Author: admin

This work was produced by one of our professional writers as a learning aid to help you with your studies

This essay will define and explore the inception and development of auteurist approaches to cinema – the conceit that a film may be said to have an individual author in the manner of a book or a stage play, and that such authorship should be ascribed to the film’s director. Two directors will be used as case studies to illustrate the points being made: Martin Scorsese, and Stephen Frears. Scorsese’s work will be analysed to better understand how auteur status might be aligned with a director, as well as probing the possible limitations of such an approach, and Frears will be invoked as a significant British film director who has worked extensively in both UK and Hollywood cinema, who is critically and commercially successful, yet refutes the concept of auteurism.

Authorship became an intellectual consideration initially with the politique des auteurs developed by French film critics in the immediate post-Second World War years. It developed largely in the pages of the influential film periodical Cahiers du Cinema. The politique, less a fully-conceived theory of popular film than a concordance of critical opinion, sought to position film in line with literature, theatre and classical music by identifying with an “essentially literary and Romantic conception of the artist as the central, even the sole source of meaning in a text”, as Stoddart (1995, p. 39) indicates. Theorist Alexandre Astruc’s 1948 article “The birth of a new avant-garde: la camera-stylo” outlined, as Stoddart (1995, p. 39) goes on to summarise, three important considerations for the approach:

First, that cinema has obtained an equivalence to literature, or any other art form of ‘profundity or meaning’.
Second, that it is constituted through a new and unique language; and,
third, that this situation affords directors a means of personal expression.

Francois Truffaut developed this in his 1948 Cahiers article ‘Une certain Tendence du Cinema Francais’. Truffaut here identified the main problems he saw with French film. Dismissing it as le cinema de papa, and of pursuing a tradition de la qualite, he “accused it of being script-led, redolent of safe psychology, lacking in social realism and of being produced by the same old scriptwriters and film-makers whose time was up”, as Hayward (1996, p. 14) indicates.

The politique advocated a refocus onto mise-en-scene, the visual aspects of cinema, rather than the verbal aspects privileged to date. Following this approach, it would be possible to make both aesthetic judgments about the film, and assign to directors an authorial signature. The politique drew a distinction between auteurs, directors who demonstrated their own creativity and personal stylistic and thematic voice, particularly within the constraints of the Hollywood production system, and those who functioned only as competent practitioners of the technical and organisational aspects of film direction, dubbed metteurs-en-scene. These latter directors, as Stoddart (1995, p. 40) shows “were seen as craftsmen rather than artists, (William Wyler and Fred Zinneman are cited)”. Recognised auteurs included “the likes of Alfred Hitchcock, Howard Hawks, John Ford and Sam Fuller” (Hayward, 1996, p. 15).

Among American film directors, Martin Scorsese may be seen as one who is auteurist. Phillips (2007) deconstructs the 1977 Scorsese-directed New York, New York as a case study of the applicability of a range of theoretical approaches to cinema. For Phillips (2007, p. 17), the “Scorsese auteur structure is assembled deductively from the films Martin Scorsese has directed”; in other words, generalities across a career are deduced, then applied retrospectively back to the individual film text.

Scorsese has collaborated extensively with leading actor Robert de Niro, who is the male lead of New York, New York. Scorsese’s movies typically deal with Italian-American experience and with New York as a setting; elements that are reflected in this text. Many Scorsese-directed films are inflected with crime and gangster genre elements (other Scorsese crime genre films include Mean Streets, Goodfellas, Casino, The Departed); though New York, New York is also generically a musical, there is this thematic subtext to the film too.

Phillips (2007, p. 19) identifies a range of thematic concerns common to other Scorsese-directed films that appear in New York, New York, including: a strong focus on masculinity, on awkward male attitudes towards women, on Catholic guilt, on violence as a flawed solution to problems. Phillips (2007, p. 19) also notes the use of formal aspects of cinema that recur across Scorsese’s films: a quasi-documentary mode of representation, the use of mobile cameras, the interplay of popular music and visuals to create meaning and mood. These kinds of observations may be “amplified by reference to biographical information concerning Martin Scorsese” (Phillips, 2007, p. 19). These include “his Catholic background provid[ing] useful corroborating evidence, and … personal statements such as that in which he says that as a boy he wished to be either a priest or a gangster” (Phillips, 2007, pp. 19-20).

By the early 1960s, the politique des auteurs had fallen out of cachet in France (partly a direct effect of former Cahiers writers like Truffaut, Claude Chabrol and Jean-Luc Godard having turned to direction themselves) , though it was continued in Anglo-American criticism, in British periodical Movie, and significantly, by American critic Andrew Sarris. Sarris developed the French position into what he termed an auteur theory. Sarris sought a “meaningful coherence” between directors as artists and their work (Stoddart, 1995, p. 42). Directorial ability was seen as being comprised of what Sarris saw, according to Mast, Cohen and Braudy (1992, p. 587) as “three concentric circles: the outer circle as technique; the middle circle, personal style; and the inner circle, personal meaning”. These corresponded to the director as technician, as stylist, and as artist respectively. Over time, a director could move through these circles, in either direction, and their status thus diagnosed. Sarris constructed a pantheon of great American directors, among which he listed John Ford, Orson Welles, D W Griffith and Howard Hawks.

Auteurist theories as expressed above are significant in that they examined popular cultural forms with serious scrutiny, though this was done not to understand the popular but what Lapsley and Westlake (1988, p. 107) understand to attempt to “elevate one small section…to the status of high art”. The consideration of mise-en-scene is important in that it laid the ground work for studies of the specifically cinematic. However, as Lapsley and Westlake (1988, p. 109) conclude, there is something perhaps trivial about auteurism, which is both faddish and elitist. There seems to be little engagement with social realities, any examination of cinema’s engagement with the real world is replaced by questions of ranking and relative worth of directors. Questions of the collaborative nature of cinema, of the industrial aspects of commercial film production and exhibition are not dealt with. Similar omissions are made with regard to the role of the audience. At best, auteur theory here sees two types of spectator: the mass audience member who receives the director’s intent without question, and the aware cineaste, who both perceives the intent, and relishes the ways it is conveyed cinematically. Sarris, for example, was criticised (Stoddart, 1995, p. 43) for constructing little more than a personal list of favourites, employing a quasi-rational system that made little objective sense.

Hayward (1996) usefully breaks author-based theories into three phases. The first phase, as outlined above, conceives the author-role as that of the director, and this as being central to the production of meaning. Hayward’s second phase is that of the interaction of auteur theories with structuralism in the 1960s. Hayward identifies a third phase, that of 1970s post-structuralism, which is discussed in the section below.

Author-based theories were allied with French structuralism in the mid-1960s. As Hayward (1996, p. 16) points out, this impetus came not from within film, but from the attentions of semioticians and structuralists, and it was “unquestionably their work that has legitimated film studies as a discipline”. Theorists such as Christian Metz sought to invoke the rational approach of structuralism to counter the romantic subjectivity of auteur theory to this point. The grande syntagmatique that Metz set out in his Essais sur la signification au cinema attempted a totalizing structural theory of cinema. Using Saussure, Metz perceived cinema as a langue, and each individual film as parole. Hayward (1996, p. 16) reminds us that such an all-encompassing theoretical perspective irreversibly overshadows the texts being examined. In addition, aspects outside the theory get ignored, such as “the notion of pleasure and audience reception, and what occurs instead is a crushing of the aesthetic experience through the weight of the theoretical framework” (Hayward, 1996, p. 16). As Cook (1985, pp. 61-2) reminds us, contemporary revisions in both Cahiers du Cinema and the British film periodical Movie sought to refocus the author as one of several structures to be considered in establishing the meaning of film, alongside stars, the industry, linguistic concerns, and social factors. Still unexamined, though, were questions of audience and of ideology.

The third phase Hayward identifies, that of the influence of 1970s post-structuralist thought on the study of cinema, again demonstrates the extent that understanding of film is indebted to theorists from outside film using the medium to exemplify and examine their approaches. Key to this is Roland Barthes’ 1968 declaration of the death of the author. The text, Barthes declared, as King (2002, p. 110) quotes, is:

“not a line of words releasing a single “theologial” meaning (the “message” of the Author-God) but a multidimensional place in which a variety of writings, none of them original, blend and clash. The text is a tissue of quotations drawn from the innumerable centres of culture”

This definitive rebuttal of the romantic ideal of the director as author has been accompanied by a plurality of theories variously combining, according to the individual theorist. Lacanian psychoanalytic, semiotic, Althusserian Marxist, feminist and deconstructivist approaches have all been applied in combination to this end. As King (2000, p. 111) states, an “implicit auteurism remains a convenience for journalism and other film writing and criticism [and] the name of the director remains a potentially useful marketing tool”.

Phillips (2007) examines Scorsese’s filmmaking through three main approaches; auteurist, genre and audience studies, concluding that, in order to most fully understand a film and a director’s work, a range of tools need to be used: “the critical approaches outlined here and applied to New York, New York need to be supplemented by others which explore the relationship between image, sound and their impact on the spectator at more ‘micro’ levels.”

British director Stephen Frears is vocal on the subject of auteurism. Fraser (2010) notes how Frears is reticent to see himself as an auteur, preferring instead to have himself seen, as Fraser reports on BBC executive Alan Yentob’s description of Frears as “the ultimate hired gun”. Fraser (2010) goes on to question if one may “really speak of a coherent style or, indeed, vision, from the man who made, amid some disasters, successful films as various as The Grifters, Dangerous Liaisons, The Deal, and now Tamara Drewe?” The interest for Frears is in the making of films presented to him, rather than exploring personal themes and finding or creating scripts that will permit that exploration. In a recent article (Leigh, 2015) in support of his latest film, the Lance Armstrong biography The Program, this is highlighted, not just by interviewer Danny Leigh, but by Frears as well: “As a young film-maker in the 1960s, [Frears] was amused by the rise of the auteur theory, the idea of directors as visionaries. “I never believed all that rubbish. I haven’t had a vision in my life.””

Auteurist film theories are useful in that they represent a first step towards a theoretical language for cinema, though by themselves they may offer little more than generalities or perhaps an expression of personal preference and taste. The origins of the approach in literature might give auteur theory some initial legitimacy, though it does a disservice to the necessarily collaborative nature of film and of the filmmakers involved in the multiple stages of conceiving, financing, writing, producing editing and distributing a film to its multiple audiences. Though auteurist identifications may be made, and there may be some usefulness in marketing terms to such links, film is perhaps more complicated than this, and required more nuanced study.

Bibliography

Cook, P. (1985) The Cinema Book. London: British Film Institute.

Fraser, N. (2010) Stephen Frears: ‘Audiences aren’t fools – their judgement is crucial’. Available at: http://www.theguardian.com/film/2010/aug/15/stephen-frears-tamara-drewe-interview (Accessed: 4 October 2015).

Dangerous Liaisons (1989) Directed by Stephen Frears [Film]. Warner Bros.

The Grifters (1991) Directed by Stephen Frears [Film]. Miramax.

The Deal (2003) Directed by Stephen Frears [Film]. Granada Productions.

Tamara Drewe (2010) Directed by Stephen Frears [Film]. BBC Films.

The Program (2015) Directed by Stephen Frears [Film]. Working Title.

Hayward, S. (1996) Key Concepts in Cinema Studies. New York: Routledge.

King, G. (2002) New Hollywood Cinema: An Introduction. London: I B Tauris & Co.

Lapsley, R. and Westlake, M. (1988) Thinking About Cinema: An Introduction to Contemporary Film Theory. Manchester, UK: St. Martin’s Press.

Leigh, D. (2015) Interview: Stephen Frears. Available at: http://www.ft.com/cms/s/2/9a1e8f20-6762-11e5-a57f-21b88f7d973f.html (Accessed: 4 October 2015).

Mast, G., Cohen, M. and Braudy, L. (eds.) (1992) Film Theory and Criticism: Introductory Readings. 4th edn. New York: Oxford University Press.

Phillips, P. (2007) Genre, star and auteur critical approaches applied to Martin Scorsese’s New York, New York. Available at: http://cw.routledge.com/textbooks/9780415409285/resources/genrestar.pdf (Accessed: 4 October 2015).

Mean Streets (1973) Directed by Martin Scorsese [Film]. Warner Bros.

New York, New York (1977) Directed by Martin Scorsese [Film]. United Artists.

Goodfellas (1990) Directed by Martin Scorsese [Film]. Warner Bros.

Casino (1995) Directed by Martin Scorsese [Film]. Universal Pictures.

The Departed (2006) Directed by Martin Scorsese [Film]. Warner Bros.

Stoddart, H. (2000) ‘Auteurism and film authorship theory’, in Jancovich, M. and Hollows, J. (eds.) Film Studies: A Reader. New York: Oxford University Press.

This work was produced by one of our professional writers as a learning aid to help you with your studies

8 1/2

Federico Fellini’s 8 1/2 is one of the early landmarks of postmodernism. (Bondanella, 93-116) If the myth is to be believed, Fellini had signed with producer Angelo Rizzoli to direct something like a sequel to his enormously successful La Dolce Vita. Actors were hired. The crew was ready. And a large set had been built: a rocket launching pad. But where was the story? In early drafts of the scenario, Guido Anselmi (Marcello Mastroianni) had been a writer.

