, also inhibits cell division and has therefore previously been used in cancer therapy. It binds to a site near the ? and ?-tubulin interface within the microtubule, blocking microtubule polymerisation [15]. However, its high toxicity prevents its use for current cancer therapy.

Vinca alkaloids inhibit microtubule assembly by cross-linking at the inter-dimer interface; they sterically distort the protofilament and induce tubulin to form alternate spiral polymers [16].

The mechanism of action of taxanes is quite different from that of the other two, for it promotes the assembly of microtubules, resulting in highly stable, non-functional polymers. Taxanes bind at the M loop on the ?-subunit, stabilising lateral contacts between protofilaments [17].

Antimitotic agents that interact with microtubule components are of interest for the insights they can provide into the roles of microtubules in cells and the subtleties of tubulin structure and also for their potential activity in the treatment of human neoplastic diseases. A variety of bioassays have been used to identify new antitubulin agents and new techniques have been developed to further understand their biological potency and mechanistic basis at the molecular level.

Drug Combinations

Although M-phase specific drugs are remarkable in that it prevents further malignant growth, the administration of combinations of drugs given intermittently often produces better results than more continues treatment with a single drug. The rationale is that a combination of drugs with different toxic effects and affecting different biochemical pathways has anti-tumour activity without addictive toxicity. [3]

However, a large number of antimitotic drugs are currently under development, this implies that microtubules are still a very worthwhile target for anticancer therapies.

Bibliography

[1] Gillian Pocock, Christopher D. Richards. Human Physiology: The Basis of Medicine (Oxford Core Texts). Oxford University Press; 3Rev Ed edition (Jan 2006). p 23

[2] http://www.daviddarling.info/encyclopedia/C/cell_cycle.html

[3] Michael J. Neal, Medical Pharmacology at a Glance, Blackwell Publishing; 5^th Edition (Aug 2005), p92-93

[4] Rowinski, E.K., Cazenave, L.A., Donehower, R.C. (1990) Taxol: a novel investigational antimicrotubule agent. J Natl Cancer Inst 82, 1247-1259.

[5] Dark, G.G., Hill, S.A., Prise, V.E., Tozer, G.M., Pettit, G.R. and Chaplin, D.J. (1997) Cancer Res 57, 1829-1834.

[6] Antivascular therapy: a new approach to cancer treatment. British Medical Journal, March 27, 1999 by A J Hayes, L Y Li, M E Lippman

[7] Zhao, S., Moore, J.V., Waller, M.L., McGown, A.T., Hadfield, J.A., Pettit, G.R. and Hastings, D.L. (1999) European J Nuclear Medicine 26, 231-238.

[8] http://www.ba-education.demon.co.uk/for/science/dnaphotos/dnaphoto.html

[9] http://www.emc.maricopa.edu/faculty/farabee/biobk/BioBookmito.html

[10].http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/entrez/query.fcgi?cmd=Retrieve&db=PubMed&list_uids=8915187&dopt=Abstract

[11] http://www.ruf.rice.edu/~bioslabs/studies/invertebrates/microtubules.html

[12] Harvey Lodish, Arnold Berk, Lawrence S. Zipursky, Paul Matsudaira, David Baltimore, James Darnell. Molecular Cell Biology, W. H. Freeman; 5th edition (2003) p1036-1035

[13] Jordan, A., Hadfield, J.A., Lawrence, N.J. and McGown, A.T. (1998) Tubulin as a target for anticancer drugs: agents which interact with the mitotic spindle. Med. Res. Rev. p18

[14] H.P. Rang, M. Maureen Dale, James M. Ritter, Philip Moore, Pharmacology, Churchill Livingstone; 5th edition (31 Mar 2003), p 704

[15] Downing, K.H. and Nogales, E. New insights into microtubule structure and function from the atomic model of tubulin. (1998) Eur. Biophys J 27, 431-436.

[16] Wilson, L., Jordan, M.A., Morse, A. and Margolis, R.L. (1982) Journal of Molecular Biology 159, 125-149.

[17] Snyder, J.P., Nettles, J.H., Cornett, B., Downing, K.H. and Nogales, E. (2001) Potential for self-assembly and microtubule interaction 98, 5312-5316.

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Introduction

In general, the term ‘evolution’ can imply a drastic or gradual change from a very broad perspective. Life on earth, the universe,galaxies, as also the earth in general have evolved through millions of years. In this essay we consider only one aspect of evolution emphasizing on evolution as a biological tool for change among species and consider fossil record as supportive of both evolution theories and also the other theories contrary to evolution. Evolution is the central unifying concept, a theory that successfully connects biology, palaeontology and other branches of science. Evolution is a gradual descent of organisms accompanied by changes that help the organisms to adjust and adapt to the surroundings. ‘Descent with modifications’ as Darwin contended implies changes in organisms in successive generations (Mayr, 1976). These changes are triggered by the derivation of new species and there is a change in the properties of populations of organisms and these properties tend to transcend the lifetime of any single individual. Newers pecies are modified versions of older species.

Although, individual organisms do not biologically evolve,populations evolve when heritable genetic materials are transmitted from one generation to another. Biological evolution can range from very limited changes to drastic transformations on a large scale changing the entire special together and bringing in new forms. Evolution can thus be defined as inheritable changes in populations of species that are spread and transmitted over many generations (Zimmer, 2002). It is also more scientifically defined as changes in the frequency of alleles within a gene pool carried through different generations as understood in the Darwinian version of the theory(Dawkins, 1989). Evolution studies are supported by detecting changes in gene frequency within a population and the fact that the theory of evolution emphasizes on a common ancestor, only indicates that two or more species show successive heritable changes in populations since they are separated from each other as distinct forms (Allen and Briggs, 1989). Most popular definitions of evolution however highlight not the transmission of heritable traits and changes but the processes of diversity that has given rise to millions of species from the most primitive organisms. Here however we move on to the evidence for and against evolution theories and the role of fossil record in this context. Some researchers claim that the theory of evolution has been supported by four primary sources that serve as evidence (Zimmer, 2002; Allenand Briggs, 1989):

The fossil record that tracks changes in early and primitive forms of life
The anatomical and chemical similarities in the constitutions of different species.
The genetic changes observed and recorded in several living organisms over several generations
The geographical spread and distribution of species that seems to suggest a definite pattern, and
The Fossil Record

Fossils are buried in rock layers as indentations of dead plant and animal materials. The totality of these artefacts and their impressions on the rock formations is considered a fossil record. Fossil record as we have briefly mentioned is the primary source of evidence supporting the theory of evolution and the gaps in these records ironically also forms the bone of contention taken up by anti-evolution theorists. Fossil records are used by scientists to understand the process of evolution in general, and the subsequent changes in several species at several times of the earth’s existence(Donovan and Paul, 1998).

The Fossil Record seems to provide an important clue to the changes in primitive and even now extinct species and this definitely helps us to frame a conceptual graph on how evolution has taken shape. Fossil and rock record forms the primary source of evidence collected by scientists for nearly400 years and the consequent database obtained is mainly observational. The fossil record among all other evidence gives a large database of documented changes in past life on earth. The use of Fossil record to study life forms on earth dates back to pre-Darwinian times and the changes in life forms could be studied from a sequence of layers of sedimentary rocks and fossils of different groups of species were found in each of these successive layers (SA, 1982).Sedimentary rocks are found widely across the earth’s surface and are formed when small particles of sand, mud or gravel, shell or other materials withered off by water or wind accumulates in sea beds and oceans. As these sediments pileup they bury shells, leaves, bones, and parts of living organisms. Layers of sediments are thus formed for every large period of time and all these layers become subsequently cemented to each other to become different layers of sandstone,limestone, shale and so on. Within these layers of sedimentary rocks the plant and animal remains become buried as fossils and are later revealed as fossil records (Allen and Briggs, 1989). From these fossil records several species have been identified, some of which are extinct and some of which have traits transitional between different major groups of organisms. Fossils of transitional forms actually give considerable evidence of species evolution over time. However there is not enough evidence through fossil records to conclusively prove evolution, as there are still talks of ‘missing links’ as very few and according to some, no transitional forms have been actually discovered. The Fossil record data available to us is incomplete and in conclusive at present.

During the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries,William Smith, a British Engineer observed different assemblages of fossils preserved at different levels and different ages of rocks. These assemblages succeeded one another in a regular and determinable order (cited in, Wikipedia,2004). This was further bolstered by the fact that rocks collected from different locations showed similar fossil formations according to the different times they represented. Smith named this correlation of rock fossil data as the principle of faunal succession. The occurrence of faunal succession was one of the primary arguments of Darwin who used fossil evidence as supporting the theory of evolution.

Various modern approaches to the theory of evolution have been recently developed. Mayr claims that the theory of Punctuation for instance has two basic points that

most or all evolutionary change occurs during speciation events, and
most species usually enter a phase of total stasis after the end of the speciation process (which involves formation of new species).

Speciation thus involves transformation of species in geological time (Erwin and Anstey, 1995). Formation of new species is explained either by phyletic gradualism or a gradual steady transformation of species by phyletic evolution highlighting the deficiency of the fossil records, or by sympatric saltational speciation that highlighted punctuational equilibria and branching of species rather than transformation as lineages as the real explanation for evolution (Mayr and Provine, 1998). Biologists like Gould and Eldredge have also supported punctuation theories. Richard Dawkins on the other hand stresses on the principle of gene multiplication where genes as replicators seems to be the focal point of defining evolution (Sterelny, 2001).

In quite an important paper Volkenstein (1987) suggests that there can be no contradiction between punctuated equilibrium and phyletic gradualism if synergetics and theory of information are incorporated within the theory of evolution. Punctualism can be seen as phase transition maintaining the directionality of evolution. Volkenstein argues that Punctualism, non-adaptationism and neutralism form the triad of internally connected features of evolution.

Problems with Fossil Records

Of course at that point, the absence of a proper theory of evolution prevented Smith or other researchers from providing an explanation of the actual cause of faunal succession. The cause of faunal succession as is known today is mainly due to evolution of organisms and species that change,transform or become completely extinct, leaving behind their traces on earth as fossils. Age of rocks and the changes in species features are both determined by fossil record and faunal succession used as tools in bio stratigraphy. However fossil data show extremely few records of transitional species,organisms that can conclusively suggest how and when evolution of new and different species occurred (Donovan and Paul, 1998). Darwin himself suggested that the geological record itself is imperfect and incomplete and this is further strengthened by the fact that transitional species were short lived and had very narrow geographical range.

Radiometric and Carbon dating have made it possible to identify fossils more than 3.5 billion years old and have indicated that animal species may have appeared abruptly, a phenomenon which Darwin himself found difficult to accept. Even though one or two forms of organisms which may be considered as transient have been identified, there are no records of transitional plants and thus an evolutionary plant history could not be drawn as of yet. Along with these issues it has also been seen that most of the fossils found are of species which have existing forms and are either similar to existing species or are completely identical. The intermediate temporary stages as serve to act, as links between two related species seems to have been completely downplayed by the fossil data obtained. Animals seem to have remained more or less unchanged through all these years. Despite the collection of a huge number of fossils,nearly all of them being fossils of presently existing animals have created problems for the theory of evolution. It is a general belief that based on fossil discoveries already made, there will be little or no evidence that evolution had actually occurred and continues to occur (Donovan and Paul,1998). If animals die a natural death, they are usually decomposed even before being fossilized. However during sudden catastrophes can bury the animals and embed them deep in the earth. Some rocks and organisms that transformed to show fossils for years and decades were actually deposited within a short period of time.

Although Darwin based his arguments heavily on fossil record, most scientists now believe that fossil record is actually incompatible with evolutionary theory as no transitional links or intermediate forms have been discovered among this huge collection of fossils in all these years. This suggests that there is no real evidential data that the theory of evolution is in fact true. There is no evidence of partially evolved species or intermediate forms either in the past or in the present fossil record and the fossil record available is quite representative of all fossil data that will ever be collected. Evolution seems to point out towards more undefined and partially evolved species, fact completely undermined by available fossil record that shows well-defined organisms rather than gradual gradations. The incomplete fossil record is the primary bone of contention in the evolutionary debate and seems to give an edge to non-evolutionists.

Conclusion:

Considering all the aspects of the debate and gaps in fossil records and weighing this against evolution theories highlighting either generational transformation of lineages or drastic changes and speciation at specific periods, we can conclude that available gaps in fossil record may be more indicative and supportive towards speciation and abrupt changes rather than gradual evolution through phyletic transformation.

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NHS Cervical Screening Programme: Liquid Based Cytology vs. Conventional Cytology
Introduction

Cervical screening, such as the regular programme provided by the NHS, is a very successful way of detecting the early signs of cervical cancer (Kitchener, Castle, & Cox, 2006). The NHS programme screens around 3.5 million (Moss et al., 2003) to 4 million (Karnon et al., 2004) women annually and it is estimated that this prevents between 1100 and 3900 cases of cervical cancer a year (Moss et al., 2003). In recent years a new way of screening the cervical samples has been developed. This is referred to as liquid based cytology rather than conventional cytology. However, there has been considerable debate over the costs and benefits of the new technology, as will be examined below.

Background Information

Cervical cancer is linked to human papillomaviruses (HPV), a family of common sexually transmitted viruses (Eifel, Berek, & Markman, 2011). It is believed to be fairly common for women to be exposed to HPV viral cells but usually these are readily cleared by their immune response (Bosch & Iftner, 2005). However, in some instances women can develop an HPV infection following exposure to viral cells. The infection can seem largely asymptomatic but actually causes the abnormal multiplication of cells in the cervix, leading to warts, lesions or benign tumours and, if the infection persists, it can cause cervical cancer (Bosch & Iftner, 2005; Eifel et al., 2011). In fact, HPV is believed to be the main, perhaps even the sole, cause of cervical cancer.

The NHS cervical screening programme is available to women aged between 25 and 64 years of age and involves taking a regular swab or smear of cells from inside their cervix (Moss et al., 2003). These are then sent to a pathology laboratory where they are screened by a cytologist for any abnormalities associated with HPV. In the absence of any abnormalities women between the ages of 25 and 50 years are advised to return for testing every three years, and those aged between 50 and 64, every five years (Health and Social Care Information Centre, 2013). The 2013 national statistics for the UK screening programme indicated that 78.3% of eligible women were up to date with their smear screening (Health and Social Care Information Centre, 2013).

Cervical Cytology

The focus of this essay is on the process that takes place in the pathology laboratory, where the cervical samples are sent for cytological screening. A cervical cell sample that has no abnormal cells is categorised cytologically as being negative (negative for the presence of HPV or risk of cervical cancer). Alternatively, samples may be identified as containing borderline abnormal changes, or having dyskaryosis (Health and Social Care Information Centre, 2013). In some literature the terms dysplasia or CIN (cervical intraepithelial neoplasia) seem to be used in place of dyskaryosis (Eifel et al., 2011), but NHS literature seems to make most consistent reference to dyskaryosis. The extent of dyskaryosis is then classified across a range from mild to severe. Depending upon the severity, the woman may be referred for colposcopy or recalled for a repeat cervical smear test 6-12 months later. In the 2013 national statistics, 6.5% of cervical samples were identified as being abnormal, although only 1.2% were classified as being high risk (Health and Social Care Information Centre, 2013).

Recently a new cytological screening technique has been developed, called liquid based cytology (LBC). The aim of this new method was initially to try to reduce false-negative and false-positive results (Karnon et al., 2004; Siebers et al., 2009), as well as the number of samples that are ‘inadequate’ or ‘unsatisfactory’ for effective screening (Arbyn et al., 2008; Siebers et al., 2009). In the conventional cytology method, a woman’s cervical sample is transferred directly from the collection spatula onto a microscopic slide (Arbyn et al., 2008; Moss et al., 2003). This transfer process seems to sometimes lead samples to be ‘inadequate’ for screening because the transferred cells are too difficult to clearly discern. This manual process does also, very occasionally, result in false results, even when conducted by experienced cytologists. The liquid based cytology (LBC) method involves a slightly different approach to the preparation of the slides. The cell sample is placed into a vial containing a preservative fluid (Arbyn et al., 2008; Moss et al., 2003). This creates a liquid suspension of the sample, which can then be poured onto the slide in a very thin, uniform layer. However, debate remains over whether this method really offers a substantial improvement over conventional cytology. The main points of contention surround accuracy and cost effectiveness, with other arguments relating to patient anxiety and opportunities for HPV testing.

Exploring the Issues
Accuracy

Evidence is mixed over whether LBC offers a substantial improvement in accuracy compared to conventional cytology. Early studies, such as that by Monsonego et al. (2001), were very favourable towards LBC. Further, in an extension of the LBC technique described earlier, it became possible for a computerised system to read the LBC slides to identify potential areas of concern prior to examination by a cytologist (Davey et al., 2007). Across a large Australian sample of over 55,000 women, Davey et al. (2007) found that this method of LBC was significantly better at detecting additional high grade histology cases than conventional cytology. However, more recent studies seem to undermine these reputed improvements of LBC over conventional cytology. For instance, in 2009, Siebers et al, drawing upon a sample of close to 90,000 women in the Netherlands, concluded that LBC “is neither more sensitive nor more specific in detecting CIN or cancer” (p.1764). This same point is reiterated almost exactly by Arbyn et al. (2008) at the end of their thorough review of the most reputable, gold standard comparison studies.

Whilst this creates a somewhat inconclusive picture, it is evident that LBC has not offered as marked an improvement in accuracy as might have been hoped. However, it is important to point out that none of the studies suggest that LBC is less accurate than conventional cytology. In fact, all of the studies mentioned above agree that LBC probably is more sensitive at picking up mild abnormalities and changes. It is just that this too is framed from a negative angle in the more recent studies because of concerns that unnecessarily following up these cases, when they are likely to be cleared by the patient naturally, would waste resources that would be better focused on high risk patients (Arbyn et al., 2008).

There is, however, one clear point that emerges in favour of LBC in relation to accuracy. All studies seem to conclude that LBC does reduce the number of inadequate or unsatisfactory samples (Arbyn et al., 2008; Davey et al., 2007; Doyle et al., 2006; Moss et al., 2003; Siebers et al., 2009; Williams, 2006). For example, when LBC was initially trialled at three sites in the UK in 2002, Moss et al. (2003) collated data showing that LBC reduced inadequate slide preparations from 9% of samples down to 1-2%. In Scotland the difference was even greater, falling from 13% to 1.9%, and consequently referrals to colposcopy for women with repeated unsatisfactory results dropped from 25% to just 0.5% (Williams, 2006). These improvements substantially raise the efficiency of the whole screening programme. Therefore, it seems likely to have been these sorts of results that influenced the NHS that it would be cost effective to adopt LBC across the UK (Arbyn et al., 2008; Moss et al., 2003; Williams, 2006).

Cost Effectiveness

Turning to cost effectiveness, there are a number of aspects to take into consideration. As mentioned above, LBC may lead to a potential increase in costs if there is an increase in following up low risk abnormalities. Whilst this is framed negatively by Arbyn et al. (2008) it might be better, both for the patient and economically, to fully confirm that there is no cancer risk earlier on, rather than allowing any potential cancer to develop. Further, the significant reduction in inadequate samples may outweigh this through much larger potential savings. Reducing the number of women who are recalled due to an inadequate sample saves valuable nursing time, reduces administration costs and reduces the costs associated with repeating the whole procedure. With these primary care benefits in mind, Moss et al. (2003) estimated that LBC could generate savings of between one to ten million pounds annually.

More recent studies have focused on the laboratory to consider whether LBC improves productivity during this part of the process. Doyle et al. (2006) studied several laboratories during the change over from conventional cytology to LBC and found that on average each scientist was able to process more samples per day. The data collated by Williams (2006) similarly demonstrated that overall workload in the laboratories decreased and backlogs were cleared. Presumably, if LBC is combined with the computerised imaging technology that automates a large part of the process, there may be further efficiency as cytologist time and effort can be focused on the samples identified to contain abnormalities.

Of course, all of this economising does not take into account the initial investment costs involved, or the on-going cost of the LBC specific materials. It is notable that both techniques mentioned in the NHS pilot study, ThinPrep and SurePath, are registered trademarks. Perhaps this is why more recent studies tend to argue that one of the disadvantages of LBC is that it is more expensive, both in terms of initial outlay and on-going operating costs (Arbyn et al., 2008; Eifel et al., 2011). Therefore, Arbyn et al. (2008) suggest that “economic advantage might be peculiar to the United Kingdom where inadequacy rates for the conventional Pap were excessively high” (p.175).

Patient Anxiety

Beyond economics, another important point to consider is patient anxiety. A benefit of reducing inadequate samples is the reduction in anxiety for the patient. Although the nurse may try to reassure the woman that an inadequate sample does not indicate any abnormality, it may be difficult for the patient not to fear a risk of cancer. On the otherhand, if minor abnormalities picked up via LBC are followed up, as Arbyn et al. (2008) suggest, this might create unnecessary stress and anxiety for these patients and their families. This seems to suggest that between the two technologies patient anxiety may balance out – being alleviated for some patients or created for others. However, perhaps the balance swings in favour of LBC here, as it would seem preferable to monitor cases of mild abnormality just in case these progress, rather than to create unnecessary anxiety due simply to technical inferiority.

HPV Testing

The other key advantage of LBC is the potential it offers to conduct additional laboratory tests. Preparing an LBC slide from the cervical sample uses only a small amount of the solution in the vial. Therefore, the remainder can be subjected to further tests. In particular, it is now possible for laboratories to test for the presence of HPV using HPV DNA testing (Kitchener et al., 2011). Any cases showing cell abnormalities during LBC can undergo HPV testing on the same sample. This might clarify any false-negative cases or mild abnormalities without the woman even knowing. It would also reduce the costs of referring false-negative patients for colposcopy or for an unnecessary recall screening.

Whilst controversy has largely focused on conventional cytology and LBC, the NHS actually introduced LBC in combination with HPV testing (Moss et al., 2003). Recent studies have demonstrated that HPV testing may be more powerful than cytology, and suggest it may come to replace cytology as the primary screening technique (Katki et al., 2011; Kitchener et al., 2011). Katki et al. 2011 advocate that one negative result via HPV testing offers “strong reassurance against cervical cancer for five years in women from age 30” (p.1470). This could significantly reduce primary care costs as currently women aged 30-50 are tested every 3 years under the NHS screening programme. Kitchener et al. (2011) have gone further than this, suggesting that HPV testing might even allow the interval between cervical screens to be extended to every six years.

Conclusion

There has been significant debate around the shift from conventional to liquid based cytology when screening for cervical cancer. This has been particularly heightened given the evidence that LBC does not appear to reduce false-positive or false-negative results in the way that had been hoped. However, in the UK at least, LBC significantly reduces the number of ‘inadequate’ samples, reducing primary care costs and patient anxiety in these cases. Although it is a little unclear whether LBC is more cost effective when all costs are taken into consideration, it seems that by investing in the technique the NHS is now well placed to quickly and easily adopt new scientific developments, such as wide-scale HPV testing. Given LBC, HPV DNA testing and the HPV vaccination, cervical cancer prevention seems to be a rapidly advancing area of science where new developments progress fairly quickly from research into routine health practice. Therefore, it seems wise that the NHS chose to invest in LBC and HPV testing when it did so that it can keep apace, and continue to offer cutting edge cancer screening to women.

References

Arbyn, M., Bergeron, C., Klinkhamer, P., Martin-Hirsch, P., Siebers, A. G., & Bulten, J. (2008). Liquid compared with conventional cervical cytology: A systematic review and meta-analysis. Obstetrics & Gynecology, 111(1), 167-177.

Bosch, X. F., & Iftner, T. (2005). The aetiology of cervical cancer. Sheffield: NHS Cancer Screening Programmes.

Davey, E., d’Assuncao, J., Irwig, L., Macaskill, P., Chan, S. F., Richards, A., & Farnsworth, A. (2007). Accuracy of reading liquid based cytology slides using the ThinPrep Imager compared with conventional cytology: prospective study (Vol. 335).

Doyle, B., O’Farrell, C., Mahoney, E., Turner, L., Magee, D., & Gibbons, D. (2006). Liquid-based cytology improves productivity in cervical cytology screening. Cytopathology, 17(2), 60-64.

Eifel, P. J., Berek, J. S., & Markman, M. A. (2011). Cancer of cervix, vagina, and vulva. In V. T. DeVita, T. S. Lawrence, & S. A. Rosenberg (Eds.), DeVita, Hellman and Rosenberg’s Cancer: Principles & Practice of Oncology (9th ed.). Phildelphia: Lippincott, Williams & Wilkins.

Health and Social Care Information Centre. (2013). Cervical screening programme, England 2012-13. Leeds: UK Statistics Authority. Retrieved from http://www.hscic.gov.uk

Karnon, J., Peters, J., Platt, J., Chilcott, J., McGoogan, E., & Brewer, N. (2004). Liquid-based cytology in cervical screening: An updated rapid and systematic review and economic anylsis. Health Technology Assessment, 8(20).

Katki, H. A., Kinney, W. K., Fetterman, B., Lorey, T., Poitras, N. E., Cheung, L., . . . Castle, P. E. (2011). Cervical cancer risk for women undergoing concurrent testing for human papillomavirus and cervical cytology: a population-based study in routine clinical practice. The Lancet Oncology, 12(7), 663-672.

Kitchener, H. C., Castle, P. E., & Cox, J. T. (2006). Chapter 7: Achievements and limitations of cervical cytology screening. Vaccine, 24, Supplement 3(0), S63-S70.

Kitchener, H. C., Gilham, C., Sargent, A., Bailey, A., Albrow, R., Roberts, C., . . . Peto, J. (2011). A comparison of HPV DNA testing and liquid based cytology over three rounds of primary cervical screening: Extended follow up in the ARTISTIC trial. European Journal of Cancer, 47(6), 864-871.

Monsonego, J., Autillo-Touati, A., Bergeron, C., Dachez, R., Liaras, J., Saurel, J., . . . Mottot, C. (2001). Liquid-based cytology for primary cervical cancer screening: a multi-centre study. British Journal of Cancer, 84(3), 360-366.

Moss, S. M., Gray, A., Legood, R., & Henstock, E. (2003). Evaluation of HPV/LBC cervical screening pilot studies. UK: First report to the Department of Health evaluation of LBC (December 2002).

Siebers, A. G., Klinkhamer, P. J. J. M., Grefte, J. M. M., Massuger, L. F. A. G., Vedder, J. E. M., Beijers-Broos, A., . . . Arbyn, M. (2009). Comparison of liquid-based cytology with conventional cytology for detection of cervican cancer precursors. The Journal of the American Medical Association, 302(16), 1757-1764.