Only when Fellini turned the character into a film director did the elements fall into place. This would be a film about director’s block: about not being able to make a film. About what the scholars call ‘the creative process.’ Weaving together fantasy, flashback, fear, and celebration all orchestrated, as usual, by Nino Rota he achieved an overwhelming international success. (Bondanella, 93-116)

8 1/2 remains the key Fellini movie because it is freer from the tyranny of narrative than anything that came before or since. In the Fifties Fellini had been a storyteller in the neorealist tradition. But that wasn’t his real calling. The meandering plot of La Dolce Vita had given him a more accommodating framework for his collection of gorgeous images, extreme characters, and musical set pieces. In 8 1/2 he is free entirely to organize these quintessentially cinematic tropes in a way that fits the curious logic of cinema (not the demands of narrative.) The film is more like a night at the opera than an afternoon at the movies. (Bondanella, 93-116)

Today, national cinema is on the top. It is producing more and more films based on socio-political circumstances. It’s not the quotes from Rossini and Wagner; its Nino Rota and Fellini. To me, Rota has always been Fellini’s co-auteur. There’s a powerful interplay between Rota’s evocative music and Fellini’s musical images. Both of them use their images and themes over and over, reworking variations in interesting ways. 8 1/2 gives Rota more room to elaborate on Fellini’s visuals than he had had in earlier films. Industrial and economic factors are highlighting major issues in modern films like 8 1/2.

Apart from other international standards, the musical nature of 8 1/2 makes it a perfect candidate for DVD. This is one film, like music, that you want to play again and again. About the only feature missing from this Criterion edition is a random player that would allow you to run through the twenty-six chapters in arbitrary order! I’m not joking: restructuring 8 1/2 would reveal a lot about Fellini’s art. You can see from the DVD’s chapters that the maestro’s unit of thought was the sequence, not the narrative. You could make four smaller films from the material the women, the dreams, the production, the spa. You could reverse the first and last sequences (Guido trapped in the traffic jam, the circus at the spaceship) and it would work, but as a much darker film.

Aside from that random player, not much else is missing from this typically rich and careful Criterion production. It’s a minicourse in Fellini that should keep your evenings occupied for most of the week (even if you watch the film only once).

The commentary track skillfully interweaves three different tracks. There’s no indication who wrote the competent essay read by actress Tanya Zaicon, but Antonio Monda teaches film at NYU and Gideon Bachmann was a longtime friend and colleague of Fellini. A telling line from Gideon Bachmann: Everyone loved being used by Federico. Including myself. Their additions make the commentary track less of a lecture, more a discussion. (The Terry Gilliam introduction is just decoration: the premise was that both he and Fellini started as cartoonists.)

The transfer is up to Criterion’s usual high standard, made from “a 35mm fine-grain master made from the original negative.” (Although I still prefer Criterion’s laserdisc edition but that’s another story.)

The ‘extras’ on disc two are remarkable. Fellini A Director’s Notebook is the documentary he made for television in 1969 dealing mainly with his inability to make The Voyage of G. Mastorna several years earlier: a case of life imitating art (except that producer Dino Di Laurentiis sued Fellini for the expense of the sets that had been built). It is cloying and silly but his only chance to amortize the cost of the Mastorna sets.

The documentary on Nino Rota is essential viewing if you believe, as I do, that Fellini would not have been possible without Rota. (This is a film from German television made by Vassili Silovic.) The interviews with Lina Wertmuller (an uncredited Assistant Director on 8 1/2) and cinematographer Vittorio Storaro (who never worked with Fellini) are both worthwhile.

But the real jewel of the extras is a twenty-six-minute monologue by Sandra Milo. (This is one of the interviews apparently shot especially for the DVD.) Milo played Carla, Guido’s mistress, in 8 1/2, and then had a seventeen-year affair with Guido’s alter ego, Fellini. The interview is an eerie mirror of the forty-year-old movie. Milo paints breathless word pictures of life with Fellini. She didn’t want to make the film, at first. One day Fellini arrived at her apartment with cinematographer Gianni di Venanzo, designer Piero Gherardi, camera, and costumes. We’re here to make your screen test, he announced. Her housekeeper dragged her out of bed to meet him.

A few years later he offered her the role of Gradisca in Amarcord. She describes how the two of them worked out the character on a cold, dark soundstage at Cinecitta in the dead of winter. But her husband wouldn’t let her make the film. The role was eventually played by Magali Noel, imitating Milo (imitating Carla). At the end of these stories she puts a period: This is my story with Federico Fellini. But the camera rolls on. After a few seconds she adds: When I go to Fregene I think I see him among the trees. (Fellini died in 1993.)

A few beats. Her smile crumbles; a tear forms; she sways. Sometimes he calls me, and laughing, he asks me to chirp. (She laughs.) As if I were a bird, and could go on the trees, too! Another long pause. Another false ending. But I cannot tell you more. There is a part, a little secret and mysterious, I believe is for me alone.

She blows us a kiss goodbye. It is a strangely moving moment. ‘Felliniesque.’ I’d like to have seen Sandra Milo play Tosca. You can almost hear her singing the great aria Vissi d’arte, vissi d’amore. (I lived for art, I lived for love.)

With its self-referential quantum psychology, 8 1/2 remains a key postmodern work. But it’s more. With hindsight it also shows us the way beyond postmodernism to a time when sentiment such anathema to modernists and postmodernists alike for a hundred years will return. Like his nineteenth-century paisani Verdi, Puccini, and the other maestri, Fellini/Rota understood the transcendence of celebration: feeling together.

In the last scene of 8 1/2 all the characters in Guido’s life descend from the rocket gantry to the circus ring as he orchestrates them. The last words of the film: “Tutti insieme!” “All together!”

If we look into the roots of national cinema then we may find different cultural traditions on its way. Numerous links between locations in films and their condition today are made. Thus, we see the spot where Zampano abandoned Gelsomina in La Strada (near Ovindoli, a small town eighty kilometers from Rome); the courtyard of the Palazzo del Drago in Filicciano (seventy kilometers from Rome) where Guido and Claudia meet in 8 1/2 Cecchignola Military Reserve (some twenty minutes from Cinecitta outside of Rome), where Fellini shot the scene in which Guido imagines his father’s tomb in 8 1/2 and so forth.

(Bondanella, 93-116) These shots, so precious to the specialist, are unfortunately wasted on the neophyte, since they are never clearly identified in the documentary. Indeed, the individuals interviewed by Pettigrew are not identified for the audience until the end of the film, an unfortunate arrangement of his material that presupposes a great deal of knowledge about Fellini that few of Pettigrew’s spectators will possess.

Nevertheless, the numerous clips of Fellini discussing his work and his esthetics (thankfully uninterrupted by endless journalistic questions and accompanied only by pertinent clips from his works or other comments by his collaborators) provide what one reviewer rightly calls a master class on filmmaking, Fellini style.

Among the topics Fellini addresses are the relationship of reality to fiction (the former is mistrusted, the latter is praised); the question of improvisation (Fellini rejects it, declaring that making a film is similar in its attention to detail to the launching of a rocket ship into space; Fellini does believe in what he calls disponibilita or openness to possibilities on the set that have not been envisioned prior to shooting); inspiration (Fellini has no use for waiting for inspiration, believing that creative artists who do so merely waste precious time in relying upon such a Romantic concept); alienation (Fellini asks how a man can be a film director, a vocation that is akin to being a magician, if he or she lacks faith in the future); imagination (for Fellini, film directing involves a combination of the qualities of a simple artisan and that of a medium); imagery (for Fellini, cinema is first and foremost painterly, relying upon light more than dialog); and esthetics (regardless of whether something is beautiful or ugly, culturally sophisticated or simple, Fellini’s only criterion of value is whether a work of art is “vitale” or alive).

I can think of no better examples than Federico Fellini’s 8 1/2 (1963). Fellini is known even in amateur circles as a filmmaker with a distinctly dark and depressive vision. His work is deeply troubled, preternaturally focused on himself and morbidly preoccupied with death.

This film that I have in mind as a definitive representation of how explicitly existentialist ideas can be expressed in film is Federico Fellini’s 8 1/2, which has been analyzed by Jerry Solomon. Given the capable analysis he supplies in his own study, I will only say a few words here about the character of Fellini’s efforts in film and will direct our attention to Bondanella book for the bulk of what needs to be said about 8 1/2 in particular. Fellini’s Italy is a vibrant and rich artificial landscape, in contrast to the natural picturesque and spare visions of Bergman’s Sweden.

Despite the flurry of activity that is always going on in Fellini’s work, there is no activity, even including, as Bondanella (1992) points out, the activity of directing film, that is intrinsically worthy of pursuit. Instead, Fellini’s characters are busily distracting themselves with useless vanities. Again, as Mr. Solomon has noted, there is in Fellini’s work a fixation on the acute need for choice, for some kind of act, without any solid guidelines for choice. Besides 8 1/2, I would personally recommend La Dolce Vita (1961) as one of Fellini’s films that best represents his concern with the futile and arbitrary choices of man.

His films are gloriously photographed, filled with vibrant images of glamorous and exciting people, whose external beauty and grace conceal their internal emptiness and frustration. (Bondanella, 68-149) He is a master of imagery. La Dolce Vita alone is a lush but pruned arrangement of strikingly vivid visual compositions, from the opening shot of a helicopter airlifting a massive statue of Jesus over Saint Peter’s Cathedral to the closing scene in which an abnormally large fish is dragged onto a beach as some kind of eerie signal of the main character’s final confinement in his own despair.

The world of 1960’s Italy, as Fellini depicts it, is hopelessly superficial, exhausting itself in a frenzied hurricane of champagne bubbles, costume parties, gossip and paparazzi’s flash bulbs. Fellini’s mood is bizarre and frantically upbeat where Bergman is obsessive and morbid. Fellini’s experimentation with the extremely surreal will surpass that of Bergman. Yet, these two, despite their divergent styles, stand together as the greats who understood perhaps more fully than any other film makers the implications of existentialist philosophy for their medium.

Their films are “existentialist” not necessarily because they treat existential themes, but because they benefit from the impact of existentialism on popular culture. As has been indicated many times, existentialism, more than any other philosophical movement, would come to pass out of the hands of the privileged elite and would be claimed by the common man. In so far as this movement took place, film benefits, in that as a medium open to the common man, it is able to continue to bear highly conceptual subject matter to a wider thinking community.

Thus while film in the wake of existentialism may not be existentialist, it is often at the least deeply philosophical in a medium accessible to thinking individuals who may not be formal students of philosophy. Whereas the “existential” films prior to Bergman and were inspired not so much by existentialist thought but by post-war shifts in culture, the “existential” films that follow Bergman and Fellini are not necessarily inspired directly by existentialist thought, but are certainly inspired by Bergman and Fellini and by what existentialism in part stands for, namely, the communication of philosophical ideas to all men.

For many audiences, critics, and film historians, 8 1/2 remains the benchmark film by Fellini, the work that justifies his status as a master and continues to reward the spectator after numerous screenings. Besides a host of awards (including an Oscar for Best Foreign Film) received when it first appeared in 1963, a group of thirty European intellectuals and filmmakers in 1987 voted 8 1/2 the most important European film ever made and, on the basis of this work, also named Fellini as the European cinema’s most important director.

The film occupies an important role in the director’s complete works, not only because of its obvious autobiographical links to Fellini’s life but also because it focuses upon the very nature of artistic creation in the cinema. La dolce vita is the last film Fellini made with obvious mimetic intention: It provides a panoramic view of a society gone wild with press conferences, image makers, paparazzi, and celebrities, and in spite of its ability to create stirring images of an unforgettable character (such as the Trevi Fountain scene, which was indelibly etched into the imagination of an entire generation of moviegoers), its subject matter remains steadfastly connected to the society within which Fellini lived. After La dolce vita, however, Fellini turns toward the expression of a personal fantasy world that often, as in the case of 8 1/2, also deals with the representation of cinema itself in a self-reflexive fashion.

References

Bondanella, Peter. (1992). The Cinema of Federico Fellini (Princeton: Princeton University Press), pp.68-149.

Bondanella, Peter. (2002). The Films of Federico Fellini (New York: Cambridge University Press), pp.93-116.

This work was produced by one of our professional writers as a learning aid to help you with your studies

European film movements are most clearly understood as part of the cinema of periphery in relation to popular Hollywood productions. In consideration of examples from one European country, to what extent is this an accurate view?

This essay will focus on some of the key movements in British cinema, looking at how they relate to the world of Hollywood. Firstly,I shall look at how British films have found their way into the American and world markets via the London-based company Working Title Films, and to what extent these films are integrated into the Hollywood scene. Secondly, There will be an assessment of the tradition of social realism in British cinema,including the New Wave and Brit Grit movements, and their place in international cinema. Next, I shall look at the documentary movement in British cinema, and its impact on the wider world.