Williams, A. R. W. (2006). Liquid-based cytology and conventional smears compared over two 12-month periods. Cytopathology, 17(2), 82-85.

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In the age where media inhabits numerous conduits for the production of culture it is difficult to imagine culture without its mediated form, from television and comic books to fashion and postcards, culture is derived through a range of diverse vehicles. We experience our cultural life through media in various ways.

Modern society is founded on universal law, enlightenment of reason and science is the solution to social problems, utopia is possible (except the poor will always be poor); Western-centric humanism will save the world; mass consumption means mass employment and modern society contained in the grand narrative of history.

Progressive social transformation of the post-modern turn will take us on new adventures; resituating science, technology, society & capitalism into a multi-perspective and multi-disciplinary framework. One attempt to account for the emergence of post-modern condition is the shift during the 20th century of the economic needs of capitalism from production to consumption. Reality is what we see fit by these various forms of seductive illusion.

The prefix ‘post’ clearly implies a break, a relation to a period that has happened before. In the case of post-modernism the previous period is undoubtedly ‘modernism’. Thus, postmodernism refers to a breakdown of the distinction between culture and society – emergence of a social order in which the importance and power of the mass media and popular culture means that they govern and shape all forms of social relationships. For Lyotard, a key post-modernism theorist, the post-modern condition is neither a periodizing concept nor does it refer to the institutional parameters of modernity and post-modernity. Rather it is:

“…the condition of knowledge in the most highly developed societies. I have decided to use the word post-modern to describe that condition… (it) designates the state of our culture following the transformations which, since the end if nineteenth century, have altered the rules for science, literature, and the arts” (Lyotard, 1991, pg xxiii)

Lyotard refers to postmodernism as a loss of faith in meta-narratives, the big stories that have justified the rational, scientific, artistic and political world of the modern world. Rejection of all overarching and totalising thought; Marxism, liberalism, etc. that tell universal stories which organize and justify the everyday practices of a plurality of different stories (narratives); Science, which has developed importance since the Enlightenment, has assumed the status of a meta-narrative, organizing and validating other narratives on the road to liberation. Lyotard says “since Enlightenment status as a meta-narrative has waned.” Science is no longer seen to be making progress on behalf of mankind.

It’s a breakdown in distinction between art and popular culture: there are no longer any agreed and definite criteria which serve to differentiate art from popular culture. For example, take Warhol – Velvet Underground art becomes increasingly integrated into the economy both because it is used to encourage people to consume through the expanded role it plays in advertising, and because it becomes a commercial good in its own right.

Popular cultural signs and media images increasingly dominate our sense of reality, and the way we define ourselves and the world around us. The world which tries to come to terms with a media-saturated society.

Mass media was once thought of as holding up a mirror to, and reflecting society. Now, reality can only be defined as the surface reflections of this mirror. Society has become subsumed within mass media – it is no longer a question of distortion of reality, since the term implies that there is a reality outside the surface simulations of the media, which can be distorted, and this is precisely what is at issue according to post-modern theory. Is the media creating reality?

Linked to this is the notion that it is more difficult to distinguish the economy from popular culture. The realm of consumption is increasingly influenced by popular culture. For example, we watch more films because we have a VCR, then they reference and advertise products that we go and buy. Surface and style have become more important and evoke a kind of designer ideology. The obsession with being super-model thin, fad-diets, use of sexuality, football, designer clothing, and many more simulations that work as a network in exchange order with each other to create reality narrative for post-modern consumer. The argument is we increasingly consume images and signs for their own sake rather than for their usefulness or for the deeper values they may symbolise. The very values that ‘modernists’ used to talk about.

In the production-era machines had to be built and updated, basic materials like iron and steel made, infrastructures such as roads, rail, communication had to be laid down, the work force had to be taught the work ethic: Taylorisation and Fordism. Once this was established, the need for consumption emerges. And people need to acquire a consumer ethic. The need to consume becomes equal to the need to produce. Increased affluence combined with consumer credit, advertising, marketing and design. Culture celebrates consumerism and style, therefore the media becomes more important. New occupations or changed role of older ones involved in need to make people consume: advertisers, marketing, design, journalism, television, finance, etc.

Consuming images

In his essays, Stuart Hall has conceptualized the production and consumption of the television message as a complex social construction of meaning within the semiotic framework. His theory of encoding/decoding is very important in the discourse of consumption of advertising in TV. The polysemic images have been encoded in a particular way and the process of decoding is not symmetrical. Looking back at the work of Barthes we understand that advertising texts are polysemic and at the connotative level of signification signs possess fluidity which enables them to be articulated in multiple ways (Barthes, 1973, pg 122). Eco argues that the viewers determination to decode the message in aberrant ways are to be found in the readers general framework of cultural references such as his ideological, ethical religious standpoint, value systems, etc, (Eco, 1998, 141).

Following the same path of consumption and ideology, Baudrillard follows Althuesser in arguing that the subject is constituted through social classifications and ideological processes. Ideology converts humans into subjects. Ideology lets us mistakenly recognize ourselves as autonomous self-determining agents, whereas in fact we are subjects formed through a social physic processes. Ideology therefore is not the mirrored inversion of the real but our imaginary or symbolic to our shared conditions of existence. Watching the latest Levi jeans advertisement we are addressed as individual consumers with our own unique passion and desires. The ideological effect of the ad lies in its ability to interpellate us in this way. Althusser complicates Marx beautifully by not accepting the concept of ideology as false consciousness. It is material practice produced by ideological state apparatuses. It makes us think are sovereign consumers rather than a member of social class. (Stevenson, 2002,150)

In the age of postmodernism where the product is a sign instead of a commodity, as Baudrillard argues, the way in which adverts are consumed by television viewers depend on the very same framework Eco talks about. Jean Baudrillard’s essay “The Ecstasy of Communication” evokes TV and its technologies as a metaphor for the regime of simulation in the contemporary western culture.

A TV screen cannot be thought simply as an object to be looked at, with all the old forms of psychic projection and investment; instead, the screen intersects responsively with our desires and representation and becomes an embodied from of our psychic worlds. What happens on the screen is neither on the screen nor in us, but in some complex, virtual space between the two. Marshall McCluhan’s notion that the “medium is the message” is clearly related to consumption theory. McCluhan argues that television influences viewers’ thinking processes and leads to alienation and individualism. But McCluhan sees this not as the result of television content but rather caused by the sensory nature of the medium itself. It is the form of the medium, according to McCluhan, and not its content that influence viewers (Mcluhan, 2002, pg7).

TV advertising is a representative part of the arena where the post-modern scene of simulation takes on the relationship between the product and consumer. Baudrillard has contributed significantly towards the theory of consumption. He abandoned Marxist analysis after his book called the ‘Symbolic Exchange and Death’ (1976). He argues that through a more explicitly post-industrial analysis the real relations of production and consumption have been replaced by a sign system. According to Baudrillard the arrival of consumer society requires a radical reconstruction of critical theory. Baudrillard argues that before goods (objects) can be consumed they must become signs (Baudrillard, 1988, pg 23). The meaning of the objects is established through the organisation of signs into codes. It is only through these codes that people realise their sense of self and their needs. The codes themselves are hierarchically ordered, being used to signify distinction of statue and prestige. As Baudrillard argues “a need is not for a particular object as much as it is a ‘need’ for difference (the desire for social meaning) only then we will understand that satisfaction can never be fulfilled, and consequently that there can never be a definition of needs”. A subject whose needs are fixed by human nature does not consume the object. Social goods are consumed not to satisfy pre-existing needs but to signify social distinctions.

We have become completely absorbed by adverts, images and simulation. Baudrillard would call this simulation as an ecstasy of the real. In Baudrillard’s “hyper-reality” and “simulacra” terms, the storied images of Nike sports heroes are more real than the reality of Third World workers to millions of consumers. However this consuming condition is an obsession and the product of late capitalism in Western societies.

Digitally created commercials – Faking the real

When we examine television advertising we once again find art and technology being used to create simulations that tell stories in an effort to evoke desired reactions from audiences. But in advertising we see a strange new cultural creation: the 20-second ‘cinematic’ production full of dancing, singing and joke-telling characters playing physicians, housewives, and used car salesmen, with ultra-abbreviated plots and quick resolutions of conflict in which the characters overcome obstacles and fulfil their desires in record time with the help of the product. Unlike movies, which will evoke the wrath of the audience if the unfolding of the story is interrupted, in commercials there is virtually no story to interrupt. The entire commercial is a dynamic, graphic, field composed of images, music, theatrical performances, superimposed illustrations, narration, and other elements, which reinforce each other to achieve their effect.

Commercials also include another kind of simulation in the form of digitally manipulated images that are used to portray another realm of fantasy in which the limits imposed by the physical world no longer seem to be in effect. As a result, they are full of talking dogs, giant sized children, products that zoom into space, dancing credit cards and scenes that suddenly become two-dimensional which spin out of existence, creating a virtual world that surpasses anything produced by Imax or Nintendo.

Commercials take these elements – visual fantasy, deceptive images of the products, and false claims – and weave them into their various approaches. There are, perhaps, a handful of approaches that they rely on and put together in different ways, just as theme parks, video games, television and news fall into a few basic categories.

The product, no longer able to offer satisfaction on its own ground (“a potato chip is a chip is a chip”), instead offers the consumer a chance to be part of a certain ‘crowd’ or ‘scene.’ They belong to a cool “product tribe,” revelling in the image and sensibility that the product somehow mystically confers – the fetishism of commodities. More and more people are being sold style, image, and celebrity, since there is no substance or material satisfaction to the product-in-itself. Concealed within the jump-cut flash of post-modern advertising is a simple code: consumption is a mode of transcendence, a way to take part in something larger than yourself, the “Pepsi Generation.” Today, ads are filled with a strange sort of rugged selfishness, misanthropy, and mean-spirit people (“touch my Doritos and die.”) A person is told sternly to buy as much as they can of the product but never to share with friends. “Get your own,” they’re told. Latest ads on TV have that narrative that goes on and on and takes the form of a mini soap or a series of short cinematic films. The product is like a movie star. The product has taken the stand of the character in the commercial. It has become another simulation for audiences. Small Nokia phones that are given a character play a different role in each different Nokia commercial.

Digital technology has given designers the ability to make real characters and models that we see in everyday TV. The big entities spend millions of pounds in one 60 second commercial. The commercial has the production company behind it; director, actors and the whole set that would normally be used in film production.

Many television commercials thus give us another variation on Umberto Eco’s absolute fakes; they are false promises that make everything seem better than it is. Like theme parks, they make mundane realities look like transcendent utopias.

All cultures place people inside invented worlds, so that in itself, isn’t what is new about all this. The human world is by nature full of fictionalization and metaphor and drenched in stories and metaphysical assumptions, much of it contrived by conscious and unconscious design to support the claims of those in power. But never before has a culture been scientifically invented in this way, using the tools of rationalization – including marketing studies and computers – to sell products and a way of life. These tools of rationality extract the essence of our own irrationality – our fantasies, imbued with fears and desires – and give them back to us in the form of their invented worlds. Real experiences and things have been replaced with simulacra – copies without an original. Due to the power of mass media advertising, our relationship to the signifier has changed. Now it hides the absence of a signified: conceals the inability to deliver real satisfaction by cleverly simulating it. Part of our hyper-real lives is the fact that our simulations are more real than real.

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Introduction

Some of the artists known for their work of art in the Renaissance period consist of Giovanni Bellini, Leonardo Da Vinci, Titian, Michelangelo and Raphael. The Renaissance was a time period in which stunning sculptures and artwork increased all over the world (Denna’s World: The Renaissance, 2008). It described the high points of humanism and the expression of creativity and beauty of life. The Renaissance period rapidly approached the simplicity, monumentality and heftiness of the art of Renaissance of the early 16th century (Denna’s World: The Renaissance, 2008).

Artists and their contribution

The three artists which I have chosen are Leonardo de Vinci, Raphael and Michelangelo.

Leonardo Da Vinci

Leonardo Da Vinci was the incarnation of the Renaissance ideal of the universal man. He was the first artist to achieve comprehensive mastery all over the branches of art (Leonardo Da Vinci (1452 – 1519), 2008). Besides being a scholar in the natural sciences, medicine and philosophy, Vinci was a painter, sculptor, architect and engineer. He was an Italian painter, draftsman, sculptor whose brilliant paintings characterized the Renaissance humanist ideal. His art contribution includes: The last supper, Mona Lisa and St. Jerome in the Wilderness (Leonardo Da Vinci (1452 – 1519), 2008).

The last Supper

The Last Supper is a 15th century painting created by Leonardo Da Vinci for his supporters. His painting particularly portrays the reaction given by each follower when Jesus said one of them would deceive him (Leonardo Da Vinci, 2008). With various degrees of anger and shock, all twelve apostles have different reactions to the news.

Mona Lisa:

During the Italian Renaissance, Mona Lisa is a 16th century portrait painted in oil by Leonardo Da Vinci. The painting depicts a woman whose expression is often described as enigmatic (Leonardo Da Vinci, 2008). The ambiguity of the sitter’s expression, the monumentality of the half-figure composition and the subtle forms of modeling were the qualities that have contributed to the fascination in the painting (Leonardo Da Vinci, 2008).

St. Jerome in the Wilderness

This painting was an unfinished painting by Leonardo Da Vinci. The painting depicts Saint Jerome during his draw back to the Syrian Desert, where he lived the life of a solitary person (Leonardo Da Vinci, 2008).

Raphael Sanzio

Raphael was an Italian painter and designer of the Renaissance period. He was known for the excellence and refinement of his paintings and drawings. Raphael is best known for his large shape compositions in the Vatican in Rome (Raphael, 2008).

Vision of knight

The theme of the painting was controversial. The painting depicts a sleeping knight who was dreaming to choose between Virtue and Pleasure. There were two feminine figures that were representing as the ideal attributes of the knight (Raphael, 2008). The picture holds the ideals of a scholar, soldier and lover.

Madonna and the child

The painting describes a woman known as Madonna who is holding the Christ Child with enormous kindheartedness. The pictures itself says that they two are linked in such a way that any reader can read the book which is open for all (Raphael, 2008).

Connestabile Madonna

The Connestabile Madonna is a small and unfinished painting by the Italian Renaissance artist Raphael. The painting reveals the Madonna holding the Child while reading a book (Raphael, 2008).

Michelangelo: Michelangelo was a sculptor, painter, architect, and poet who usually used to make the use of an unparalleled influence on the expansion of Western art.

Bacchus: Bacchus is a marble sculpture designed by Michelangelo. The statue represents Bacchus, the Roman god of wine, in a revolutionary intoxicated state. Bacchus is shown with rolling eyes, with staggering body, almost teetering off the rocky outcrop, sitting behind a faun and eating the bunch of grapes that are slipping out of his left hand (Michelangelo, 2005).

David: It is a masterpiece of Renaissance sculpture and one of the greatest works of Michelangelo. The painting describes the statue of the young Israelite king David that almost without doubt holds the title of the most identifiable stone sculpture in the history of art. The picture is regarded both the symbol of strength and youthful human beauty (Michelangelo, 2005).

Pieta: it is a marble sculpture designed by the Michelangelo. This work of art gives a picture of the body of Jesus on the knees of his mother Mary after the excruciation. The theme is basically of Northern origin (Michelangelo, 2005).

I have chosen these particular pieces because their work is admired for the clarity of form and ease of composition and for the visual achievement of the ideal of human dignity. The structural design of the Italian Renaissance period is the most lucid and comprehensive volume available till today.

The painting of these artists extravagantly illustrates the readers everything they need to know about the architectural life of the paintings and drawings. The art in Renaissance shows the freshness and breadth of approaches used by the artists. The drawings of the renaissance period focus on works of art, their creators and the state of affairs that affect the creation. The sculpture of Michelangelo defines the work of art very clearly and specifically.

Renaissance period

The renaissance period was a period of attractive artwork and structures. These pictures and sculptures boomed all over the Western Europe. The renaissance period of art was expected to commence in Rome, but it started out in Italy where there was always a remainder of classical-styled structural design (Denna’s World: The Renaissance, 2008). In renaissance period, there was a greater interest in the depictions of pattern and color.

Color was underlined by utilizing the diverse marble inlays, for example, the front wall of the church of the Certosa di Pavia and Venetian structural design. There were many painters and sculptors from the period of renaissance period. All these paintings and the sculptures are the important work of art and also balance the Renaissance ideals of classical beauty with naturalism (Denna’s World: The Renaissance, 2008).

The museums which I visited at the end of the essay are Musee du Louvre in Paris and Vatican Museums, Rome.

References

Denna’s World; The Renaissance,(2008). Retrieved June 11, 2008 from http://www.dworldonline.com/REN.HTM

Leonardo Da Vinci (1452 – 1519). Retrieved June 11, 2008 from http://www.theartgallery.com.au/ArtEducation/greatartists/DaVinci/about/

Leonardo Da Vinci, (2008). Retrieved June 11, 2008 from http://www.abcgallery.com/L/leonardo/leonardo.html

Michelangelo, (2005). Retrieved June 11, 2008 from http://www.ibiblio.org/wm/paint/auth/michelangelo/

Raphael, (2008). Retrieved June 11, 2008 from http://www.ibiblio.org/wm/paint/auth/raphael/

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Journal entry for Readings

This essay provides a very good understanding about Art and I found it very interesting. Art is basically a conceptual concept. In other words, it can be defined as a creation, which is created by the will of person. As per my study, different forms of art exist but the author has laid the emphasis on graphic art. In this type of art, the design is created on a material like Plexiglas or rubber so as to move the designs onto another medium like wood, paper, cloth, metals, and plastics etc.

In the present scenario, Japanese manga are inspiring the comic artists of the west, fashion designers, modern artists and millions of ordinary readers. The appearance of the wide-eyed figures of manga are found over t-shirts, video games, CD covers and even in the museums of art (Manga and Japanese Contemporary Art, 2005).

I found the article very informative as it depicts the collection of the most appealing artists from modern manga and also tells me about the different variety of manga styles. It also contains the prints of woodblock by Hokusai. The exhibition of graphic art and its program of events depict the fan culture, which is closely linked with manga. The examples include cosplay or dressing similar to the manga characters.

This program of events permits the visitors to attempt their hand at manga, listen to lectures on modern Japanese culture and also provides an experience of singing karaoke. In this article, the author has depicted cute and funny figures along with the strange and aggressive figures similar to those of manga (Manga and Japanese Contemporary Art, 2005).

Journal entry for controversies

In my point of view, art is created by the mind. It is the blend of ideas and concepts. In my point of view, art should be such, which doesn’t hamper any religion, values or beliefs i.e. art should form the basis of inspiration for the viewers by containing effective messages in it. But if the art is developed for a particular reason, it might lead into big controversies (Cox, 2006).

A controversial event took place in the Dallas Museum of Art. Here, Sydney McGee who was a teacher (female) took a group of children aged 9 to 10, in Frisco from Fisher Elementary School to the Art museum of Dallas. It was found that the father of a child has filed a complaint that his child has been exposed to art which was absolutely unauthorized as he was shown an abstract nude. As a result, this brought controversy upon the school. Therefore, art should be created so that it is appreciated by its viewers and creates a good impact on them (Cox, 2006).

Another controversial issue was that Hitler could not become part of the art school because it was painted in a traditional style and hence, was not able to fulfil the criteria of the art school. Art school requires a contemporary way of painting, which is less realistic. Hitler, during his regime, barred new artists, who were selling artwork and was in favour of the traditional artists. Art varies from place to place and as a result to this, the frequency of controversy increases.

Journal entry for movies

I found certain movies like Girl with a Pearl Earring and The Agony and the Ecstasy very artistic. Both of these movies have depicted art in their content but in different ways. In the movie Girl with a Pearl Earring, an artistic temperament is depicted by girl. The movie reveals an artistic passion.

The photography in the film is very sensuous, showing the golden age of Dutch culture. The pictures in the photography contain fantastic colour and scale, crowded with plentiful costumes and magnificent architecture. This photographic art keeps the eyes engaged.

In 1930s, the art scene in America was greatly dominated by the practicality and regionalism. The film on Jackson Pollock by Ed Harris presents a powerful picture of Jackson Pollock. The film has performed in an outstanding manner by evoking the true feeling of the time duration with the help of the costumes and scenery. The film depicts the darker side of Pollock’s life as he struggled with demons. This movie became the centre of attention for those American people who liked the modern art.

Art in Exile

On the other hand, the film Agony and ecstasy shows huge interesting reflection of art. It is characterized as the superior period piece, which became an epic. I really appreciate this movie as it pictured Charles Heston as the grand artist. I really found it fairly attractive, the way they have displayed the stressed relationship. The movie depicts the true sense of the art and love. This movie clearly describes how art can move the soul of the person. I admire the extent of time spent by chuck in learning how to paint (Reed, 1965).

Journal entry for the relevance with the Puerto Rico:

In the late 20th century Graffiti has turned into a well-known force in urban settings. The extent of attitudes towards graffiti has shown a broad and contentious concept. Most of the writers regard the graffiti as a social term, which was introduced for culture around 70’s. Therefore, I would use graffiti as writing.

The tradition of folk art for carving the santos i.e. using saints of wood for house hold devotion forms the par of Puerto Rican culture. The santos from the past served as the prime object of devotion, but at present they form the part of artistic merit, which is because of the link with the ancient culture of Puerto Rico.

Both the old and new santos of Puerto Rican function continuously in a devotional framework for a few number of their owners and santeros. For the carvers of Puerto Rico, carving a santos forms a religious experience (Dennant, 1997).

Graffiti showed inter connected factors to the world of hip-hop, sometime also studied as a part of its own entity. Graffiti depicts an artistic aspect of confrontation towards the authority and simultaneously reflects expression towards subculture. I have found that in the early time of Christianity, saints were given honour as role models, courageous heroes and guardians.

In the present time the carving of the santeros remind me of the fundamental task played by these holy pictures in the everyday lives of supporters. From the point of dedication towards the signs of Puerto Rican traditions and art, the modern santos from Puerto Rico fit into the highly prosperous tradition, which goes forward to progress in response to the changes in the political, social and religious context.

References

Manga and Japanese Contemporary Art. (2005). Retrieved August 23, 2008 from http://www.taidemuseo.hel.fi/english/tennispalatsi/programme/manga.html

The Santos Tradition. (2004). University of Florida. Retrieved August 23, 2008 from http://www.harn.ufl.edu/santos/introduction.php

Carol Reed (1965). The Agony & The Ecstasy. [ONLINE] Available at: http://charltonhestonworld2.homestead.com/AgonyEcstasyPg1.html. [Last Accessed 23 August 2008].

Ian Cox (2006). Teacher Sacked Over Nude. [ONLINE] Available at: http://coxsoft.blogspot.co.uk/2006/10/teacher-sacked-over-nude.html. [Last Accessed 23 August 2008].

Pamela Dennant (1997). The Emergence of Graffiti in New York City. [ONLINE] Available at: http://www.hiphop-network.com/articles/graffitiarticles/emergenceofnycitygraffiti.asp. [Last Accessed 23 August 2008].

This work was produced by one of our professional writers as a learning aid to help you with your studies

The Greek Revival and the Gothic Revival are terms that carry specific meanings in relation to the history of architecture. What did they represent at the time and what was the nature of the conflict between the respective adherents?

The Gothic Revival represented chiefly two things: firstly, in its earlier form, it was a Romantic celebration in stone of the spirit and atmosphere of the Middle Ages; secondly, in its later and more serious form, the Gothic Revival reflected the architectural and philosophical conviction of its exponents that the moral vigour of the Middle Ages was reflected in its Gothic architecture, and that the reintroduction of this Gothic style of architecture to eighteenth-century society could re-invigorate it morally. Neo-Gothic architecture in its earlier forms, typified by buildings such as Horace Walpole’s Strawberry Hill, was characterized by a highly ornamental, decadent, visually powerful and intricate style; and, what is more, a style that cared little for functionalism or strict adherence to specific structures. By these characteristics Neo-Gothic architecture encapsulated the Romantic literary and poetic spirit of the age, as had been evinced in the works of men like Horace Walpole, Alfred Tennyson and Sir Walter Scott. In this sense, the Neo-Gothic was a nostalgic and sentimental backward glance. In a different sense the Gothic Revival represented the attempt of certain architects and churchmen to transfer the liturgical vigour of Gothic churches of the Middle Ages to the eighteenth century by capturing it in stone. Thus men like Augustus Pugin and John Ruskin came to argue that the Gothic Revival represented a standard of moral excellence that was to be practised and imitated as widely as possible.

The Greek Revival grew out of the neoclassicism movement, and represented in essence an attempt by its adherents to find in the architecture of antiquity a form of architecture that corresponded to the principles of reason and order emerging from their own Age of Reason and Enlightenment. Neoclassicism, and the Greek Revival in particular, represented a pursuit for architectural and intellectual truth. An architect could perceive in the forms of antiquity principles of excellent reasoning and intelligence that prevailed in the rationalistic spirit of his own age, and by reinvigorating the ancient style the neoclassical architect could build buildings that were inspired by and inspired in others principles of reason and rationality. Neoclassicism and the Greek Revival conflicted with the Gothic Revival because they perceived the moral truths claimed by the Gothic revivalists as chiefly illusory and false. The Gothic Revival was, in the neo-classicist’s eyes, a decadent celebration of style over substance that elevated illusion and ornament above reason and truth. Neo-Gothic architects were seemingly content to produce endless copies and weak imitations of Gothic style merely to please frivolous aristocrats; neo-classicists however believed that their architecture was a creative act that gave birth to constantly new adaptations of the classical model. Neo-Gothic architects in turn conflicted with neoclassicism because it was cold and devoid of emotion, feeling or moral purpose; its elite attitude rendered any collaboration between the two styles most difficult.

Art historians divide the Gothic Revival into two stages, and each of these stages came to represent quite different ideas. The first stage of the Gothic revival was characterized a ‘raw’ and naive imitation of Gothic architecture that lacked either an architectural philosophy or a coherent system of organization. The first building of this early type was Lord Horace Walpole’s villa Strawberry Hill which was built in 1747; another prominent early specimen was Fonthill Abbey designed and built by James Wyatt. Both of these buildings, in the spirit of Walpole’s atmospheric novel Castle of Otranto (Walpole, 2004), were attempts to preserve in stone the Romantic atmosphere of the Middle Ages; both also demonstrated perhaps more clearly than any other buildings of this time the impracticality and lack of structure of much Neo-Gothic building. This first flourishing of Neo-Gothic architecture was extended into the public sphere also: for instance in the new Houses of Parliament designed and built by Sir Charles Barry and A.W. Pugin. In America too, this nascent Neo-Gothic style was reflected in buildings such as Richard Upjohn’s Trinity Church built in New York in 1840 and Renwick’s St. Patrick’s Cathedral also built in New York. The picturesque quality and organization of many of these buildings led to applause for its Romantic splendour, but also much criticism for its lack of substance and for its unfaithful imitation of the original Gothic form.