One of the most noticeable movements in British cinema in recent years has been the proliferation of the Working Title Films Company. Founded in London by Tim Bevan and Eric Fellner, Working Title has enhanced the profile of British cinema to an unprecedented extent. The screening of Four Weddings and a Funeral in 1994 proved a turning point in the history of British film, proving vastly popular with American audiences,and subsequent productions from Working Title have helped to cement the place of the British Blockbuster in Hollywood. In this way, British cinema has been able to produce films with international mass appeal, and it is probably fair to say that there are more mainstream British films on at the cinema now than there were fifteen years ago.

However, it is important to consider that,although there has been an increase in the commercial success of British film,it is still arguably seen as a satellite of Hollywood. For instance, even successful British films are often labelled as art cinema. In an article on Shekhar Kapur’s Elizabeth, Julian Hill argues that,

Although it does offer entertainment through a fascinating narrative, the film as a whole is presented in a creative way, owing to the amateurish vision of Kapur. (Hill, 2000)

Indeed, its relationship to Hollywood is entirely coloured by its status as an art film, and by implication, its partly British origins. Bordwell and Thompson argue that any British film of this type would be viewed as art cinema in Hollywood, as art cinema is a term,

used by the US film industry to describe imported films of interest the upper-middle class, educated audiences. (Bordwell and Thompson, 1990)

In this respect, British film is still marginalized in relation to Hollywood. Commercial success has been forthcoming, but the very fact that a film is British in origin leads it to be viewed in different terms to those in which a Hollywood movie is viewed. Even the big blockbusters of the Four Weddings ilk are viewed at least partly as foreign curiosities, and crucially they often try to appeal directly to an American audience, for example, containing a token American character.

One area in which British cinema has perhaps demonstrated greater independence from Hollywood is in the field of so-called social realism films. There have been many movements over the different eras which fall into this category, from the New Wave cinema of the 1950s and ’60s, such as Room at the Top (1958), to the what have been called Brit Grit films, like Nil by Mouth (1997), and this recurring idea of kitchen sink realism forms an important part of the British cinema tradition. Indeed,it has been suggested that all of these movements are a tradition in themselves(Thorpe, 1999, cited in Lay, 2002) It is in this area that, for many critics,the real essence of British cinema is found. It has been argued that the aesthetics of British realism are defined in terms of opposition to Hollywood spectacle. Visual and acting styles were to be restrained, the emphasis was to be on ordinary people in ordinary settings. (Cook, 1996)

In this respect, British cinemais not always a mere satellite of Hollywood, as it also tries to be deliberately antagonistic towards Hollywood ideals. Unlike many of the Working Title films, with their quasi-American leanings and their use of a highly stylised Britishness, some social realism has sought to challenge this position. For example, in Trainspotting the audience is introduced to a much darker vision of Britain, and one less obviously palatable to Hollywood audiences, than that which is seen in Four Weddings and a Funeral. At first glance, one could argue that much British realism is so idiosyncratic as to be marginalized in the wider world, but films like Trainspotting and The Full Monty show that it is possible to make a film depicting ordinary British life that has mass appeal.

However, although this form of cinema apparently demonstrates an indifference to Hollywood conventions, as cook notes above, it is actually not indifference but a form of rebellion. In this sense, British social realism as a part of international cinema can be seen as still subservient to Hollywood, albeit in a more subtle way than some of the other blockbusters. In order for it to be deliberately antagonistic toward the ideals of Hollywood, it is necessary that those ideals must exist,and in that sense, social realist films are peripheral to Hollywood as they fulfil the role of a counter-movement.

Alongside realist fiction, a major area of British cinema is the documentary. Arguably Britain’s major contribution to world cinema, its heyday was in the 1930s. The documentary movement was headed by John Grierson, and funded by the film units of the Empire Marketing Board and the General Post Office. Through landmark productions such as Housing Problems (1935), the movement used its state backing, and freedom from commerce, to highlight many of the social problems of its day, and has been identified as the first movement to have a lasting influence on the art of film (Rotha, 1972). Like the fictional forms of social realism, it demonstrated a freedom from, and to some extent an aversion to, the ideals of Hollywood. However, unlike other forms of social realism, it is often criticized for its lack of aesthetics.

There was no consistent artistic theory underlying the movement; the film art was to be used as a means to apolitical end. (Guynn, 1975)

In this sense, then, not only is there the consideration of the documentary movement being antagonistic to Hollywood, but also the fact that it lacks artistic drive means that it can only form part of a balanced view of cinema. The art of film making is certainly able to deliver important views and to comment on the state of the world, but it is ultimately an art, and in this aspect the documentary movement, as we have seen, was lacking. Therefore, it must necessarily be peripheral since it does not engage the full potential of its genre, rather in the way that apolitical pamphlet usually shows less artistic development than a poem or a novel. In the light of this consideration, one could view the documentary movement and its legacy as a marginal aspect of cinema – an important marginal aspect, even a necessary one, but nevertheless something that exists as a useful sub-genre and therefore is secondary to Hollywood.

In conclusion, it does seem that British cinema is to some extent peripheral to Hollywood. Working Title films have in recent years brought British films into the Hollywood mainstream, but many of the films have contained an Americanised element, or have been seen as art cinema. In this way, even hugely popular British films are in a sense marginal. Social realism has provided an avenue in which British cinema has been able to shrug off Hollywood ideals in favour of showing ordinary people’s lives, and many films of this type have been successful overseas. However, in rebelling against Hollywood in this way, such films can be viewed as peripheral to it in an antagonistic sense. Similarly, the documentary movement rebelled against Hollywood to some extent, and the movement’s international importance is undoubted, being described as Britain’s major contribution to world cinema. However, its lack of an artistic aesthetic makes it necessarily marginal in the world of cinema. Film is, at bottom, an art form, and any movement that neglects the artistic element in favour of a political message can only ever be a marginal – if important – part of the whole.

British cinema then, when viewed in an international context, is always peripheral to Hollywood. It is doubtless an important part of world cinema, and has made invaluable contributions to both the art of film and to the tradition of reportage through film, but the dominance of Hollywood in the international scene means that any movement that is outside it is, as a matter of course, a comparatively minor player in world cinema.

This work was produced by one of our professional writers as a learning aid to help you with your studies

In 2004, the American film-maker Morgan Spurlock made a documentary film “Supersize Me”. Produced in response to the unsuccessful legal suits against McDonald’s fast food, the film brings to light Spurlock’s own experiment with eating fast food and, above all, addresses those Americans who are obsessed with unhealthy fast food. The film-maker conducted the experiment for a month, during which he ate food only from McDonald’s and observed the impact of fast food on his physical and emotional well-being. The more he ate in MacDonald’s, the more side-effects he experienced, including depression, fatigue, sexual problems, headache, and chest pain. The camera captures all emotional and physical changes which occur in Spurlock. The film-maker cooperates with three doctors (a gastroenterologist, a cardiologist, and a general practitioner) who indicate the changes in his physical and psychological state (Sheehan, 2005, p.69). However, the principal idea to which Spurlock constantly returns throughout his documentary is that McDonald’s fast food increases obesity in the United States (Sheehan, 2005, p.68). As is shown in the documentary, the weight of Spurlock before the experiment was 84 kg. In a period of one month, his weight increased up to 95 kg (Lusted, 2008, p.33). In addition to the weight increase, his cholesterol level changed from 168 to 230 (Sheehan, 2005, p.69). Observing such a damaging impact of fast food on patient’s health, the doctors recommended Spurlock to stop eating fast food in McDonald’s.

Although a low-budget documentary (with a budget only $65,000), “Supersize Me” has acquired great popularity among the national and international public due to its crucial social commentary on the issue of increasing obesity (Baym and Gottert, 2013, p.159). Spurlock’s film consists not only of his own reflections and investigations, but also of a series of interviews which he took in the process of experiment (Day, 2011, p.116). Through his interviews with nutritionists, gym teachers, doctors, lawyers, cooks, and other experts, the film-maker attempts to gather diverse views on fast food eating and the fast food culture of modern America. In addition to the interviews, Spurlock also spreads a survey among children and finds out that they know perfectly well who Ronald McDonald is and know nothing about Jesus or George Bush. As is shown by Spurlock, McDonald’s encourages children to eat fast food by organising birthdays and giving children free toys with its Happy Meals. To make his film more vivid, interactive, and factual, Spurlock uses cartoon animation (e.g. when showing how McNuggets are produced), statistics, and graphics (Day, 2011, p.116). Some statistical data are rather disturbing; for instance, the evidence gathered by the film-maker suggests that over 60 percent of Americans suffer from obesity and diabetes because of eating unhealthy fast food (Fazekas, 2005, p.144). Besides, 10,000 fast food advertisements are shown on television annually, attracting attention of not only adults, but also children (Fazekas, 2005, p.144).

Throughout the documentary, the film-maker employs the shock techniques to evoke powerful emotions and reactions in his viewers. For instance, he depicts liposuction surgery, his own vomiting during the second eating of McDonald’s meals, the numerous images of obese Americans, and school children’s addictive ingestion of harmful food. Spurlock also constantly returns to his own fast food addiction, demonstrating that he feels good only when he eats McDonald’s food. While at the beginning of his experiment Spurlock looks and feels healthy, his physical and emotional state becomes worse with the progression of the experiment. Spurlock’s girlfriend acknowledges that he smiles less than before, has sexual dysfunction, and depressive moods. Spurlock also demonstrates his own fears over the health problems which occur during the experiment. For instance, he depicts that one night he wakes up because of his inability to breathe. He is so afraid of this side-effect that he doubts whether to continue the experiment that threatens his life. However, Spurlock decides to finish the experiment even at the expense of his physical and emotional health. At the end of the film, Spurlock shocks his viewers by stating that he restored his physical and emotional health for about 14 months. He also shows a tombstone for the clown Ronald McDonald and asks his viewers: “Who do you want to see go first, you or them?”

In addition to the use of shock techniques, the film-maker also uses comparative techniques. For instance, he contrasts American schools with fast food meals and soda machines to a school for troubled teenagers in Wisconsin where fast food was substituted for natural food (Fazekas, 2005, p.145). As Spurlock demonstrates, this food change has positively influenced children’s emotional well-being and behaviour. The film-maker gathers people’s opinions and visits McDonald’s restaurants not only in Manhattan, but also in other American cities, such as Texas and California. By using both shock techniques and comparative techniques, Spurlock makes an attempt to engage the public into a dialogue on the issue of fast food eating. He also encourages parents to reconsider their children’s eating in McDonald’s and their own responsibility for children’s healthy development. As Spurlock clearly shows in his documentary, parents are responsible for developing healthy eating habits in their children; otherwise, the consequences of their neglect will be detrimental for their children.

In addition to parents’ irresponsibility, Spurlock also speaks against constantly increasing advertising of fast food. Although McDonald’s claims that the company does not bear responsibility for people’s decision to eat fast food, it spends billions of dollars on advertising its products (Fazekas, 2005, p.144). To make things worse, Spurlock compares the amount of money which fast food companies spend on advertisements to the amount of money which healthy food organisations spend on advertisements. The figures he brings to the fore clearly demonstrate that the budget of healthy food organisations is significantly lower than the budget of fast food companies. In addition to his appeals to parents, advertisers, and the general public, Spurlock also appeals to the American government which fully neglects the reasons for people’s visits of McDonald’s and consumption of unhealthy fast food. For instance, he shows the community which has no playground for children; hence, parents go to McDonald’s because it has a playground. In other scenes, the film-maker focuses on school meals, demonstrating that schools often purchase fast foods for children because it is cheaper to buy fast foods than to prepare fresh meals. In view of such limited choices, children have to consume fast food instead of consuming healthy food. All these examples mentioned in Spurlock’s documentary signify that both the government and educational establishments maintain the fast food culture to gain their own profits.

Spurlock’s documentary consists of several sections, each of which brings to light a new factor for his criticism of fast food eating. The film-maker often employs humour and satire in his discussion of a serious issue. On the one hand, this makes his documentary significantly entertaining. On the other hand, Spurlock succeeds in producing a black comedy which heavily relies on the elements of comedy to spread some crucial messages. This is especially evident in the scene when the American family tries to perform the Pledge of Allegiance near the White House, but forgets the words and starts singing McDonald’s song. Although such scenes evoke laugh, they also make people think. Spurlock intentionally introduces funny elements to destroy people’s barriers and encourage them to perceive crucial information. As “Supersize Me” has clearly shown, such a technique is really successful as people tend to create barriers to somebody else’s views and opinions; they tend to perceive these views with caution and distrust. However, when views and opinions are presented in a light, funny, and entertaining manner, people are more willing to accept them and, more importantly, believe the speaker. The film-maker also integrates music (e.g. Fat-Bottomed Girls by Queen) and new phrases (such as McStomach Ache or McTwitches) into his documentary to create appropriate mood and atmosphere. Besides, Spurlock pays great attention to details (e.g. a hair in his food), uses entertaining pictures when changing the scenes, and effectively combines video and graphics. The use of all these techniques signifies that Spurlock attempts to produce not only a reflexive film, but also a highly experimental and dynamic film. Due to a masterful juxtaposition of techniques, Spurlock gradually engages viewers into the discussion.

However, instead of providing a balanced standpoint, the film-maker expresses a significantly biased view on popularity of fast food eating in the United States. As such, the results of Spurlock’s non-scientific experiment can be exposed to some criticism. For instance, Guy Russo, the chief executive of Australian McDonald’s, opposed the view expressed by Spurlock by claiming that people do not eat fast food every day for three times (Gumbel, 2004, n.p.). Russo also criticised Spurlock’s decisions not to do physical exercises and double his usual food intake during the experiment. In his viewpoint, such irresponsible and extreme actions, but not fast food eating had detrimental effects on Spurlock’s physical and emotional well-being (Gumbel, 2004, n.p.). Klosterman (2006, p.65) points at the fact that Spurlock exaggerates the negative impact of fast food on his health because it is impossible to “sell a movie about eating fast food and feeling fine”. Klosterman (2006, p.65) also asserts that instead of putting the blame for eating fast food on an individual person, Spurlock puts the major blame on McDonald’s and the American government. However, in the viewpoint of Klosterman (2006, p.66), McDonald’s only gives “people the product they want”.

Despite the mentioned critical comments, Spurlock has succeeded in producing a very important documentary which questions increasing popularity of fast food eating and makes the public and the American government reflect on the issues of unhealthy food and obesity. The film-maker has taken active steps in recognising a serious problem and in stirring up people’s emotional responses to the problem of unhealthy fast food and obesity. Throughout the documentary, Spurlock tries to convince viewers that fast food is a really bad choice; by bringing to light his recollections of childhood eating habits (e.g. when his family gathered together and ate home-made food), the film-maker demonstrates that such eating habits are significantly healthier and benefit children more than visits to McDonald’s restaurants. As for Spurlock’s biased views on fast food eating, it is necessary to take into account that the film-maker attempts to produce a point of view documentary which draws on the subjective approach and “is strongly skewed toward a certain viewpoint” (Lees, 2010, p.99). According to this distinct viewpoint, it is not only unhealthy menus of McDonald’s and other fast food restaurants that pose a threat to the physical and mental well-being of children and adults, but the impact of fast food culture on people’s values and lifestyles. Spreading fast food culture throughout America, corporations serve their own interests, while fully neglecting the needs and interests of common people.

Although McDonald’s fast food is inexpensive and tasty, the excessive consumption of this food (as Spurlock has clearly shown in his documentary) may be poisonous to the body of an adult, let alone to the body of a growing child. Spurlock’s decision to focus on McDonald’s restaurants does not mean that the film-maker has a personal dislike for McDonald’s. His choice is explained by the fact that McDonald’s is the largest company in the American fast food industry. Hence, by attacking McDonald’s, Spurlock expresses his criticism of the whole fast food industry which manipulates people and makes them develop unhealthy eating habits. Although at times Spurlock turns to exaggerations, his documentary is perceived as a realistic account of the situation with American fast food eating. The film-maker intentionally exaggerates some facts to accentuate the seriousness of unhealthy eating and obesity. In response to Spurlock’s documentary, McDonald’s has diversified its menu with some healthy food and has taken away the supersizing option (Sood, 2004, n.p.; Lusted, 2008, p.34; Baym and Gottert, 2013, p.159). Moreover, McDonald’s has also started to provide information on fat content and calories so that McDonald’s visitors can decide for themselves what to eat. As such, Spurlock’s film has inspired slight changes in the American industry of fast food.

Bibliography

Baym, G. & Gottert, C. (2013). 30 days. Social engagement. In: E. Thompson & J. Mittell (Eds.), How to watch television (pp.159-167). New York: New York University Press.

Day, A. (2011). Satire and dissent: Interventions in contemporary political debate. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Fazekas, I. (2005). The alkalizing diet: Your life is in the balance. Virginia Beach: A.R.E Press.

Gumbel, A. (2004). The man who ate McDonald’s. The Independent, 18 April. Available from: http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/the-man-who-ate-mcdonalds–acirc-6167144.html [Accessed 17 April, 2015]

Klosterman, C. (2006). Chuck Klosterman IV: A decade of curious people and dangerous ideas. New York: Simon & Schuster.

Lees, N. (2010). Greenlit: Developing factual/reality TV ideas from concepts to pitch. London: A&C Black Publishers.

Lusted, M. (2008). Obesity and food policing. Edina: ABDO Publishing.

Sheehan, M. (2005). Supersize Me: A comparative analysis of responses to crisis by McDonald’s America and McDonald’s Australia. In: C. Galloway & K. Kwanash-Aidoo (Eds.), Public relations issues and crisis management (pp.67-80). Melbourne: Thomson Social Science Press.

Sood, S. (2004). Weighing the impact of Super Size Me. Alternet, 29 June. Available from: http://www.alternet.org/story/19059/weighing_the_impact_of_%26%238216%3Bsuper_size_me%26%238217%3B [Accessed 18 April, 2015]

This work was produced by one of our professional writers as a learning aid to help you with your studies

Changing image of Asian women – why these changes have occurred and investigate the effect Western fashion imagery has on Asian women.

A recent and rapidly-developing trend among an alarming number of Asian women has become a major focus of attention: the lengths to which they will go in pursuit of beauty or rather, the Western version of it. Growing numbers of Asian women are relying on artificial procedures to alter sometimes temporarily, sometimes permanently their appearances to fit an unrealistic Western ideal.

At one end of the spectrum are quick cosmetic applications which may or

may not have lasting side effects. At the other end are surgical procedures, ranging from minor to major, all of which pose varying degrees of risk. Whatever the procedure from applications of skin-lightening chemicals to permanent changes in tissue and bone structure, one message is very clear: white features continue to be the prevailing ideal, and for many Asian women, achieving this ideal is a goal to be attained at any cost.

All of these processes from the temporary, relatively benign ones to the riskier, sometimes life-threatening procedures are actively promoted by the fashion industry. Ubiquitous advertisements link professional and personal success to women with Western, or Caucasian, features, along with a not-so-subtle message that to succeed, one must follow this Western paradigm.

Furthermore, these procedures are tacitly condoned by a society which allows them to proliferate a society which allows its members to fall victim to these pressures to conform to an ideal of beauty that is unrealistic, unattainable, and of questionable worth.

In their attempts to achieve this goal, Asian women risk physical health, mental well-being, and financial security often to the detriment of the lives of the friends and family who surround them. This dangerous trend must be put to an end, and that will not happen while the fashion industry continues to promote the value of Caucasian features to non-Caucasian individuals, particularly women.

This paper will explore the factors that cause Asian women to feel pressured to conform to the Western ideal of beauty, as well as the cosmetic and surgical procedures they resort to in this pursuit. Finally, it will explore the complex issues raised by these societal pressures, and suggest that the key to change lies within the psyche of the Asian woman.

Body Modification: A Historical Perspective

Modification of the female body is nothing new; women have willed themselves to meet the prevailing modes to satisfy societal standards for years. Body modification has been practiced in a number of ways and for a variety of reasons since ancient times; it has existed on many levels for thousands of years. Historical evidence suggests that, as many as 20,000 years ago, red dye extracted from hematite was used to paint and decorate the body.

After that, archaeological evidence proves that as many as 10,000 years ago, parts of animal bones, animal teeth, and colourful stones were used as adornments. The first hair grooming objects appear to have been combs, the earliest of which date back to nearly 5,000 years ago. As for mirrors, ancient people observed their image as it was reflected in pools of water. This, however, changed when the first mirror is believed to have been invented, approximately 4,500 years ago (Yaghmaie, 49-52).

Society has progressed since those early days. One need only turn on the television or leaf through a magazine to be bombarded with all kinds of advertisements for body modification. Chemical treatments can straighten hair and change skin tone and texture. Surgical procedures can decrease or (more often) augment breast size. Unwanted fat can be removed in any number ways, ranging from dietary changes to liposuction. Some signs of ageing can be temporarily reversed with injections of Botox; others can be permanently altered, again through surgery.

Body Modification Across Cultures

Today in the Western world, body modification is widely practiced in all classes of society, often as a result of societal pressure to achieve perfection. However, this is not an issue unique to Western cultures: physical appearance matters across cultures, across ages, across genders. Hence, we see that Asian cultures are just as immune to societal pressures to conform.

Lisa Takeuchi Cullen points out that in the past, Asia had lagged behind the West in catching the plastic surgery wave, held back by cultural hang-ups, arrested medical skills and a poorer consumer base. However, it is now clear that cosmetic surgery is enjoying increasing popularity. According to Cullen:

In Taiwan, a million procedures were performed last year, double the number from five years ago. In Korea, surgeons estimate that at least one in10 adults have received some form of surgical upgrade and even tots have their eyelids done. The government of Thailand has taken to hawking plastic surgery tours. In Japan, non invasive procedures dubbed ‘petite surgery’ have set off such a rage that top clinics are raking in $100 million a year.

Thus, Asian women, including those living in their native countries as well as those in the Western world, have begun to respond in increasing numbers to the pressures of fashion. As a result, they may subject themselves to a range of procedures, pay exorbitant fees, and suffer both mental and physical pain. As Cullen points out, Asians have always suffered for beauty:

Consider the ancient practice of foot binding in China, or the stacked, brass coils used to distend the necks of Karen women. In fact, some of the earliest records of reconstructive plastic surgery come from sixth century India: the Hindu medical chronicle Susruta Samhita describes how noses were recreated after being chopped off as punishment for adultery.

Current practices embraced by Asian women indicate that pain continues to remain an inherent element in their quest for physical perfection. Phoebe Eng discusses this in Warrior Lessons: An Asian American Woman’s Journey Into Power, explaining that operations like eye-lifts have become as common as root canals: They are the most frequently occurring plastic surgery procedure among Asian women in America.

In fact, Eng notes, eye-lifts are so accepted among Asian women in cultural hubs like Los Angeles that it is not uncommon for women who have had them to let friends know proudly where they got theirs done, and for how much, and by whom (119). The second most common procedure is nose build ups, in which a section of ear cartilage, bone or plastic is surgically inserted to enlarge the nose (Eng,1999, 118-119).

One of the major body issues concerning Western women is weight but this is one issue that plays a subordinate role for Asian women. According to Eng, the more prevalent issues seem to involve the facial features that make us indelible and patently ‘Asian,’ and therefore different. Facial features, asserts Eng, are what most clearly and uncomfortably place Asian women outside the concept of an American ‘norm’ (121). Once outside this norm, the Asian woman is seen as foreign and exotic, and all that implies (Eng 121).

But what lies behind this fixation on physical attributes? Eng asserts that the definition of us as a group, whether we like it or not, bonds us more by our faces than by any particular shared set of perspectives.. She asserts that Asian women are defined, by themselves as well as by others, by a set of common physical features, and that they are define more by physical appearance than by any single set of historical experiences or political agendas (122).

Thus the very features that highlight Asian women, that make them stand out as separate and unique, ultimately end up being divisive and destructive. Instead of celebrating the shared features that draw them together, many Asian women opt to instead modify them. They do this in a number of ways, and with varying success, and often with less than satisfactory results but always start out with the same ultimate goal: to break free of the physical ties to their heritage, and in effect to other Asians, in order to become more acceptable in Western society.

Eng also points out that unlike other minorities such as blacks and Latinas, Asian American women do not have a strong sense of cultural identity that might give them a firmer inner sense of their own beauty and a self-respect that goes beyond appearances (122-123). Lacking this, they are more vulnerable to the over whelming outside pressures of society and of their own strong desires to succeed.

Our solution up till now has been to obliterate the differences either through attempts at assimilation or, more extremely, by cosmetic alteration, asserts Eng. In this way Asian women fail to develop a framework for appreciating physical differences, so that the onus of change is societal rather than individual (Eng122).

Cosmetic Alteration: Skin Tone

Eng followed a survey conducted by an Asian-based lingerie company and reported the results as follows:

Beijing women (already tall by Asian standards) want to be even taller.

Taipei women want to be curvier they seek the classic hourglass figure.

Hong Kong and Singaporean women lean towards breast augmentation.

Bangkok women want wider hips.

Despite these differences, Eng informs us, there was one consistent wish by all Asian sub-groups: everyone wants to be lighter (126).

According to Eng makeup companies in Asia capitalize on deep-seated Light Skin Worship, marketing skin-bleaching products like UV White and Neo white (126).Advertisements for these creams generally feature a Caucasian woman basking in a halo of light, looking upward, saintly and pure (Eng 126). UV White, available only in Asia, is a much sought-after product by Asian women not only those in Asia (where the product is widely available) but also in the U.S. (where it is not).

The desire for lighter skin is so deeply ingrained that it need not be advertised. The text below, from an advertisement for Neowhite, a Fairness Cream by Avon, does not sell the concept of lightening. Rather, it focuses on the advantages of this particular product, assuming the desire to lighten the skin is a given:

Neo white is formulated to whiten skin without the known harmful side effects of lesser brands. . . .There are two Neo white creams Fairness Protection Cream formulated with effective sunscreen (SPF 15) and moisturizers to keep skin fair and soft and Moisturizing Pearl Cream which his a combination of moisturizer and light tint that provides the skin with moisture and a natural, even skin tone. (125).