If the first stage of the Gothic Revival lacked diligent observation and restoration of Gothic architecture or philosophical principles, then serious efforts were made at the turn of the century to ground the movement more securely upon such principles. The ‘late’ period of Neo-Gothic is thus characterized by a stricter adherence to medieval architectural form and to a philosophical interpretation that viewed Gothic architecture as a paragon of moral virtue and excellence. In England two men were of foremost importance in the development of this second stage: A. Pugin and J. Ruskin. (In France, Eugene-Emmanuel Viollet-le-Due played an equally important role). By this time, architects were no longer content to merely imitate Gothic forms and designs, but sought to create original works founded upon the principles of the original Gothic architecture and which fitted to the particular circumstances of nineteenth-century society.

Thus at the turn of the nineteenth-century it is possible to observe a clear evolution in the form of the Gothic Revival away from the loose sentimentality and picturesque quality of the early period and towards a style of dominated by precise architectural limitation of Gothic form as made possible by detailed and comprehensive investigations into this style. One such early investigation was John Carter’s The Ancient Architecture of England (Carter, 1795) which was the first work that recorded with extensive detail and exactitude the Gothic style of medieval buildings; Thomas Rickman’s An Attempt to Discriminate the Styles of English Architecture (Rickman, 1817) gave an extensive account of the varieties of Gothic styles, whilst Pugin’s Specimens of Gothic Architecture (Pugin,1821) deepened and extended the range and accuracy of these initial investigations. Nonetheless, despite the great advances that had been made in the scholarship of the Gothic Revival, the actual building of Gothic buildings remained for some time in the earlier ornamental style that characterized the first period of the movement — famous examples being Windsor Castle which was restored in 1824 by Sir Jeffrey Wyatville, and King’s College Cambridge in 1827to 1831. The greatest use of the Neo-Gothic style at this time was however for church buildings — the style being cheaper and easier to construct than neoclassical designs.

For all the diligent and pain-staking work of the Gothic Revival scholars to come to life in actual buildings it took the skill and vision of one particular man. This man was Augustus Charles Pugin: he presented the argument that Neo-Gothic architectural style was the most fitting emblem of the spirit of the Catholic Church and so was also therefore the only permissible architectural form to express the work of Godin his Church. In Contrasts (1836) Pugin argued that architectural form imitates the condition of the society that creates it; since the society of medieval times was a paragon of virtue and moral integrity then it was natural and obvious that Gothic architecture is the most moral form of architecture. Thus in The True Principles of Pointed or Christian Architecture (1841) Pugin was able to set down comprehensive and coherent principles for the justification of the Gothic Revival. In a major step away from the earlier decadence or the style, Pugin argued that all features and designs of a church must be essential for its correct functioning and structural shape; architecture form must be clean and purposeful since these are also the qualities that we expect of our moral condition. Pugin put this architectural philosophy into practice most assiduously in the years 1837 to 1844: in St Mary’s Church in Derby, in St. Wilfred’s Church in Manchester and in St. Oswald’s Church in Liverpool and many other church buildings. Pugin’s work quickly became an inspiration for Anglican Church reformers such as the Tractarians in Oxford who used his architectural church style as an ideal form by which to carry out their own agenda of church building restoration.

It should be noted here that Pugin’s work as well as that of many other architects across Britain and Europe was profoundly influenced by the ideas of John Ruskin and his two seminal works The Seven Lamps of Architecture (1849) and The Stones of Venice (Ruskin,1854). Ruskin’s ideas were inspired by the architectural forms that he had seen in Italy and particularly in Venice; Ruskin thus argued that Gothic was the supreme form of architecture due to the ‘sacrifice’ made by stonemasons in detailing every stone of a building. Ruskin thus exalted Doge’s Palace as ‘ the central building in the world‘ (Ruskin, 1854) — arguing that Pugin’s programme of Gothic Revival in churches should be extended to government buildings also. Moreover, Ruskin himself by his teachings extended the Gothic Revival further by promoting a ‘polychromatic’ style of work inspired by Italian Gothic architecture. This work in turn inspired buildings such as Butterfield’s All Saint’s Church, Keble College in Oxford and Rugby School.

In short, by the end of the eighteenth century the Gothic Revival had been transformed from what began as a Romantically inspired fondness for majestic ornamentalism, into a style of architecture grounded upon powerful moral and philosophical principles as well as an intricate and comprehensive awareness of Gothic form.

The Greek Revival, a growth out of the neoclassicism movement, flourished in the years 1750-1830, and was in many ways the antithesis of the Neo-Gothic form of architecture with which it was contemporaneous. As we have seen, whatever its later manifestations, the Gothic Revival had been a product of Romanticism and of the passions and emotions; the Greek Revival, in complete contrast, exalted reason, the intellect and rationality above all else. Neoclassicism sought as its highest aim to realize architectural and intellectual purity and truth — in stark contrast to what it perceived to be the ornamentalism and illusory truth of the Neo-Gothic style. ‘Neo’-classicism was founded upon a corpus of work that had in antiquity achieved canonical status, that is, it was based upon the observation of ‘classic’ art and classic form. In the words of Crook (1995) ‘ Ideally – and neoclassicism is essentially an art of the ideal – an artist, well-schooled and comfortably familiar with the canon, does not repeat in a lifeless reproductions, but synthesizes the tradition anew in each work ‘. In other words, neoclassicism — of which the Greek Revival was to become the most refined example — sought the highest possible levels of artistic achievement; the neo-classicist style existed only to reinterpret for contemporary circumstances the great work and principles that had already been achieved in the past. Thus, in Crook’s words (1995), ‘Neoclassicism exhibits perfect control of an idiom’ (Crook,1995); that is perfection already achieved, the architect’s task is to fit that perfection of antiquity in a modern cast. All of these above points are significant for understanding the opposition of architects of the Greek Revival against the Gothic Revival. For, in the beginning, much of Neo-Gothic architecture consisted of little more than crude and naive imitations of far superior original Gothic works. Thus in such imitation work there was no creativity and no continuation of the development of an existing idiom. Thus Neo-Gothic form was viewed by Greek revivalists as superfluous and as inferior to their own architectural pursuits.

The emergence of the Greek Revival was made possible by an astonishing efflorescence of archaeological exploration into the sites and cultures of classical Rome and Greece around the middle of the eighteenth century. The discoveries of the archaeologists inspired and sustained the Greek revival. In 1719 Bernard de Montfaucon’s released his giant ten-volume opus Antiquity Explained and Represented in Diagrams (Montfaucon, 1719). This book was hugely popular and intrigued the imaginations hundreds and thousands of European tourists who began to flock to the sites of ancient Rome and Greece. Furthermore, the sensational excavations of cities like Pompeii and Herculaneum in 1748 and 1738 further fuelled the imaginations of architects, archaeologists, novelists and many others. Many other works on classical art and architecture such as Giovanni Piranesi’sPrima Parte di Architecttura, Robert Wood’s Ruins of Palmyra (1753) and Robert Adam’s Ruins of the Temple of the Emperor Diocletian (Adam’s, 1764)were soon published and led to still further thousands going on adventures to the Continent.

This general interest in classical antiquity quickly transformed in the eighteenth century into a burst of fascination with Greek antiquities in particular and displayed a conviction as to the superiority of Greek above Roman architecture. The discovery of the sixth-century ruins of Paestrum received much publicity and was recorded by Italian artist Domenico Antonini and French architect Jacques-Germain Soufflot; soon afterwards Pancrazi published his seminal Antichita Siciliane and Dumont released his Ruins de Paestrum. Deeper investigation into the Greek mainland territory led James Stuart and Nicholas Revett to publish The Antiquities of Athens (Stuart & Revett, 1750) which was highly influential upon architects in England. Whilst it took some time for this appreciation of Greek form to be turned into actual imitative buildings nonetheless the superiority of Greek to Roman architecture had been established by the time of Johan Winckelmann’s Reflections on the Painting and Sculpture of the Greeks in 1765.

Thus architects of the Greek Revival sought to infer from these classical forms principles of order and reason that corresponded to those being discovered in their own age of Enlightenment; neoclassical architects argued that if their own buildings came to embody these principles then society at large would be edified by the experience. Nonetheless, the Greek Revival, like Neoclassicism generally, contained an inherent paradox. Its longing backward-stare to the times of antiquity was inspired by as much by an emotional fondness for antiquity (supposedly the characteristic of the Romantic Gothic Revival) as a predilection for principles of pure reason and rationality. Thus some twentieth century arthistorians have come to speak of this aspect of the Greek Revival as ‘Romantic Classicism’ (Stillman, 1998).

After 1800, in England, the internal dynamics of Neoclassicism directed the movement away from Roman architecture and toward that of ancient Greece – as such, a huge number of buildings were built in these years according to the architectural principles of ancient Greece. Sir John Soane, the architect of the Bank of England, developed a highly influential architectural style that involved promoting the linear abstraction of classical Greek forms and, by using extensive archaeological evidence to inform the designs of patterns, he achieved a spectacular dramatization of the interior spaces of his buildings — a style reminiscent of Etienne-Louis Boullee and Claude-Nicholas Ledoux on the continent. A prominent example of this new style in England was Downing College, Cambridge, modelled upon the Erechtheum from the Acropolis in Athens. The Covent Garden Theatre in London, built by Sir Robert Smirke, was the first Doric style building in the capital; the planning of Regent Street as well as Regent Street Park by John Nash reflected the use of classical Greek styles of city planning and organization. So too the British Museum in London built in 1847 is perhaps the most prominent example of ionic Greek imitation in Britain. In Edinburgh — named admiringly the’ Athens of the North’ by locals at the time — the Greek Revival was extremely influential in the eighteenth century, as shown in buildings such as the Royal High School and the Royal Scottish Academy. The dominance of Greek neoclassical architecture would dominate the British landscape until the advent of Modernism in the twentieth century.

In the final analysis, even if it is paradoxical to say so in light of the sustained conflict that existed between them, both the Gothic Revival and Greek Revival had similar goals, and used similar means to attain those goals. The Gothic Revival began life as a celebration of the spirit and forms of a time other than its own: the Middle Ages. So too, the Greek Revival was engendered by a renascent fascination with classical archaeology and the Greek Revival’s preoccupation was with the ideals and forms of ancient Greece – somewhere even more removed than Medieval Europe! The Greek Revival ultimately represented an attempt to renew and reinvigorate the classical Greek belief in the purity and perfection of architectural form and its corresponding revelation of ‘truth’. It was thus no coincidence that the spirit of the neoclassical age was also dominated by the Enlightenment and the Age of Reason. The Greek Revival thus cast the ancient principles of classical Greece in the mould of eighteenth century rationality; the aim here, like with the later Gothic Revival, being to produce a form of architecture that would edify society. The bitter conflict between the Gothic Revival and the Greek Revival can be explained simply by the fact that each were prepossessed by attitudes quite contrary to the other: one exalting reason and order, the other passion and emotion. Both revivals were each consumed in the whirlwind of their own zeitgeist and only with retrospect and the other advantages of history is it possible show the equal validity of their separate truths.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Adam, R. (1764). Ruins of the Temple of the Emperor Diocletian. Graham Henry, London.

Atterbury, P. (1996). A.W.N. Pugin: Master of the Gothic Revival. Yale University Press, Yale.

Carter, J. (1795). The Ancient Architecture of England. Sawsbury Press, Sawsbury.

Crook, J.M. (1995). The Greek Revival: Neoclassical Attitudes in British Architecture 1760-1870. John Murray, London.

Eastlake, C.L. (1970). A History of the Gothic Revival. Leicester University Press, Leicester.

Ferguson, F.G. (1973). The Neo-Classical Architecture of James Wyatt. Harvard University Press, Massachusetts .

Hamlin, T. (1946). Greek Revival Architecture in America. Open University Press, London.

Montfaucon, B. (1719). Antiquity Explained and Represented in Diagrams. London.

Pugin, A, P. (1821). Specimens of Gothic Architecture. Nattali Press, London.

Pugin, P,A. (1836). Contrasts. Peter Cough Books, London.

Pugin, P,A. (1844). The True Principles of Pointed or Christian Architecture. Berry Press, Burnside.

Rickman, T. (1817). An Attempt to Discriminate the Styles of English Architecture. Threebells Press, Glasgow.

Ruskin, J. (1849). The Seven Lamps of Architecture. Trent House Press, London.

Ruskin, J. (1854). The Stones of Venice. Trent House Press, London.

Stillman, D. (1998). English Neo-Classical Architecture Vol.1. W Zwemmer, London.

Stuart, J. & Revett, N.(1750). The Antiquities of Athens. Dasterfield Press, Bedford.

Walpole, H. (2004). The Castle of Otranto. David & Charles, Newton Abbott.

Wiebenson, D. (1969). Sources of Greek Revival Architecture. A Zwemmer, London.

Winckelman, J. (1765). Reflections on the Paintings and Sculptures of the Greeks. John Paul, Edinburgh.

Wood, R. (1753). Ruins of Palmyra. Falstaff Press, Dublin.