The language of this advertisement is clearly designed for the upwardly mobile, appealing to their desire to change their appearance while satisfying their concerns about possible harmful effects to the skin.

Despite the price, skin care products that boast whitening properties continue to sell, and advertisements for them are ubiquitous. Consumers will be willing to spend on premium products as long as these products are able to deliver the required results, and at greater convenience, notes Luann Theseira, adding that sales of super premium products remain largely unchanged despite their prohibitive costs.

Eng also points out that whiteness also comes at a price, reiterating the connection between privilege and complexion (127). However, it may be argued that the cost goes far beyond the monetary amount of the product or service purchased; it is impossible to place a price on the physical and psychological pain suffered.

Cosmetic Alteration: Focus on Eyes

Using makeup to enhance one’s eyes is hardly a novel concept. As noted earlier, this practice has been in effect since ancient times.

Skilful use of shading can disguise perceived flaws and accentuate strong points; it can create, or at least enhance, the appearance of desired illusions, even if the effects are fleeting. It is a well-established practice. However, items such as glue and tape are not normally found in the makeup bags of Western women at least not as eye treatments.

Makeup routines for Asian women who want to change the appearance of their eyes to mimic Western eyes will probably contain at least one of these items. Glue, or tape, are often used to hike up the eyelid….the skin stays folded for most of the day. Some Asian teens say they do this to make their eyes look bigger and prettier. Others would simply say it makes them look more Caucasian (Valhouli).

Cosmetic Alteration: Permanent

In Making the Body Beautiful: A Cultural History of Aesthetic

Surgery, Sander Gilman states that Asian-American women, whose ‘blank’ look is equated in American society with ‘dullness, passivity, and lack of emotion, ‘have ‘their eyelids restructured, their nose bridges heightened, and the tips of their noses altered’ (99).

In some Asian cultures, the acceptance of any surgical procedure at all is a relatively recent development. The traditional Chinese prohibition against opening the body limited all forms of surgical intervention until fairly recently (Gilman 99).Modern medicine in China is in many ways Western medicine combined with traditional methods.

In Japan, plastic surgery was not even recognized until 1975, and then only for reconstructive purposes. It was not until 1978 that aesthetic surgery elective plastic surgery was sanctioned as an acceptable subspecialty (Gilman 100). However, procedures to correct the shape of the eye had been performed on a frequent and regular basis since the end of the nineteenth century. These procedures were considered, significantly, to be within the bounds of official medical practice.

In the 1930s,Gilman explains, American surgeon Henry Junius Schireson claimed that the shape of the Japanese eyelid actually impaired proper vision a claim that was totally false. However, it is significant in that it reflects again the view of Asian features as somehow inferior and in need of correction. The claim that the eyelid form has a negative impact on sight is nonsense, asserts Gilman, but he concludes that it was clearly evident that the focus of the surgery was to create beautiful women beautiful according to Western standards (102).

After World War II, with the American occupation of Japan, there was a renewed interest in surgical procedures which would transform Japanese eyes into Western eyes. It was just a matter of time before the number and range of surgical procedures increased throughout Asia to include other types of physical enhancements, particularly breast augmentation. Again, here, as Gilman notes, this responded to the introduction of the Western notion of the larger breast as a sign of the erotic (103).

Dr. Ichiro Kamoshita, director of Japan’s Hibiya Kokusai Clinic, believes that the prevalence of this type of elective surgery is a direct result of the massive advertising efforts of aesthetic salons. The advertising encourages inferiority complexes in Japanese women of all ages in fact, surgical procedures in adolescents are rising in number. There is now a pattern of presenting procedures as gifts from patents to children, especially those seen to be ‘hindered by small eyes, a flat nose or a big face’ (Gilman 104). Use of the word hinder is quite telling here; the notion that Japanese features will impede an individual’s future accomplishments is practically a given.

Cullen notes that in Asia, surgically enhanced beauty is both a way to display wealth and a tool with which to attain it. However, advertisers continue to lure those who are less wealthy. Individuals who have strong aspirations to get ahead often succumb to the promise of upward mobility that is not-so-subtly implied in these advertisements. It is not uncommon for individuals to take out loans or empty savings accounts in order to finance these procedures. The rationale for paying such exorbitant fees is based on their belief that this will help them get ahead. Often they believe this is the only way they will get ahead.

Sexual allure is also part of the advertising package: just as Asian faces require unique procedures, their bodies demand innovative operations to achieve the leggy, skinny, busty Western ideal that has become increasingly universal (Cullen). A surgeon in Seoul, Dr. Suh In Seock, has struggled to find the best way to fix an affliction the Koreans call muu-dari and the Japanese call daikon-ashi: radish-shaped calves.

Liposuction has proven to be ineffective in changing the appearance of the calves of Asian women the way it does for Western women, since the tissue to be removed is mostly muscle, not fat.

Rather than accept thick calves, some Asian women will resort to the type of surgery Suh now performs exclusively. The procedure involves severing a nerve behind the knee; this, explains Suh, will eventually cause the muscle to atrophy, “there by reducing its size up to 40% (Cullen).

The most drastic form of surgery, it may be argued, is a surgical procedure that actually increases the patient’s height. In a Time Magazine feature, it was explained that this procedure originally developed in Russia to help patients with legs disfigured by accidents or birth defects, such as dwarfism (Beech, 2001). Though in Western hospitals the practice is limited to cases in which it is explicitly for medical conditions, in Asian countries it has become a popular and profitable procedure.

Despite the exorbitant fees, the considerable risk, the lengthy recovery time, hospitals and clinics that provide this procedure often have waiting lists of a year or more. The procedure is particularly popular with individuals who aspire to professions for which they do not meet the height requirements. In addition, it is clear that increased height is sought by those with strong drives to get ahead, particularly in Western societies. Yet this may be seen as yet another way and a drastic one at that in which Asians respond to the pressure to appear more Western.

Some who have studied overseas felt inferior because of their lack of stature the article points out. A surgeon at a Beijing hospital explains that for individuals who feel disadvantaged because of their height, “for them, the main purpose of the operation is not to improve their physical health…it is to help their psychological growth [Beech].

However, the value of such drastic surgery as an antidote to feelings of inferiority is fraught with ethical issues. The fact that many will resort to such drastic measures to have an equal footing in society speaks volumes about the tremendous pressure placed on women to meet unrealistic ideals. It is also a telling statement about the power of advertising in not only shaping but reinforcing these beliefs. In the larger framework of society, this has ominous implications for the future.

Social, Legal and Moral Issues of Cosmetic Alteration

Doctors Bennett Johnson and Ronald Moy explain that cultural traditions and resistance often have a profound psychological influence on the non white person who is contemplating cosmetic surgery, and these changes can be far-reaching. Changing ethnic appearance (e.g., ‘Westernization’ of the Asian eye lid or reduction cheiloplasty in blacks) can cause feelings of guilt (Johnson & Moy, 245).

The decision to choose surgical body modification may in fact affect the entire family, particularly older family members who are less willing to understand or accept the need to conform to Western ideals: because elders play a dominant role in many non white societies, their acceptance or rejection of cosmetic procedures has a psychological influence on the ethnic patient (Johnson & Moy 245).

The fact that so many women continue to opt for elective surgery is especially frightening when considering the possible complications. As Johnson and Moy assert:

Complications are not uncommon with blepharoplasty in Asians; up to 10% will require revision procedures. Complications that are of special concern with blepharoplasty in Asians include eyelid asymmetry, loss of the palpebral fold, laxity of pretarsal skin, retraction of the upper eyelid, hypertrophicscars, and excessive fat removal (257).

Eng, too, writes of the side effects, which can sometimes be quite drastic, that can result from botched surgeries or infections. The procedures are more risky and complicated than beauty magazines and friends’ accounts let on, asserts Eng, citing post-surgical infections and permanent scars as the most common. In some cases, operations to re-contour the jaw line can cause the jaw to weaken to the point that it becomes difficult to even chew.

And like any invasive surgery, the months that follow can be uncomfortable and chock-full of antibiotics, as the body attempts to heal (Eng119).

The legal complications that result from surgeries which fail to produce the desired results are incredibly complex. The complexity is further deepened by the murky psychological and social issues involved in both making the decision and following through on it.

Surgeries which not only fail to fulfil expectations, but also result in additional pain and suffering, are even more complicated, as well as emotionally-charged. The financial losses individuals, and sometimes their families and friends, are burdened within the wake of these procedures, are rarely compensated. Part of the problem, notes Cullen, is that, unlike the medical malpractice suits in the West, legal recourse in Asia is much more difficult to obtain. Most Asian lawyers avoid malpractice cases, writes Cullen, since so few result in victory and financial payoff.

Cullen asserts that it is the bargain-hunting instinct that leads patients astray, tempting them to use unqualified cosmetic practitioners. However, bargain rates are still exorbitant sums to individuals who pour their life savings into something they view as an investment in their future, and the future of their children. People who pay high prices in the attempt however misguided to further their success, often disregard the risks that accompany the procedures. Driven to succeed, they are compelled to move on, fully cognizant of and choosing to ignore the risks.

According to Cullen, elsewhere in Asia, this explosion of personal re-engineering is harder to document, because for every skilled and legitimate surgeon there seethes as warm of shady pretenders. As an example, she cites Indonesia, which has a mere 43 licensed plastic surgeons registered yet which somehow manages to perform 400 illicit procedures each week in the capital city.

Another example Is Shenzhen, China, which Cullen describes as a boomtown housing thousands of unlicensed “beauty-science centers.”

These centers cunningly target the upwardly mobile and openly vulnerable to market a new pair of eyes or anew nose as the perfect accessory to their new cars and new clothes. The ease and immediacy of access increase the probability that women will succumb to the pressure to undergo risky procedures in questionably safe environments, and there is little recourse available to them if the procedures fail, or worse, cause additional harm.

Conclusion

These murky legal issues will demand to be addressed eventually. Many believe that strict government regulations, faithfully and consistently enforced, will be the only controls on this highly-profitable industry. However, considering the fact that this industry is so profitable, government regulation will probably be along way off. In the meantime, the government’s inaction suggests a tacit approval. This approval only serves to help the proliferation of unethical, unsafe surgery centers, and it further reinforces the negative messages that women are already bombarded with through advertisements.

Indeed, these issues are far-reaching; steeped in cultural taboos and mired in medical complications, the root of the problem is often obscured. The plain and glaring truth, however, is that risky procedures are continually undertaken by Asian women, often with tragic and irreversible consequences, physical and psychic damage, and considerable financial loss.

Benignly disguised in the language of self-improvement, the fashion industry continually bombards them with the message that this is what they must do to fit in. Essentially, the message that is so powerfully reinforced is that in order to get ahead, they must change who they are…if you are an Asian woman who wants to succeed: this is your last resort.

Large numbers of Asian women continue to cling to this belief that assimilation of Western features will facilitate their advancement in the world; that it will make them sexier, more successful, and of course more content. The lengths to which some of them will go to achieve this are frightening on a number of levels, as demonstrated here. It has also been made clear that selling the concept of Westernization is a profitable business: industries promoting it are largely unregulated by government, resulting in gross abuses and often tragic results.

The key to change, then, lies within the psyche of the Asian woman. More and more Asian women are becoming aware of the manipulative methods and subliminal messages that they are bombarded with on a daily basis. This awareness is what will give them the power to decide not to buy into an unrealistic and unattainable ideal, and to take charge of their bodies and their futures.

This work was produced by one of our professional writers as a learning aid to help you with your studies

Introduction / Background

Can we imagine life without water? Water is a very precious and limited vital natural resource. The demand of water for development of agricultural, industrial, urban use and power generation is increasing at very fast rate. Wise use of these resources should really be the concern of all people, whether they are involved in agricultural production activities or not. By accepting it, we can manage to conserve soil and water effectively, then there will be measurable effect on the development of country.

Watershed resources play a significant role in the development of a country depending on the location of a watershed; we can get water for domestic, agriculture and industrial uses. It is for this purpose, proper evolution and management of water resources acquires significant importance. Detailed survey work is carried out to find points of equal elevation, ridges and valleys. The reduced levels obtained from this survey were plotted to obtain contour plan. Three main valleys, which yield the water, were obtained from contour map.

The water from these valleys in rainy season is not conserved and gets wasted, and adverse effects are seen such as soil erosion and gully formation. Conversely, if we save and utilize this water there will be proper soil conservation and recharging ground water table will be possible. According to the slopes found on contour plan, various soil and water are constructed in our watershed area. Due to several conservations schemes the water, which have been wanted will get conserved and will give benefit to residents of the area.