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What were the distinctive features of the Manchester school of anthropology?

Structural-functionalism, which dominated British social anthropology for much of the twentieth century, interpreted society in terms of its institutions. Institutions provided society with its structure and worked together to keep society, a bounded unit, in a state of equilibrium.

A person’s role or position in the structure determined their behaviour. In the early 1950s, criticisms of the structural-functionalist approach began to emerge from the Manchester school of anthropology, a group of anthropologists involved with the anthropology department at Manchester University. The Manchester school reacted against the obsession with formal institutions and the structure they supposedly produced.

Many felt it was time to move away from the search for ideal types and focus on the much-neglected individual and how he/she coped in a system full of contradictions and inconsistencies. The Manchester school developed a distinctive approach which focused on the role of conflict in society, acknowledged the importance of the wider context (particularly the impact of colonialism), shed light on the issue of multiple identities through their studies of urban and rural communities, and advanced a new analytical model; namely social network analysis. Although the school is distinct in certain ways, its continued reliance on the structural-functionalist paradigm must be realised.

In contrast to structural-functionalists, the Manchester school did not see social equilibrium as “a simple affair, resulting from the neat integration of groups or norms. On the contrary it emerges through the balancing of oppositions in a dialectical process” [Kuper 1973, 139]. In other words, conflict is an inherent part of society but certain mechanisms exist to ease the tensions and maintain an equilibrium. Ritual, according to Max Gluckman, was one such mechanism.

He analysed “rituals of rebellion” in southern African societies and argued that “whatever the ostensible purpose of the ceremonies, a most striking feature of their organization is the way in which they openly express social tensions” [Gluckman 1963, 112]. One such ceremony occurred in Swaziland. The dominant cleavage in the society was between the king and his subjects.

During the ceremony various groups formed cross-cutting ties which undermined and reduced the severity of the dominant cleavage and the king’s subjects were given the opportunity to voice their hatred towards him. “This ceremony is…a stressing of conflict, a statement of rebellion and rivalry against the king, with periodical affirmations of unity with the king” [Gluckman 1963, 125]. One could infer that such a ritual could totally disrupt a society based on the domination of the ruled by the ruler.

Crucially however, the people are rebelling specifically against the king, and not against the institution of kingship; “the rebellious ritual occurs within an established and unchallenged social order” [Gluckman 1963, 126-27]. In sum Gluckman explains,

The acceptance of the established order as right and good, and even sacred, seems to allow unbridled excess, very rituals of rebellion, for the order itself keeps this rebellion within bounds. Hence to act the conflicts, whether directly or by inversion or in other symbolic form, emphasizes the social cohesion within which the conflict exists [Gluckman 1963, 127]

The ritual reaffirms and perpetuates the social order.

Gluckman’s fieldwork in Zululand and Swaziland established conflict as an unavoidable aspect for analysis in the study of society. However, he has been criticized by many for continuing to use a structural-functionalist paradigm. His studies address the issue of conflict but always in terms of how it is contained by mediating mechanisms (such as ritual) which reaffirm the social order. Kuper explains that this

emphasis on the maintenance of equilibrium grew out of his study of white-ruled Zululand, ‘which despite its many unresolved and irresoluble conflicts, “worked”’, obliging him to consider ‘how social systems could contain the deep conflicts which are present in all of them’ [Kuper 1973, 141].

In other words, Gluckman concentrated on repetitive (as opposed to changing) social systems in which “changes occur not by alterations in the order of offices, but by changes in the persons occupying those offices” [Gluckman 1963, 128]. This, Kuper argues, is “the most vulnerable feature of Gluckman’s theory” [Kuper 1973, 140]. Although it may shed light on small-scale, non-centralized communities, it ignores conflicts “in which the contending parties no longer share the basic values upon which the legitimacy of the social system rests” [Swartz 1966, 34].

From the viewpoint of the sociology of knowledge, it is no accident that this alteration of analytical focus from structure to process has developed during a period in which the formerly colonial territories of Asia, Africa, and the Pacific have been undergoing far-reaching political changes that have culminated in independence [Swartz 1966, 3]

In other words, with many countries engaged in the struggle for their independence, anthropologists working in the 1950s and 1960s finally accepted that “the total political situation should be taken into account” [Kuper 1973, 142]. As the Manchester school anthropologists carried out most of their work in British Central Africa they focussed particularly on the impact of colonialism and capitalism in the societies they studied. Gluckman argued for the recognition of “a Central African Society of heterogeneous culture-groups of Europeans and Africans” [Kuper 1973, 141].

The point of articulation between imperial and indigenous cultures was epitomized in the position of the headman or elected elder, an office institutionalised by the British. He was seen as an “inter-calary figure”, caught between the demands of the state and the demands of his people [Kuper 1973, 143]. As Epstein’s classic study of Politics in an Urban African Community shows, when Africans rioted against the British in response to an increase in taxes in 1935, the elected elders were also attacked and forced to take shelter with the colonial masters [Kuper 1973, 146]. Such studies shed light on the flaws of the colonial system and the social problems it had caused, topics almost entirely avoided by previous anthropologists.

The Manchester school also focused their attention towards urban and not just rural localities. Through recognition of the urban as a valid and necessary unit of study, the school brought the issues of multiple identities and situational selection to the fore. The process of urbanization in colonial Africa markedly increased the number of identities people associated with themselves. “Sometimes a man might side with Bemba against non-Bemba; at other times with clerks against underground workers; and then again line up with fellow Africans against the white mine authority or the government” [Kuper 1973, 146-47].

In other words, people responded to this identity dilemma by choosing to use or ally with different identities, depending on the social situation; this technique is known as situational selection. In the Kalela Dance Mitchell argues that the same group of people can have very different relationships depending on whether they are in a tribal or urban setting. Thus, “ethnic identity is both situational and negotiated by actors amongst each other, and any continuity is possible in principle but not guaranteed” [Rogers 1995, 23].

In 1954 Barnes published his study of a Norwegian Parish and introduced the concept of the social network as an analytical tool [Mitchell 1969, 5]. “Basically, network analysis is very simple: it asks questions about who is linked to whom, the nature of that linkage, and how the nature of the linkage affects behaviour” [Boissevain 1979, 393]. Social network analysis studied the relationships of interacting people in actual situations.

The individual, instead of structures or institutions, was the starting point. This allowed anthropologists to “concern (themselves) with individuals using social roles rather than with roles using individuals, and with the crossing and manipulation rather than the acceptance of institutional boundaries” [Rogers 1995, 20]. In contrast to the structural-functionalist approach which viewed a person’s role in the structure as determining their behaviour, social network analysis considered how individuals adopt and modify the rules to further their own interests and “use network linkages in order to achieve desired ends” [Mitchell 1969, 38].

Network analysis was found to be particularly useful for studies of larger scale communities. As Mitchell argues, this is because of the “large number of single-stranded relationships in them, therefore institutional integration is relatively weak” [Mitchell 1969, 48]. In other words, in bigger, more complex communities people have fewer overlapping relations; using an institutional approach is simply not sufficient for such societies. Also, “social network analysis facilitates the tracing of the connections between locality and wider contexts”, an important factor in an approach so concerned with the “total” situation [Rogers 1995, 18].

An interesting aspect of social network analysis is its application of mathematical methods to anthropological study. Mitchell argues that the “use of graph theory and probability mathematics provides an intriguing method of erecting model networks with which empirical networks can be compared” [Mitchell 1969, 34]. This “openness to methodological innovation” was a key feature of the Manchester school but the school also widely accepted that statistical methods should be used as an aid, and not form the basis of anthropological analysis [Kuper 1973, 142].

There are numerous problems with social network analysis. “The study of personal networks requires meticulous and systematic detailed recording of data on social interaction for a fairly large group of people, a feat which few fieldworkers accomplish successfully” [Mitchell 1969, 11]. Social network analysis is simply too time-consuming and detailed for it to be a viable analytical model in many situations.

Also, although the level of abstraction is not as great as it is in the structural-functionalist approach, the anthropologist must still identify the limits or extent of a network, and select the individual or group at the centre of it. The isolation of one part of the network is “based on the fieldworker’s judgement of what links are significant in explaining the behaviour of the people with whom he is concerned” [Mitchell 1969, 13-14]. Just as structural-functionalists “found” structures in society, the Manchester school “found” networks.

However, the important factor to keep in mind with regard to social network analysis is that it was always intended as a complement to structural-functional analysis. As Mitchell outlines, the “notion of social networks is complementary to and not a substitute for conventional frameworks of analysis” [Mitchell 1969, 8].

In conclusion, it is clear that the Manchester school was distinctive for several reasons. Firstly, it was an action-oriented approach which described the social system as it actually was, full of conflicts and contradictions. Cleavages and tensions were dealt with through various redressive mechanisms. Secondly, it rejected the view of society as a bounded unit and acknowledged the influence of a wider context in all situations; the role of colonialism in causing social problems in Africa was highlighted.

In addition, the Manchester school addressed both urban and rural localities and in doing so furthered anthropology’s understanding of multiple identities and the necessary application of situational selection. Finally, the school advanced the use of social network analysis, applying mathematical methods to the study of culture and bringing the individual and his/her interactions with other actors in actual settings to the centre of study.

Despite these advances, the Manchester school continued to function within a structural-functionalist paradigm. This is shown, for example, by the fact that conflict was studied only in relation to equilibrium; the school did not account for social change or transformation. Also, although they emphasised the impact and inequalities of the colonial system, the Manchester anthropologists did not provide a general theoretical approach for the colonial situation.

Finally, its analytical model was designed as a complement to structural-functionalist modes of analysis. The Manchester school is characterised by several distinct features however, overall it “represents more of a shift of emphasis than a complete departure from pre-war structuralism” [Kuper 1973, 148].

Bibliography

Boissevain, J. 1979. Network analysis: a reappraisal, Current Anthropology 20: 392-394.

Gluckman, M. 1963. Order and rebellion in tribal Africa. London: Cohen & West.

Hannerz, U. 1992. The global ecumene as a network of networks, in A. Kuper (ed.) Conceptualising society. London: Routledge.

Kuper, A. 1973. Anthropology and anthropologists: The modern British school. London: Routledge.

Mitchell, J.C. 1969. Social networks in urban situations. Manchester: Manchester University Press.

Rogers, A. & S. Vertovec. 1995. The urban context: ethnicity, social networks and situational analysis. Oxford: Berg.

Swartz, M., V. Turner & A. Tuden. 1966. Political anthropology. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co.

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Question: What was the reaction of British anthropologists to Levi-Strauss’s work?

Claude Levi-Strauss (1908) was and is the pope of structuralism, to quote Marcel Henaff. (1998:2) As my account of his contribution to the shaping of this ‘method’ or ‘tool’ – as he himself insisted on calling it (Kuper 1996:175, Henaff 1998:6) – later in this essay illustrates, that is something that can hardly be disputed. It is not so self-evident, however, what the overall importance of his work for social anthropology was, and how well-received his ideas were at the time of their emergence. In this essay, I will focus on the latter question in the context of Britain, in particular with reference to Edmund Leach (1910-1989).

To come to an answer to this question, I will first briefly describe the British anthropological landscape before the introduction of Levi-Strauss’s concept of structuralism. Then I will give an outline of Levi-Strauss’s ideas and his applications thereof, and assess of every aspect of Levi-Strauss’s work to what extent it was valued, adopted and applied by British anthropologists such as Leach.

It is hereby necessary that I pay attention to the positive reactions as well as the substantial criticism Levi-Strauss received from British anthropologists. Finally, by summarizing previously made points, I will hopefully be able to assess whether the reaction of Leach and others to Levi-Strauss’s structuralism and the ideas it brought forward was predominantly positive or negative and what the overall impact of Levi-Strauss on Leach’s anthropology was.

Needless to say, Levi-Strauss was not the first French theorist whose ideas would have noticeable influence in British anthropology. In the first half of the 20^th century, after the ‘fall’ of Frazer’s evolutionism that aimed to compare the details of human culture on a worldwide scale, Durkheim’s sociological theories were a major inspiration for one of the central figures in British social anthropology: Radcliffe-Brown. (Leach 1970:7)

His focus was on coherence within groups in (primitive) societies; put very simply, the dominant view was that all institutions and ‘aspects of cosmology’ such as religion served primarily to maintain the group structure, by functioning as tools for the recreation of appropriate sentiments and the enforcement of norms. (Kuper 1996:160) Radcliffe-Brown’s anthropology was clearly naturalist, in the sense that Radcliffe-Brown and his followers tended to assume that the associations and oppositions which people seized upon were somehow presented to them by their environment. (Ibid:170)

Another important aspect of British anthropology, introduced by its ‘founding father’, Malinowski, was the fact that it was thoroughly empiricist. The belief reigned that theories had to be distilled from empirical facts obtained through fieldwork. (Ibid:170) Malinowski and those in his tradition can be classified as functionalists, for the purpose of their research was to show how a community functioned as a social system, and how its individual members lived their lives. (Leach 1970:7)

Levi-Strauss was not the first anthropologist to be concerned with structure either. In fact, the Oxford school in the 1940’s, led by Radcliffe-Brown, were already looking into the explicit code of social behaviour. However, they did not pay much attention to ‘psychological problems’, that is to say, processes of thought, which was a result of their sociological orientation characterized by neglect of the tradition of Tylor and the culture concept. (Kuper 1996:159-160)

It is worth noting that Levi-Strauss entered anthropology from philosophy, for this explains the choice of many of his focal points. (Henaff 1998:2) Levi-Strauss, too, was inspired by Durkheim – particularly by his later work on a model of society built up of segments integrated by force of mechanical or organic solidarity – as well as by Mauss’s work on exchange, yet he came to different conclusions than Radcliffe-Brown and other British anthropologists, as we will see. (Kuper 1996:160,162)

Other sources of inspiration for Levi-Strauss were American cultural anthropologists from the tradition of Boas, as well as trends in psycho-analysis (notably Freud), mathematics and communication. (Leach 1967:XVI) But the most determinative influence on his work came from Roman Jakobson and his De Saussure-inspired linguistic theory, based on the distinction between ‘parole’ (code, utterances) and ‘langue’ (message, grammar). (Kuper 1996:160, Leach 1970:45-46)

In the following section of my essay I will give an outline of the conclusions Levi-Strauss came to through his research inspired by the abovementioned. I will first explain the goal of his work and his definitions of and views on certain concepts, and then discuss how he applied his method of structuralist analysis to the major themes in his work (in chronological order): kinship, primary classification, and myth.