Water is a limited natural vital resource, which is indispensable for the existence of all-living matter, plant, animal and man. Potable water, which was once thought to be an infinite natural resource, it would not last longer and become as dearer as are fossil fuels today. Today water covers 7/10th part of the globe surface, fills its atmosphere and lies unfathomed, beneath the crust of the world. Only less than 1% of it is fit and available for use and consumption by mankind. There are serious apprehensions that greater part of earth may go without water in the coming decades. Water tables in several Asian countries like India, Pakistan and Bangladesh have already gone significantly low.

The further projections are that by 2025 grater part of India may go without water unless suitable new resources are tapped and available water is conserved. Total water in the world estimated to be 1.5 billion cu.Km. about 95% of this is in the salty seas, of the remaining 5% fresh water, 60M.cu.Km are immobilized as continuously frozen polar ice and snow, leaving only 1.5M.cu.Km.

As fresh liquid water for plants, animals and man. of the 15 M.cu.Km.of fresh water, of which about 1% is surface water and 99% is stored at varying depths. About half of the ground water is stored at depths greater than 1000m. Therefore for all practical purposes 7M.cu.Km.of fresh water is at reasonable depths plus the 150000cu.Km.of surfaces water is the worlds, usable water where, at any, only 15000 cu.Km.of fresh liquid water exists in lakes and streams of the world. Each year 380000 cu.Km. Of fresh water falls on land oceans, and the same amount is evaporated from the oceans and lands.

On an average country like India receives about 120cm of precipitation per year, mostly as rainfall. On the volume basis is 400 M.Ha.m. The fate of precipitation is estimated as, evaporation 18%; surface runoff 29% and soil infiltration 53%. Nothing can be done to reduce this 18% loss by evaporation. However, wise management can reduce 29% of surface runoff. This can be various water conservation techniques. The wisest management of water is to encourage every drop of rainfall to move into the soil at the point where it strikes the earth.

When this happens, evaporation will be at a minimum, there will no erosion and crop production will be at a maximum. Watershed management or protection implies the proper use of all land water resources of a watershed for optimum production with minimum hazard to natural resources. Proper planning is therefore absolutely so as to obtain as many benefits as possible with minimum expenditure. Planning for water resources development in its wider sense may broadly be defined as through study of pros and cons of various possible ways of harnessing this wonderful natural resource and finally bring down the means and ways of achieving the best and optimum benefits.

The concept of watershed is basic to all hydrologic designs. Since big watersheds are made of many smaller watersheds, it is necessary to define the watershed in terms of a point. This point is usually the location at which the design is being made and is referred to as the watershed outlet. With respect to the outlet, the watershed consists of all land area that sheds water to the outlet during a rainfall. Using the concept that water runs downhill watershed is defined by all points enclosed within an area from which rain falling at these points will contribute water to the outlet.

Watershed development has been proved as an attractive approach to rural development over recent decades. All the Projects and programmes have been put into practice across America, Africa and South Asia, but it is perhaps in India where the approach has been most popular and permanent. Here, central government investment has been running at over US$ 500 million a year. This paper considers watershed development in rural areas where water supplies for domestic use. Several new studies and papers have mentioned the current use of watershed development efforts.

When we see some country like India, which are implemented by government, have been widely criticised for a lack of impact. (Rhoades, 1998; Malla Reddy, 2000). Weaknesses in participation, and inflexibility in choice of technology have been blamed in many cases and guidelines for watershed development have been improved. Where watershed development projects have achieved significant impacts, it is often the landed (and not the poor) who have benefited. Positive impacts of projects in dry land India include improved agricultural production, and development of local-level institutions (Batchelor et al. 2000).

In India large irrigation canals are were built in the nineteenth as well as twentieth centuries and large number of multipurpose water resources projects were built in the last century. These projects were either entirely funded or heavily subsidized by national government in recognition of the crucial role of that water plays in national development. Approximately 170 million hectares in India are classified as degraded land, the majority falling in undulating semiarid Areas where rain fed framings is practised (Farrington and Lobo, 1997).

These areas are characterised by deforestation, loss of biomass, high rates of erosion and lack of fertile soils which results in low productivity of land and poverty. Seasonal or permanent migration tends to be high in these areas. Migration increases the seriousness of problems related to urbanisation, such as unemployment, poor health and housing problems.

Therefore, arresting environmental degradation and increases in land productivity are both necessary aims of rural development programmes in south Asia. The Government of India is giving particular attention to environmental regeneration of catchment areas. Approximately US$ 300 million per year are disbursed by the Government of India on interventions that are aimed at improving all categories of land in watersheds (Farrington and Lobo, 1997).

Apart from the Government of India, various state governments, national and international organisations are funding watershed development projects. World population has increased nearly threefold in the last 50 years. The standard of living has gone up. In India nearly 70% of the population still depends up on the agriculture which is the biggest user of water. There is considerable uncertainty as to the climate change and its manifestation.

In developing countries both non-government organisations and government development agencies have implemented watershed management projects for last 25 years with the aim of increasing agricultural productivity and reducing poverty on hillsides in rural areas. Many of the watershed management projects throughout the world have not taken into account land use capacity and its restoration and prevention potential. They have centred on activities that although important at the plot level do not add up to transformations at the landscape level.

A major question is, therefore, how to select watershed management sites and activities in such a way that organisations can simultaneously address the social and economic goals for local inhabitants as well as the aims of watershed conservation and restoration. This paper summarises observations derived from earlier assessments of watershed management projects, including short-term reviews of watershed management projects in Bangladesh, Bolivia, Thailand and Uganda carried out by Perez between 1989 and 1999. In all these case, they visited field sites, interviewed project personnel and participant farmers and reviewed project documents and other technical literature. They have also taken into account evidence from the international literature on watershed management.

Aim

The main aim of this research study is:

To investigate the demand of water for development of domestic use and agriculture use and

To examine how to manage existing water resources.

Objectives

The objectives of this study are:

To control damaging excess.

To manage and utilize excess for useful purposes.

To control erosion and effect reduction in the sediment production.

To have moderate floods in the downstream areas.

To enhance ground water storage.

Appropriate use of the land resources on the watershed and thus developing Forest and Food

Resources

The research will look at the current development of various natural resources, particularly land and water, the watersheds or hydraulics units are considered more efficient for carrying out necessary surveys and investigations for assessment of these resources as well as for subsequent planning and implementation of development programs. The watershed approach is more rational because the inherent potential of soil and water resources in a particular area is governed by various factors, most important of which are physiographic, geological base, soil characteristic’s, climate, present land use, socio economical and legal aspects and other relevant factors.

It has been observed that there is optimum interaction between the natural factors of physiographic, soil and climate on watershed bases for their optimum utilization and output. The watershed approach is, therefore, increasingly being employed in various development programmes like soil conservation, command area development, deficiency level area programmes, shifting cultivation, recovery or very hungry areas, erosion control in catchments of river valley projects etc. the watershed also important with respect to the development of water resources in the shape of major, medium and minor irrigation projects.

The programmes for water harvesting on form level have been developed on watershed bases. After all the feasible sites for exploitation of the surface water are explored, the only alternative left to cope with the droughts is to make the use of ground water resources. As ground water also depends on the rainfall received, there is need to harvest and use this resources sufficiently with the help of watershed management.

For planning a particular watershed, the planner must have a basic objective or multiple objectives and keeping this in mind should then proceed with the formulation and evolution of the various alternatives. The objectives of watershed management programme are to control damaging runoff, to manage and utilize runoff for useful purposes, to control erosion and effect reduction in the sediment production, to have moderate floods in the downstream areas, to enhance ground water storage. Appropriate use of the land resources on the watershed and thus developing forest and fodder resources.

These objectives can be achieved by bringing about improvement in physical condition of soil through proper managing and cropping with a view to increase water infiltration and holding capacity. Ensuring good crop growth by adopting the recommended agronomic practices for each crop.

Practicing other conservation measures like contour Bunding, terracing, contour trenching, contour cultivation, strip cropping, mulching, reclamation of gullies etc. adoption of conservation farming practices to improve agriculture, controlled grazing to keep the pastures productive , water management for irrigation and drainage and all other types of erosion control measures could be considered as the parts of watershed management.

Methodology

A wide variety of methods were used for data collection. These include Best Interviews, Participant observation, Semi-structured focus group interviews, Questionnaire and Case study method. A flexible approach was used for deciding methodologies. In the initial stages of data collection best interviews and group interviews were conducted with experienced watershed committee members, farmers, government officers and non-government organisation representatives.

It takes considerable courage to openly accept and discuss the argument one is facing. Therefore in focus groups and best interviews importance was given to active listening, creating a comfortable and friendly atmosphere, building trust and acknowledging the experiences of the narrator without criticism or judgement.

To make it easier for participants to discuss their argument and to build relationship, previous argument and their management were discussed to help feel safe through the distance that time gives. After understanding was built people felt more comfortable discussing their present arguments. The other technique of creating distance was through asking similar questions in the context of other watersheds. For this reason, the author of this report explains what a research study is and how it is carried out in this chapter.

Definition of research

The word research has been defined and explained in so many different ways, but more importantly; all the various definitions seek to point out in one particular direction. The New Shorter Oxford English Dictionary defines Research as A search or investigation undertaken to discover facts and reach new conclusions by the critical study of a subject or by a course of scientific enquiry.

Research was defined by Hitchock and Hughes (1993), as the systematic enquiry that is characterized by a certain amount of rigor and governed by set principles and guidelines for procedures. For instance, social research, therefore, refers to both the collection and analysis of information on the social world in order thereby to understand and explain it better.

According to Naoum (1998), there are two types of research strategies, namely ‘Quantitative research’ and ‘Qualitative research’. The choice of the type to use depends on the purpose of the study and the type and availability of the information which is required.

Qualitative Research

This type of research emphasizes meanings, experiences, description and so on. The information obtained after carrying out a qualitative research can be categorized into two classes of research. These classes are ‘exploratory’ and ‘attitudinal’.

Quantitative Research

It is defined as an enquiry into a social or human problem, based on testing a hypothesis or a theory composed of variables, measured with numbers, and analyzed with statistical procedures, in order to determine whether the hypothesis or the theory hold true. Quantitative data is, therefore, not abstract, they are hard and reliable; they are measured of tangible, countable sensate features of the world. Quantitative research, therefore, is said to be ‘objective’ in nature.

Exploratory research

This type of research is used when there is limited amount of knowledge about the topic under consideration. The purpose of exploratory research is intertwined with the need for a clear and precise statement of the recognised problem. The raw data provided in exploratory research will be exactly what people have said (in interview or recorded conversation) or a description of what has been observed.

Attitudinal research

This type of Qualitative research is used to ‘subjectively’ evaluate the ‘opinion’, ‘view’ or ‘perception’ of a person, towards a particular object. Qualitative research, therefore, is said to be ‘subjective’ in nature.

Postal Questionnaire

This technique of data collection is maybe the most commonly used. It is very suitable for surveys with clearly defined objectives and normally asks questions that need specific response, like ‘write’ or ‘wrong’. The main advantages of postal questionnaires are Economy, Speed and Consultation.

Personal interview

This is yet another technique of collecting data or information from respondents by a face-to-face interactions. With this technique, answers to questions are received instantly.

For the purpose of this work, the author in a bid to collect data for the research analyses, the personal interview technique will be adopted. Personal interviews will be conducted and with a number of selected watershed companies. The feedback received from respondents of the companies selected will then be analysed and conclusions drawn from them. From the conclusion drawn, suitable recommendations will then be made.

This research method will be used due to the fact that unlike the research questionnaire, the respondent is known and there is a close interaction between interviewer and respondent. Even though it takes a longer time to go through the interview and the cost is high, the sample size is smaller and the quality of information received is deep and detailed.

This is because the interviewer has the chance to probe and the flexibility to reword question and clarify terms that are not clear. Moreover, with this technique, answers to questions are received instantly, they are more accurate, the rate of response is relatively high and it is easy to analyse why the particular answers are given to the questions. The data received from the interview will be represented and analysed by using graphs and charts.

For the purpose of this research, both published and unpublished literature available in the subject area as well as similar areas will be reviewed critically and in details in order to establish facts about the topic and draw conclusions. Also journals, such as magazines and watershed journals will be reviewed since they tend to discuss very current issues in the industry. Other literature to be reviewed will include other research reports as well as reports from seminars.

Watershed management websites will be reviewed and information will be gathered from them. Due to the method selected to be used to collect data, which is the personal interview technique, equipment such as voice recorders and hand held PDAs will be used in order to enhance the data collection process and facilitate easy analysis afterwards. During the data collection process, the writer imagine a lot of travelling hence various transportation means available, such as trains, public buses, taxis and private means, will be used.

After the collection of data, computer software such as SPSS will be used to present and analyse the data. Other computer programmes, like Microsoft Office Project and Microsoft Office Excel among other software will be used in order to enhance the final presentation, analysis and conclusion of all the data collected.

This proposed research program, even though will yield very physical and useful results, will involve a lot of financial investment due to the resources needed to carry it out successfully. Hence it will cost the researcher a lot of money to be able to achieve good and useful results.

Another major control picture will be the willingness and availability of respondents to the survey. It will be very difficult to get respondents who are willing to spare some time to give an interview and even if they do, they might not be sincere in giving accurate responses especially if the questions are a bit searching into their company’s activities or personal opinions.