At the same time, I will shed light on the reactions of British anthropologists to these ideas, with specific reference to Leach. The interest of British social anthropologists in structuralism arose in the 1950s and 1960. British imperialism was falling into decay, and partly because of these circumstances British anthropology became more open to new, foreign ideas. (Kuper 1996:161)

The goal of Levi-Strauss’s anthropology was a fundamentally different one from that of functionalists. His ultimate concern was to understand social relations by uncovering the social structure and, in that way, to establish facts which are true about ‘the human mind’. To achieve this, he reasoned, one should use models. (Henaff 1998:14, Leach 1970:7)

“In anthropology as in linguistics […], it is not comparison that supports generalization, but the other way around. If, as we believe to be the case, the unconscious activity of the mind consists in imposing forms upon content, and if these forms are fundamentally the same for all minds – ancient and modern, primitive and civilized […] – it is necessary and sufficient to grasp the unconscious structure underlying each institution and each custom, in order to obtain a principle of interpretation valid for other institutions and other customs, provided of course that the analysis is carried far enough.”

(Levi-Strauss 1963:21)

In order to understand his work, it is important to determine what Levi-Strauss understood when using the term ‘social structure’. He went further than Radcliffe-Brown, who defined social structure as the set of social relations organized in a system, by arguing that a structure was in fact a model of which social relations are just the “raw materials” and that therefore “social structure can, by no means, be reduced to the ensemble of the social relations to be described in a given society”. (Henaff 1998:13-14)

According to Levi-Strauss, a structure was conceivable only where there was a sufficient degree of internal motivation (as opposed to arbitrariness). Therefore, certain objects only were receptive to the structural approach; their nature had to be closed and finite, and their function had to be to differentiate and order positions and statuses and to link groups through individuals. Levi-Strauss focused primarily on primitive societies, for their forms of organization were stable and tending toward stability, and their activities limited and integrated. (Ibid:8-9)

This groundwork of structuralism became a source of inspiration and guidance for various social anthropologists in Britain, such as Douglas, Needham, and most notably Leach, who Kuper described as “the most enthusiastic and original of the British social anthropologists who experimented with structuralism” and who was responsible for extending its range of applications. (Kuper 1996:173) Levi-Strauss revived their interest in the study of systems of thought and encouraged them to apply linguistic methods onto their anthropological research, as I will illustrate when discussing individual themes in Levi-Strauss’s work.

Leach and other British structuralists adopted his notion of an ‘underlying grammar’, that was based upon a series of binary oppositions which were related to form a system. (Ibid:172) Moreover, Leach always praised Levi-Strauss for causing innovation in anthropology, in the sense that the latter was responsible for applying an original method to categories of orthodox ethnography and directing anthropologists’ attention towards problems that earlier British anthropologists scarcely considered. (Leach 1967:XVI-XVII)

However, this is not to say that Leach was a ‘slavish imitator’ of Levi-Strauss. (Leach 1967:XV) In fact, he challenged or in some cases even set aside some of the very foundations of Levi-Strauss’s approach. (Henaff 1998:70)

First of all, the goal of Leach’s research was different from Levi-Strauss’s. Leach did not aim to identify psychological universals, but rather to elucidate particular social systems. (Kuper 1996:167) This different viewpoint on the purpose of structuralist analysis was caused by Leach’s non-belief in the universality of the mind; he saw it as Levi-Strauss’s own ‘invention’, meant to create a philosophical extension of ethnological results. (Henaff 1998:113)

Besides, Leach considered the linguistic model Levi-Strauss employed too simplistic for the purpose of reaching into ‘the human mind’. (Leach 1970:112) Rather than displaying the structure of the human mind, Levi-Strauss had “ended up by telling us something about the structure of aesthetic perception.” (Ibid:113) Through ‘verbal juggling’, as Leach called it, Levi-Strauss tried to convince his readers of this theory that was generalized and paradoxical, for what is universally true must be natural while Levi-Strauss held the humanity of man to be non-natural by definition (as I will explain in the section on primary classification). (Ibid:82,112) Leach, for one, never came to understand Levi-Strauss’s notion of the mind fully. (Henaff 1998:262)

But perhaps the most important point of criticism from Leach and other structuralists and critics of Levi-Strauss was that the initial model – revolving around ‘universally true, basic meaningful principles’ – which Levi-Strauss relied on was in fact a product of the observer’s own prejudiced presuppositions and rarely corresponded closely to an ethnographic reality. (Leach 1970:19,110)

This point is related to the different stances on empiricism that Levi-Strauss and most contemporaneous Anglo-American anthropologists held. Levi-Strauss did value and indeed conduct observation, but as he believed in an underlying social structure and universality of the human mind, he saw ethnographic facts as displays of a theoretical model at work; mere examples of what is possible. (Ibid:42) As Henaff put it:

“In fact, he asked anthropology to proceed just like any science of observation: to be very empirical and meticulous regarding data gathering and very conceptual regarding the theorization of the set of such data.” (Henaff 1998:15)

Not surprisingly, this position caused significant resistance among British social anthropologists, even those who viewed structuralism positively. According to Leach, among others, it led to Levi-Strauss treating his topics too theoretically and systematically and ignoring time, space, emotion and taboo throughout his research. (Leach 1970:87,60) In other words, he criticised Levi-Strauss’s reductionism.

Levi-Strauss generally provided too little ethnographical evidence, and if he did, he seemed to select this ethnographical evidence to fit his theories. (Ibid:87,90,98,117) A consequence of this is that the contrary is difficult to demonstrate, and therefore Levi-Strauss’s theories can not be critically tested. (Ibid:50,117)

Kinship was the first object that Levi-Strauss regarded receptive to the structural approach, and this is the field where the influence of Mauss was most perceptible.

Levi-Strauss came to the conclusion that reciprocity was the key for understanding kinship. He went as far as to say that marriage was the primary exchange system and that the system of exchanges of women formed the basis for the organization of all societies with any ideology of unilineal descent. (Ibid:104) A central position in his theory about kinship was occupied by the incest taboo, which provided certain prohibitions and in ‘simple’ kinship systems also a positive marriage rule as to who one can/cannot/should marry.

In the case of the latter he drew an additional distinction between generalized and restricted exchange, and created a third ‘bastard form’: delayed reciprocity, which is basically a generalized exchange system where the next rather than the same generation returns a woman. Levi-Strauss identified the problem that generalized exchange was speculative and led to differences between groups in terms of their ‘richness in wives’ despite its egalitarian and integrative nature, an idea that Leach agreed with. (Kuper 1996:162-164)

While studying kinship, Levi-Strauss assumed that both the marriage rules and the actual marriage choices were more or less independent refractions of the single underlying, unconscious grammar of reciprocity and opposition. Therefore, he believed that the way to discover this grammar was either through an analysis of the people’s model, or of the statistical distribution of marriage choices, with a preference for the first method because of the influence political, economic and demographic factors have in practice.

Levi-Strauss was convinced that analysis of simple kinship systems could also illuminate complex kinship systems, for his research had shown that even in the absence of explicit rules a pattern of choices could be discovered. (Kuper 1996:164-165)

Leach and his students adopted Levi-Strauss’s view of society as a system of communication in which women were the ‘message’. He made Levi-Strauss’s analysis more specific by defining the units that exchanged women: local groups of adult males recruited by descent. (Kuper 1996:166-167) Leach did however reveal ambiguities in Levi-Strauss’s ideas about kinship: Levi-Strauss’s confusion of ‘marriage’ and ‘exogamy’, the unclear meaning of ‘elementary structures’ and the mistaken presumption that unilineal descent systems were universal. (Leach 1970:102-105) Most importantly, Leach argued against Levi-Strauss by pointing out that forms of exchange were adapted to political and economic circumstances. (Kuper 1996:167)

In the 1960s, after having published several books on kinship systems, Levi-Strauss himself too noticed that kinship was too embedded in social action to provide a sure guide to mental processes, which is why he shifted his scope to ‘purer expressions of social thought’ that did not deal with objects: primary classification and myth. (Ibid:169)

In his works La Pensee Sauvage and Le Totemisme aujourd’hui, among others, Levi-Strauss studied the way in which the social and natural environment was ordered by verbal categories. The human mind, he argued, imposed patterns on its world by classifying objects using terms that were arbitrary, yet the relationships between these terms had a more universal character. In this way, our process of thought created a set of binary oppositions that formed a system that could be applied to other kinds of relationships, for example between social groups. (Ibid:169-170)

The most important oppositions in the structural conceptual system, and therefore in Levi-Strauss’s work, were Culture/Nature and – closely related – Humanity/Animality. (Ibid:172, Leach 1970:36) Totemism, the application of transformations of the animal level categories to the social classification of human beings, is a method for members of a society to distinguish their fellow humans according to their mutual social status. (Leach 1970:39-40)

Levi-Strauss saw distinguishing between ‘two poles’ as necessary in the analysis of primitive thought and manifestations thereof, such as myth, language, colours, and foodstuffs and their modes of preparation:

“Where Barthes opposes system and syntagm, the corresponding contrasts in Levi-Strauss are metaphor and metonym or sometimes paradigmatic series and syntagmatic chain […]. Although the jargon is exasperating the principles are simple. As Jakobson put it, metaphor (system, paradigm) relies on the recognition of similarity, and metonymy (syntagm) on the recognition of contiguity.” (Ibid:48)

The final conclusion Levi-Strauss came to on the topic of the human mind, was that its ‘algebra’ could be represented as a rectangular matrix that could be read horizontally and vertically, and that this principle was universal.(Ibid:52)

Levi-Strauss’s works on primary classification belonged to his most Durkheimian, and they therefore became the ‘entry’ for many British social anthropologists to structuralism. (Kuper 1996:169) As I have made clear earlier, British structuralists were extremely critical of Levi-Strauss’s use of mathematical models.

Despite the fact that he did not take all of Levi-Strauss’ applications of structuralist analysis in the field of primary classification seriously (as was the case with Levi-Strauss’s study on food preparation), Leach applied his less reductionist version of structuralist analysis in ‘new’ fields, for example on animals.

Leach, as well as Douglas, had a particular interest in anomaly, and the taboos originating from it. Douglas was more critical than Leach on this point: she rejected Levi-Strauss’s system of categories of thought for it failed to take into account the emotive force of symbolic action, and she also suggested the addition of a third term to binary oppositions. (Ibid:173)

More or less simultaneously with studying primary classification, Levi-Strauss started looking into myth. According to Levi-Strauss, the aim of myths was to provide logical models capable of resolving some of the contradictions and problems people faced in their lives. (Ibid:172) Many of the myths he analysed had by that time already become divorced from their religious context, but in Levi-Strauss’s eyes this did not make them any less valid for they still possessed their essential structural characteristics. (Leach 1970:56)

Put very simply, Levi-Strauss believed that the real message of myth was contained in a system of relationships (often binary oppositions) with which the myth concerned itself. (Kuper 1996:172) To identify these relationships, the myth should be broken up into incidents. (Leach 1970:62) Levi-Strauss already referred to the importance of taking all versions of one myth into account in order to compare them. He saw the mythology of a given society as a whole as a ‘system’, and each individual story as a syntagm of that system. (Ibid:67-69)

Leach developed this latter notion further. According to him, the existence of multiple myths was a matter of ‘redundancy in communication’ and an intrinsic and necessary feature of mythic tradition, for it ensured that the message, determining the myth’s social and political value by being a system of concepts and categories in terms of which a claim for power or status may be made, got through.

The combination of several versions of one myth formed a structured system of categories organised in local relations of identification, opposition and mediation, which blurred the otherwise stark paradoxes and mysteries that arose. Therefore myth had a cognitive function. Only structuralist analysis could reveal abovementioned system, Leach argued, and thus discover the real message of a myth. (Hugh-Jones and Laidlaw 2000:14-15)

While clearly using his method, Leach criticized Levi-Strauss’s own research on myth for using sources that ‘normal’ people could not consult, and for considering predominantly myths about animals endowed with human attributes, thereby supporting Levi-Strauss’s – from Rousseau derived – thesis that the Humanity/Animality (or Culture/Nature) opposition was a primary concern in human thought. (Ibid:15, Leach 1967:IX)

Finally, Leach disagreed with Levi-Strauss’s belief that structuralist analysis could not be applied to the traditions of the world traditions as it was ‘sacred history’ rather than myth. Leach proved his point by conducting structuralist analysis on the Bible. (Hugh-Jones and Laidlaw 2000:16)

Now I have described both the praise and criticism of Leach and some of his fellow British anthropologists that Levi-Strauss’s structuralist analysis and his applications thereof received, the moment has come to return to the central question of this essay: what was the reaction of British anthropologists, specifically Leach, to Levi-Strauss’s work?