Research Beneficiaries / Dissemination

This proposed research, when completed successfully, will be a useful report which will go a long way to blow on the watershed industry because it will bring out and highlight some, of the points, of the existing water management in the country and continue to improve the general performance of the watershed industry in the world.

Even though quite a lot of research has been carried out in this area and a lot of reports written, most of them are focused on Watershed management and more especially relating it mainly to water resources issues, which is what makes this research a bit different and unique for that matter.

This report will be forwarded for publication in different print magazines in the industry and also posted on the internet so that anybody can have access to it. It will not only benefit the watershed industry but other industries can also access it and apply the theories propounded as well.

This work was produced by one of our professional writers as a learning aid to help you with your studies

Introduction

If one considers the most profound changes in the social and physical conditions attached to human existence, one would have to suggest that the land use dimensions, including the shift to sedentary agriculture, the Industrial Revolution and large-scale urbanisation, are the most significant. However, it is important to understand that land is more than a mere material base. Indeed, Gladwin et al (1995) described land as a diverse, contradictory property with both social and cultural meanings that are mixed with human labour, the biotic community and a land ethic. From this it is easy to understand why land use has been the subject of persistent political struggle over the years and why it is challenging in both theory and practice to ensure sustainable development, whilst also taking into account the needs of a growing population. The eco-modernist interpretation of sustainable development encourages the use eco-efficient building materials and heat and power sources, and encourages doing more with less (Banerjee, 2003). Whilst this has shown that there is a theoretical possibility that energy and material intensity can be reduced, therefore reducing the environmental impact of population and industrial growth, this somewhat simplified approach does not take into consideration the relationships between land, the environment and economic activity (Baker, 2007).

The focus on pollution and resource consumption by many ecological modernist theorists has failed to address the intrinsic qualities of the non-human world that are generally the cause of many conflicts over the use of greenbelt land (Hajer and Versteeg, 2005). Part of the problem lies in the way in which the development of land and environmental change causes uncertain effects. These effects are generally caused through the multiplicity of direct, indirect and cumulative processes that are difficult to predict (Hudson, 2005). These processes operate within economic, political and legal dimensions, with many crossing over between a number of jurisdictions. Whilst interactions between proximal land uses have historically concentrated on the effects of pollution, odour and noise on the human population, it is only recently that consideration has been taken over the effects of these environmental problems on the local flora and fauna and the wider scale sustainability of vulnerable species (Scully-Russ, 2012). From this it can be seen that land use and sustainability go hand in hand. As such, it is deemed necessary to focus attention on the planning processes and regulations currently utilised within the UK. The remainder of this essay will consider the way in which UK planning processes have been designed to protect the environment before critically discussing the reasons that they fail.

Sustainable development: the need for planning

The concept of sustainable development emerged in the late 1980s with Brundtland et al (1987), followed closely by the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED), forming the view that it is necessary to consider planning applications as interrelated processes that need to take into account the needs of both human and nonhuman residents (Barkemeyer et al, 2014). This encouraged the development of national sustainability plans, whilst Agenda 21 of the UNCED encouraged the environmentally sound physical planning of sustainable development within urban areas (Jabareen, 2006). These planning and sustainability ideas were rapidly incorporated into local government policy. In the UK, these ideas encouraged a new environmental movement that saw local councils considering the environmental impact on both urban and rural developments (Jabareen, 2006). Indeed, by the start of the 1990s, nearly 75% of all councils within the UK had developed a green charter that recognised the need for environmental planning to mitigate against issues such as global warming, the destruction of the rainforest and depletion of the ozone layer as well as considering the impacts such a development would have on the local environment (Barkemeyer et al, 2014).

The emerging concepts of sustainability and the connections with the planning process were often outside of the statutory domain; however, incentives from central government, which supported sustainable development and controlled land use planning often encouraged the development of local policies (Cowell and Lennon, 2014). These local policies, along with international commitments, were rapidly incorporated into legislation, with the UK’s first official sustainable development White Paper urging planning authorities to consider the environmental effects of all planning policies (Cowell and Lennon, 2014). In the same year, the Town and Country Planning Act 1990 ensured that all planning applications considered the conservation, natural beauty and amenity of the land. This act also encouraged improved traffic management and changes to the physical environment within both urbanised and rural areas in order to deliver sustainable land use change.

Despite the UK Government generally falling short of making sustainable development a legal requirement of all planning laws, they have developed a number of Acts that can be called upon in certain situations. These include the Town and Country Planning Act 1990, Natural Heritage (Scotland) Act 1991, the Sustainable Communities Act 2007 and the Government of Wales Act 1998 (Wilkinson et al, 2013). Section 121(1) of this latter act places responsibility on the National Assembly for Wales to set out proposals for the promotion of sustainable development within the Welsh region. However, more recently there has been an international emergence of the ecosystem assessment approach to land planning. This approach is promoted to ensure that the true value of the environment is taken into account during all decision-making processes (Adelle et al, 2012). The key concept of the ecosystem assessment approach is that natural ecosystems provide significant benefit, in both health and economy, to human society. Numerous proponents of the ecosystem services approach describe how the method would benefit the spatial planning of habitats to help deliver ecosystem services (Medcalf et al, 2012), in environmental assessment (Wilkinson et al, 2013) and in order to plan for a more environmentally friendly urban development (Baker et al, 2013). The following section of this paper will consider the problems encountered by UK planners in balancing the needs of an expanding population and the potential impacts on the environment.

Planning Difficulties

In order to highlight the issues associated with planning and environmental protection, it is deemed necessary to utilise a number of case studies in which planning departments have clashed with developers. The first of these cases occurred in the early 1990s in the county of Berkshire and was described by Cowell and Owens (1998). Berkshire County Council received a planning application to expand the capacity of a construction minerals extraction quarry to 2.5 million tonnes per year. The application was supported by central government, who at that time had apportioned a share of projected national demand for construction aggregate to each county. However, Berkshire County Council was concerned about the environmental consequences of this increased carrying capacity and decided that to meet the share of aggregate demand would be unsustainable for their region as it would breach the county’s environmental capacity. In order to reach this decision, the county planning department used a methodology that involved an assessment of environmental suitability at the quarry. This methodology included a traditional sieve analysis, a process of strategic choice and public engagement. In their report, Berkshire Planning Authority stated that the protection of environmental features within the county was vital and the conservation value of the broader environment outweighed the economic benefits of such a development. The planning authorities stated that the environmental capacity of the area would be breached and that this environment capacity was based on the county council’s judgements about the compensatable and critical environmental capital within the county. As such they framed sustainable development by identifying the environmental limits of the area. Indeed, Berkshire Planning Authority asserted that the level of aggregate supply should fall by 3% per year from 1996 to 2011.

As was expected, the quarry company appealed the decision and the planning enquiry inspector sided with industry. The appeal report criticised Berkshire Planning Authority for ignoring the economic, local and national need for aggregates. The enquiry inspector did find the planning authority’s explanation of environmental capacity and the need for sustainable development persuasive; however, the report suggests that there is lack of demonstration on why the county could not maintain production of construction aggregates at 2.5 million tonnes per year. As such, the enquiry inspector agreed with the objections made by the quarry company that the concept of critical environmental capital and environmental capacity carried no weight within current realms of planning policy. The planning decision was therefore overturned.

The second case study also occurred in Berkshire where a major international company applied for planning permission to build its new headquarters in a green field location (Parker and Street, 2015). The plans immediately raised objections from local residents and environmental pressure groups who claimed that congestion and pollution would increase if the company’s headquarters was located in this area as well as damaging sensitive wildlife habitats. These opponents claimed that the government planning guidelines, which sought to reduce dependency on cars, would be flouted if the planning application was granted. However, the Planning Authority was significantly influenced by the company’s ‘green transport’ plan and the potential employment and economic benefits that such a development would bring. Therefore, following acrimonious debate, planning permission was granted without any formal environmental assessment being carried out in the area.

In the Cairngorms, a planning application to develop a tourist funicular railway, to carry passengers to the peak of the mountains, was met with much resistance (Warren, 2002). Initially, the Planning Authority sought to reject the application, claiming that such a development would encourage more visitors to the remote area and damage an ecologically vulnerable area. However, pressure from other council departments, who saw opportunity for economic growth, additional employment and future potential development, forced the Planning Authority to grant permission, regardless of the extensive Environmental Impact Assessment that had been carried out by the Planning Authority proving that the development would cause considerable harm to the sensitive habitats of this area.

Despite these case studies showing significant failures in the UK’s planning regulations, there is one instance where the environmental value of a particular area was successfully defended. This final case study occurred within the cathedral city of Salisbury (Parker and Street, 2015). The Planning Authority received an application from the Highways Agency to construct a bypass that would reduce congestion within the city centre. This was in line with the County Council’s green plans to reduce pollution within the area. However, the route of the proposed bypass would bisect the environmentally important water meadows surrounding the city. These water meadows provided the habitat for a large number of migratory wading birds and were considered environmentally important areas. However, the subsequent public enquiry supported the application, claiming significant benefits for the city if the bypass was built. As such, a number of government advisory bodies on nature conservation and landscape protection were consulted in order to find ways in which to mitigate the impacts of the bypass on the wetland areas. These advisory bodies found that there were no measures that could be adopted that would effectively protect the sensitive habitats and mitigation, for the damage could not be advised. This led the Planning Authority to refuse the application and forced the Highways Agency to consider alternative routes.

Conclusion

In conclusion, it can be seen that, despite sustainable development being at the forefront of the planning regulations, pressure from industry and the need for economic growth has a tendency to sway Planning Authority decisions. Despite all local and county councils now having green plans and sustainable development plans which encourage protection of the local landscape and environment, many are not being fully utilised. It is considered that until sustainable development is incorporated into national policy and regulations, then the needs for economic growth will always outweigh the needs of the environment. In addition, it is considered that whilst there are ways in which human impacts on the environment can be mitigated against, in many instances these opportunities are not fully taken due to the cost implications associated with adopting many of these mitigation measures. Therefore it is concluded that current UK planning regulations do not hold enough weight to successfully protect the environment.

References

Adelle, C., Jordan, A., & Turnpenny, J. (2012). Proceeding in parallel or drifting apart? A systematic review of policy appraisal research and practices. Environment and Planning-Part C, 30(3), 401.

Baker, S. (2007). Sustainable development as symbolic commitment: declaratory politics and the seductive appeal of ecological modernisation in the European Union. Environmental Politics, 16(2), 297-317.

Baker, J., Sheate, W. R., Phillips, P., & Eales, R. (2013). Ecosystem services in environmental assessment—help or hindrance?. Environmental Impact Assessment Review, 40, 3-13.

Banerjee, S. B. (2003). Who sustains whose development? Sustainable development and the reinvention of nature. Organization Studies, 24(1), 143-180.

Barkemeyer, R., Holt, D., Preuss, L., & Tsang, S. (2014). What happened to the ‘development’in sustainable development? Business guidelines two decades after Brundtland. Sustainable Development, 22(1), 15-32.

Brundtland, G., Khalid, M., Agnelli, S., Al-Athel, S., Chidzero, B., Fadika, L.,& Okita, S. (1987). Our Common Future. World Commission on Environment and Development, Ginebra (Suiza).

Cowell, R., & Owens, S. (1998). Suitable locations: equity and sustainability in the minerals planning process. Regional Studies, 32(9), 797-811.

Cowell, R., & Lennon, M. (2014). The utilisation of environmental knowledge in land-use planning: drawing lessons for an ecosystem services approach. Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy, 32(2), 263-282.

Gladwin, T. N., Kennelly, J. J., & Krause, T. S. (1995). Shifting paradigms for sustainable development: Implications for management theory and research. Academy of management Review, 20(4), 874-907.

Hajer, M., & Versteeg, W. (2005). A decade of discourse analysis of environmental politics: achievements, challenges, perspectives. Journal of Environmental Policy & Planning, 7(3), 175-184.

Hudson, R. (2005). Towards sustainable economic practices, flows and spaces: or is the necessary impossible and the impossible necessary?. Sustainable Development, 13(4), 239-252.

Jabareen, Y. R. (2006). Sustainable urban forms their typologies, models, and concepts. Journal of Planning Education and Research, 26(1), 38-52.

Medcalf, R., Small, N., Finch, C., Parker, J. (2012). Spatial framework for assessing evidence needs for operational ecosystem approaches, JNCC report No. 469, Joint Nature Conservation Committee, Peterborough, Cambs.

Parker, G., & Street, E. (2015). Planning at the neighbourhood scale: localism, dialogic politics, and the modulation of community action. Environment and Planning C. Available online at http://www.envplan.com/abstract.cgi?id=c1363 accessed 1 October 2015.

Scully-Russ, E. (2012). Human resource development and sustainability: beyond sustainable organizations. Human Resource Development International, 15(4), 399-415.

Warren, C. (2002). Of superquarries and mountain railways: recurring themes in Scottish environmental conflict. The Scottish Geographical Magazine, 118(2), 101-127.