As I have shown, Levi-Strauss’s structuralism was a departure from the functionalism and empiricism that reigned British anthropology in the middle of the 20^th century. The reductionism and the supposed universality of the human mind that Levi-Strauss advocated were generally rejected, and his cavalier use of ethnographic evidence was disapproved of.

Leach definitely was a fierce critic of the errors in Levi-Strauss’s analysis, but at the same time he considered the ‘study of fallacies’ rewarding, and the complexity of Levi-Strauss’s work revealing. (Leach 1970:111,118) Moreover, he and most other British ‘reviewers’ of Levi-Strauss’s work could not deny that Levi-Strauss had made significant theoretical observations and was responsible for creating a ‘new anthropology’.

Leach, like Douglas and Needham, drew a great deal of inspiration from Levi-Strauss structuralism as abovementioned examples from the fields of myth, primary classification and to a lesser extent kinship have demonstrated. By taking both positive and negative aspects of Levi-Strauss’s method into account, Leach developed a less generalized, more empirical form of structuralist analysis, with a more realistic goal in mind, which he used come to improved conclusions on topics Levi-Strauss had already looked into as well as to study other phenomena.

“He has provided us with a new set of hypotheses about familiar materials. We can look again at what we thought was understood and begin to gain entirely new insights. It is not a question of Levi-Strauss being right or Levi-Strauss being wrong; it is more like literary or dramatic criticism. Faced with the challenge of a new point of view one is suddenly able to see the familiar in quite a different way and to understand something which was previously invisible.” (Leach 1967:XVIII)

Bibliography

Henaff, M. 1998. “Introduction: Levi-Strauss and Structuralism”, “Structures of Kinship”, “Unconscious Categories and the Universality of the Mind” and “Notes”. In Claude Levi-Strauss and the Making of Structural Anthropology, 1-21. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Hugh-Jones, S. and Laidlaw, J. 2000. “On Scholastic Nonsense: Myth and History”. In The essential Edmund Leach, Volume II: Culture and Human Nature (ed.) S. Hugh-Jones and J. Laidlaw, 13-18. New Haven/London: Yale University Press.

Kuper, A. 1996. “Levi-Strauss and British neo-structuralism”. In Anthropology and Anthropologists: The modern British school, 3^rd edition, 159-175. London: Routledge.

Leach, E. 1967. “Introduction”. In The Structural Study of Myth and Totemism (ed.) E. Leach, VII-XIX. London: Routledge.

Leach, E. 1970. Levi-Strauss. London: Fontana/Collins.

Levi-Strauss, C. 1963. “Introduction: History and Anthropology”. In Structural Anthropology, 1-30. New York: Basic Books.

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Essay Question: Research and evaluate the corporate governance arrangements for Tesco PLC

Tesco Plc, one of the largest food and beverages retailers in the world is a non-cyclical company that has seen enormous investment from around the globe including Warren Buffet’s parent firm Berkshire Hathaway. On grounds of the company’s established strategy and mature business model it is a recommended investment for the client.

The report:

Defines Corporate Governance
Discusses Tesco’s governance structure
Value drivers for corporate governance
Corporate Governance:

The fundamental pillar as to how corporations are run day to day and all stakeholder interests (shareholders, management, suppliers etc) are taken into consideration is referred to as “Corporate Governance”. The term encompasses the framework for internal controls that a company has in place to help management and those in charge of running the company to act in the best interests of the shareholders (CFA Institute, 2013).

Principles relevant to Corporate Governance that achieve maximum shareholder wealth are attributed to three fundamentals (CFA Institute, 2013):

Ability of shareholders to voice their opinions and concerns in regard to running of the company with minimum hassle; and
The management responsible for running the company acts in an ethical as well as an independent capacity towards all stakeholders of the company so as to ensure the most efficient running of the corporation
Consistent high quality financial reporting so as to ensure investors are receiving all relevant information in a timely and verifiable manner that eventually results in maximum profitable allocation of resources and capital.
Tesco PLC Structure of Governance

Tesco’s operations around the globe have allowed it to develop a strong and fair framework for running the company across all the markets it operates in. The Board of Directors incorporating the Chairman, the Chief-Executive alongside Non-Executive Directors who provide independent appraisal of the vision of the company whilst adding insight to the strategy lies at the forefront of governance (Tesco, 2014). Furthermore, a senior Independent Director is also present on the Board to ensure all conflicts amongst management and shareholders are resolved in the interests of the shareholders which eventually prevents any “agency problems” or front running by the management in regard to the shareholder investments.

The specialised tasks of running the company have called for segregations of major duties to respective committees in the corporation. At present Tesco Plc supports its vision with the help of five committees (Tesco, 2014).

Tesco PLC Board Committees

The major drivers of each committee alongside its evolvement over the years are summarised below.

The Audit Committee: The committee is tasked to ensure that the risk management principles for the company are effective and are consistently updated to keep risk management of Tesco in line with its strategy (Tesco, 2014). Furthermore, interim audits and financial disclosures are verifiable and accurately presented to any person who demands knowledge of them.

The Audit committee is also responsible for recommending the appointment of an independent external auditor for the yearly audit and conducting inquiries into management in regard to any investigative matter it deems fit (Tesco, 2014). Over the years the committee has hired external legal counsel to advice on matters that have raised concern.

“Corporate Governance” Critique for Tesco
Presence of knowledgeable financial experts to help the operating environment of the company
External auditors appointed through shareholder participation and not by management decision
Adherence report in regard to compliance with the UK Governance Code
Continuous training of personnel on the committee to remain updated on matters of accountancy and finance

The Remuneration Committee: The Remunerations committee is primarily responsible for determining the compensation agreements of senior management as well as analyse structure of compensations that needs to be extended out to Executive members so as to retain the most competent and diligent executive management for overseeing the company (Tesco, 2014).

The committee sets out the incentive fee specifications for senior management as well as deliberates on the aptness of expenses that can be claimed by management so as to focus on long term profitability and not short term goals (Tesco, 2014).

“Corporate Governance” Critique for Tesco
Disclosures regarding share scheme payments to management are discussed in the Annual Reports or any other public document
“Clawback” provisions are present to discourage management from participating in short term profitability at the expense of long term ones
Use of external counsels and consultants to ensure no conflict arises in regard to compensation between management and the committee
Outlining philosophy for compensation to management and shareholders so as to assess compensation in “Best case” and “Worst case” situations

The Corporate Responsibility Committee: The committee was established in 2012 and incorporates the principles of the Companies Act 2006 to help govern its scope of operation (Tesco, 2014). The committee ensures Tesco acts in a sustainable manner to benefit the communities and environment. Moreover, it considers impact of corporate actions by Tesco or any of its subsidiaries on the ethical culture present across all its markets of operation.

“Corporate Governance” Critique for Tesco
Consistent and timely updates on ethical stances of Tesco throughout its financial year and implications of such actions on the communities
Updating investor and consumer beliefs in regard to sustainable business model and sourcing of operations for Tesco Plc
Develop strong communication channels to ensure investors are aware of business model and the company is living up to its reputation

The Nominations Committee: The Nominations committee lies at the heart of the company. It is tasked primarily with all matters relevant to management. Acting in accordance with the Companies Act 2006, the committee ensures that executives on the board possess relevant skill to discharge duties, project a vision for the achievement of goals and the balance required between executive and the non-executive directors so as to maintain independence within the organisation (Tesco, 2014). Furthermore, the committee deals with regular appraisal of management so as to make sure the leadership quality of the board is not compromised.

Since its development the committee has also taken up the responsibility to ensure that equitable nomination procedures are drawn and implemented on a firm wide basis as well as a smooth transition mechanism is prevalent for passing over of responsibility when managerial personnel change.

“Corporate Governance” Critique for Tesco
Presence of independent members ensure shareholder interests are at the forefront of discussion
Linking management performance to compensation by means of regular appraisals helps Tesco ensure that it is extending out the most cost-effective expertise at every level

The Disclosures Committee: The committee not only makes sure that consistency prevails in financial statements making them easily verifiable but also scrutinizes the annual reports to ensure that accounting estimates or policies are not inappropriate for treatment of various matters (including financial and operating leases) (Tesco, 2014). The committee also deals with incorporating a framework within the firm to handle “material nonpublic information” and how it is to be disclosed.

“Corporate Governance” Critique for Tesco
Helps ensure effective risk management with regard to insider information and assessing best course of action to dealing with speculations in the market
Enhancing investor confidence by making sure that notes to the financial statements are comparable over periods of time

The Corporate Governance framework at the Executive Management level is limited to the Board, the Board’s composition and the committees formed to review their respective matters. To deal with corporate governance on a business strategy level Tesco ensures that each division possesses its own strategic plan to enhance performance and help achieve the company’s vision. The committees can be thought of as being responsible for a distinct business segment of the company and at the moment are made up of the following (Tesco, 2014):

Compliance Committee
Multichannel Committee
People Matters Group
Property Strategy Committee
Social Responsibility Committee
Technology Committee
Commercial Committee

Given the nature of the work of such committees the overall oversight responsibility lies with the Chief Executive of the company. These add value by ensuring the laying down of a strategy for fulfillment of objectives.

A brief critical outline for other minor stakeholders is also provided below. However, corporate governance should be more closely linked with management, the Board and shareholders. (CFA Institute, 2013).

Customers

Tesco’s “Clubcard” rewards programmes and the “Finest Product” range helps the mature company retain its trusted image. Customers see such aspects as the most value efficient means for satisfying their needs. A store format from hypermarkets to corner stores ensures that each store type caters to the unique needs of the community it is housed in. Tesco’s ability to house a multichannel leadership under one roof helps keep barriers to new entrants high and protect market share in the UK.

Employees

Tesco places immense importance on the skill and betterment of its employees. The company trained more than 250,000 employees last year in light of turning around the company. The employees are not only encouraged to suggest improvements in stores or company policies through Tesco’s feedback approach but are also made to feel as an intangible asset of the company by continuous investment in their betterment.

Regulators

Legislation has a huge impact on how Tesco conducts its businesses around the globe. The impact is further magnified when the company’s policies are in the spotlight. Anti-competitive and employment legislation have affected Tesco the most over the years, whether in developing or developed markets (Tesco, 2014). For a better public image and to comply with local legislation Tesco actively hires from the local community where new stores are opened. Furthermore, Tesco actively participates in sustainability projects where its huge hypermarket stores open up so as to benefit the community.

Suppliers

Tesco’s significant market share allows it to obtain favorable terms from its suppliers from a monetary point of view whereas special teams such as the agricultural team within the corporation help make sure that the company obtains products of utmost quality from its suppliers (Tesco, 2014). Moreover, the “protector line” initiative by Tesco under which any wrongdoing on part of the supplier can be raised by the suppliers’ employees on behalf of Tesco would enable Tesco to improve its operations (Tesco, 2014).

Having analysed the broad corporate governance framework prevalent at Tesco, improvements that can be instituted to reflect better corporate publicity and reputation are related to three main aspects of the company. The table below illustrates methods for strengthening the prevalent model.

The BoardElection policy of the Board members should be with staggered whilst keeping a majority of independent members at all times thus making sure that shareholders’ interests are paramount
Related party transactions or any conflict of interest arising from people serving on the Board should be disclosed in all interim reports and annual reports
The board should meet without the presence of the management so as to prevent any over riddance of independence
Little or no barriers to communication with investors or shareholders should be prevalent

ManagementEstablish a Code of Ethics to dictate corporate culture of the firm
Increased transparency of options, their exercise period and fees paid out to management for their services rendered (currently amounts disclosed in Financial Statements)
Choosing the optimal “peer group” to benchmark performance so as to allow for the most meaningful comparison
The use of company assets and property should be limited to circumstances as determined by shareholders and the usage as such should be disclosed at the Annual General Meeting

ShareholdersUse of different share classes with different voting powers are fully known to the shareholder
Whether the company allows for shareholders to cast their vote in absence (proxy voting)
Procedure for raising concerns at the Annual General Meeting
Procedures that need approval from the shareholders prior to implementation by the management ( such as defenses in takeovers)

Recommendation Summary

The complex and ever-changing nature of Corporate Governance does not allow for a limited set of principles that govern the matters. The interpretation of the framework for the corporate governance lies with the collaborate interaction of the shareholders and the management.

Given Tesco’s strong framework to delegate matters of public interest and scrutiny to committees independent of the Board and delegating internal strategy vision to segments within the corporation, Tesco successfully ensures that all stakeholder interests are looked after at all times.

The continuous updating of the foundations that form the Corporate Governance framework allows the company to retain its strong customer base and investor confidence. The internal review and revamping of the company’s strategic committees after the “Horse-meat scandal” ensure that the company strives to deliver the very best of responsibility at all levels. Given the responsibilities of various committees of the Board and a “Corporate Code of Ethics” within the firm it is safe to conclude that the company has established an effective corporate governance framework.

Reference List

CFA Institute (2013). Corporate Finance & Portfolio Management. USA: Wiley.

Tesco PLC [2014] Annual Report [Online] Available from www.Tescoplc.com/files/pdf/reports/ar14/download_annual_report.pdf

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