Wilkinson, C., Saarne, T., Peterson, G. D., & Colding, J. (2013). Strategic spatial planning and the ecosystem services concept-an historical exploration.Ecology and Society, 18(1), 37.

This work was produced by one of our professional writers as a learning aid to help you with your studies

Introduction

There is a growing body of evidence available in the published literature that suggests that anthropogenic activities are the primary cause of global warming and the subsequent climate change that has occurred and will occur due to global warming (Solomon et al., 2009). The increasing international agreement has resulted in a general consensus that there is a global need to coordinate the responses to the global threat that anthropogenic activities pose regarding negative environmental impacts (Ostrom, 2010). In order to adequately address the negative environmental impacts of anthropogenic activities it is necessary to understand how the aforesaid activities interact with the environment to enable the development of appropriate solutions. However, the acknowledgement of the current global environmental issues and the need for comprehensive action does not necessarily translate to strategic responses worldwide. There are many different aspects to the global response to environmental issues, one of which is the subject of this essay. The particular aspect of the global response that is considered in this essay is the adoption of environmental technologies: in particular, what determines the successful adoption of environmental technologies?

The adoption of environmental technologies is a pivotal aspect of mitigating the impact of anthropogenic activities on the environment. This is due to the fact that it is unlikely that societies will regress to the point where the continuation of day-to-day existence will cease to impact negatively upon the environment. Features of modern living such as electricity consumption and the use of automobiles are unlikely to cease in the near future. Therefore in order to reduce the negative impact of the global society on the environment it is necessary to reduce the impact of everyday activities by substituting technologies that are harmful to the environment with technologies that at the very least reduce the environmental degradation if not cease it completely (Bergman and Eyre, 2011).

It is a given that there is a global comprehension regarding how anthropogenic activities are degrading the environment, yet there has not been a cessation of the use of environmentally damaging technologies. Therefore the question that is asked within this essay is what determines the successful adoption of environmental technologies? If an answer to this question can be determined then it may be possible to use the findings to promote the adoption of environmental technologies on an increasingly widespread basis and thereby reduce the potential environmental degradation that is associated with the current level of technology use.

The following paragraphs will discuss aspects of the successful adoption of environmental technology.

The factor of scale

The level at which technologies are adopted is likely to have a substantial influence on the successful adoption of environmental technology. The scale of the levels at which technology is adopted run from the household level, the community level and the national level up to the international level. At each level there will be different dominant influencing factors that determine whether the adoption of environmental technology will be successful. However, it is also important to differentiate between which of these levels is likely to have the most influence over the other levels. For example, it is unlikely that the household level will have a significant influence over whether an environmental technology will be successfully adopted or not. This is because of the influence that will be had by those in control at the levels above the household level (i.e. all other levels). There will be a limited influence at the household level, for example in government responses to the desire of populations; however this influence is unlikely to be substantial overall.

The National Scale

It is much more likely that the national government will have a greater controlling influence over the successful adoption of environmental technologies than those individuals at the household level. This is due to the fact that the national governments set the policies and regulations for the country as a whole: an ideal method for expressing support or a lack of support for particular technologies (Jacobsson and Lauber, 2006). For example, the use of solar thermal technology as a means of producing hot water at the household level only became popular in the United Kingdom when the United Kingdom government introduced policy that was supportive of the use of solar thermal energy at the household level with the introduction of grants and supportive policies. A specific example is when the United Kingdom introduced the low carbon buildings programme which resulted in 3,000 solar thermal installations in the first two years; however the government subsequently reduced the grant funding that was available for this programme and there was a corresponding drop in the number of solar thermal installations that were implemented (Bergman and Jardine, 2009). Overall, the adoption of renewable energy systems at the household level in the United Kingdom is low (Caird et al., 2008). The previous example demonstrates the extent of control that the national government possess in regards to the uptake and the successful adoption of environmental technology, although it should be noted that to some extent the policies of the government are likely to reflect the desires of the population, particularly in democratic nations. The increasing popularity and support among the general population for environmentally friendly technologies will go some way towards encouraging the governments to be supportive of environmental technologies. For example, there are numerous environmental groups, such as Greenpeace, that campaign for governments to introduce more extensive legislation to protect the environment from degradation, one aspect of which is the use of environmental technologies (Gough and Shackley, 2001).

Thus it can be seen that the national government policies and legislation can be a key factor that can be highly influential in terms of the successful adoption of environmental technologies. It is not just the current government policies that can potentially be highly influential for the successful adoption of environmental technologies. The historical policies and technology use patterns can also have a substantial influence over the success of environmental technologies. For example, in Denmark the use of environmental technology to harness the wind for electricity generation has been occurring since the early 1900s, and in 1918 3% of the electricity needs of Denmark were generated by windmills (Beise and Rennings, 2005). This early adoption of harnessing wind for energy generation is most likely the primary reason for the extensive use of wind turbines in Denmark in comparison to other countries (see figure 1). It should also be noted that Denmark had a more prolific use of wind turbines significantly earlier than many other countries (see figure 1).

In comparison to Denmark, the United Kingdom utilises relatively little of the potential energy that they could generate from their wind resources (see figure 1). This is not because the environmental technology is not developed – it can be seen from the successful implementation of wind turbines in other countries that the technology is fit for purpose, and the United Kingdom government is known to be supportive to the use of renewable energy technologies. Therefore there must be some other reason why there is relatively low exploitation of wind resources in the United Kingdom. One potential reason is the dislike of the wind turbine infrastructure that has been expressed by many organisations and individuals that inhabit areas near to proposed turbine sites (Jones and Eiser, 2010). Another reason may also be the difference in policies to encourage the use of wind technologies between the United Kingdom and Denmark. Denmark has operated a policy based on the principle of renewable energy feed tariffs, whereas the United Kingdom has operated a policy termed bidding systems (Beise and Rennings, 2005). When examined in closer detail, studies have found that the renewable energy feed tariffs, such as that used by Denmark, are far superior to that of the bidding system in terms of promoting the proliferation and thus successful adoption of environmental technologies that are used for energy generation (Beise and Rennings, 2005).

Figure 1. The extent of exploitation of wind for energy generation as a percentage of the total potential energy generation from wind (Beise and Rennings, 2005 p. 10).

Thus it can be concluded that whilst the policy of the governing body is a key factor in the uptake of environmental technology at the national level, not all government policies are created equal. As is the case with wind energy in Denmark and the United Kingdom, both governments have policies in place that are meant to support the adoption of technology that allows the generation of energy from wind; however it is apparent that the Danish policy has enabled a greater adoption of the technology than the United Kingdom policy.

The International Scale

International policy is also likely to have an influence on the potential success of environmental technology adoption. There is a growing body of international treaties that are signed by numerous nations that detail the need for global action to reduce the impacts of anthropogenic activities on the environment. An example of these treaties is the Kyoto protocol. The Kyoto protocol is an international agreement regarding the issues of global warming and climate change, within which the signatory nations agree to reduce the emissions of greenhouse gases, particularly those that are carbon-based, with the aim of achieving eventually atmospheric levels that are equal to a 1990 base level (Manne and Richels, 2000).

Several methods have been introduced by the signatory countries to achieve this, including the introduction of regulations that require the limiting of emissions. In order to limit emissions from processes that previously would have emitted greenhouse gases, new environmental technologies have to be introduced that either do not emit these gases or capture the gases before emission. However, it is not just the signatory countries which have agreed to limit their emissions that have introduced new environmental technology adoption (again through the medium of government policy and regulation), but also some countries which are not required to actively reduce their emissions (due to their development status) that have introduced environmental technologies to achieve this aim – for example China (Fang et al., 2001).

China has made significant gains in reducing their emissions of greenhouse gases by introducing the successful adoption of environmental technologies through policies and regulations. Indeed, the emissions reductions of China could potentially exceed those of the countries required under the Kyoto protocol to reduce their emissions (Zhang, 2010). It is possible that the driving factors for the adoption of the new environmental technologies in China are due to a combination of the relatively extreme impact on the environment that anthropogenic activities have precipitated in China, a desire to increase their economic growth, and an additional desire to operate in the global market (Liu and Feng, 2011). The adoption of environmental technology in China is a relatively new occurrence. Previously the focus in China was on economic growth, with little concern for the environmental impact: therefore there was little to no environmental regulations in place with few incentives for the adoption of environmental technologies (Zhang, 2010). This is an issue that was noted in a study that was conducted by Popp (2010), who suggested that the proliferation of environmental technology is intrinsically linked to the proliferation of environmental regulations. Therefore a country that has poor environmental regulations is highly likely to not have seen the successful adoption of environmental technology.

In a similar vein, a study conducted by Costantini and Crespi (2008) concluded that when environmental regulations are more extensive and stringent, there is an increase in the investments that are made in environmental technologies, thereby likely increasing the successful adoption of environmental technologies as the technologies mature and become more generally regarded as reliable.

Conclusions

In conclusion, it was found that there is an intrinsic link between policy and regulations, be it on an international or a national level, and the successful adoption of environmental technologies. Whilst it was found that there were also other factors that could potentially influence the successful adoption of environmental technologies, these factors were considered to be incidental when compared to the influence of policy and regulations. The influence of policy and regulations on the successful adoption of environmental technology is suggested to occur because the regulations and legislation of governing bodies are not something that can easily be ignored without repercussions; thus it could be said that this method of introduction to the option of environmental technology is not a choice, but rather forces individuals, communities and businesses to implement environmental technologies in their homes and workplaces.

The link between policy and the successful adoption of environmental technologies was further highlighted when considering developing countries such as China. Prior to the introduction of environmental policies there was little to no proliferation of environmental technology within China – it was only subsequent to policy changes that environmental technologies began to be adopted. Therefore in order to support the adoption of environmental technologies it is of extreme importance that the national policies of the governing bodies are supportive of environmental technologies in order to reduce the environmental degradation caused by anthropogenic activities.

References

Beise, M., & Rennings, K. (2005). Lead markets and regulation: a framework for analyzing the international diffusion of environmental innovations. Ecological economics, 52(1), 5-17.

Bergman, N., Jardine, C. (2009). Power from the people: domestic microgeneration and the Low Carbon Building Programme, ECI Research Report 34. University of Oxford, Environmental Change Institute. Available online at: www.eci.ox.ac.uk/publications/downloads/bergmanjardine09powerpeople.pdf (Accessed 01/2015).

Bergman, N., & Eyre, N. (2011). What role for microgeneration in a shift to a low carbon domestic energy sector in the UK?. Energy Efficiency, 4(3), 335-353.

Caird, S., Roy, R., & Herring, H. (2008). Improving the energy performance of UK households: Results from surveys of consumer adoption and use of low-and zero-carbon technologies. Energy Efficiency, 1(2), 149-166.

Costantini, V., & Crespi, F. (2008). Environmental regulation and the export dynamics of energy technologies. Ecological Economics, 66(2), 447-460.

Fang, J., Chen, A., Peng, C., Zhao, S., & Ci, L. (2001). Changes in forest biomass carbon storage in China between 1949 and 1998. Science, 292(5525), 2320-2322.

Gough, C., & Shackley, S. (2001). The respectable politics of climate change: the epistemic communities and NGOs. International Affairs, 77(2), 329-346.

Jacobsson, S., & Lauber, V. (2006). The politics and policy of energy system transformation—explaining the German diffusion of renewable energy technology. Energy policy, 34(3), 256-276.

Jones, C. R., & Eiser, J. R. (2010). Understanding ‘local’ opposition to wind development in the UK: How big is a backyard?. Energy Policy, 38(6), 3106-3117.

Liu, C & Feng, Y.. (2011). Low-carbon economy: theoretical study and development path choice in China. Energy Procedia, 5, 487-493.

Manne, A. S., & Richels, R. G. (2000). The Kyoto Protocol: a cost-effective strategy for meeting environmental objectives?. In Efficiency and equity of climate change policy (pp. 43-61). Springer Netherlands.

Ostrom, E. (2010). Polycentric systems for coping with collective action and global environmental change. Global Environmental Change, 20(4), 550-557.

Popp, D. (2010). Exploring links between innovation and diffusion: adoption of NOx control technologies at US coal-fired power plants. Environmental and Resource Economics, 45(3), 319-352.

Solomon, S., Plattner, G. K., Knutti, R., & Friedlingstein, P. (2009). Irreversible climate change due to carbon dioxide emissions. Proceedings of the national academy of sciences, 106:6, pp. 1704-1709.

Zhang, Z. (2010). China in the transition to a low-carbon economy. Energy Policy, 38(11), 6638-6653.

This work was produced by one of our professional writers as a learning aid to help you with your studies

Abstract

Different environmental conditions contribute to the limitations of plant growth. Salts are common and a natural constituent of all soils. Normally, salts are present in low amounts in top soil and plant growth is not affected. However, accumulation of salts, through natural means or man’s activities, can cause plant growth problems and result in poor growth or death of plants.

Considering that Bermuda is such a small island, farmers’ crops are constantly being exposed to salt spray. Therefore, there must be a saline threshold for the various crops. Bermuda is famous for The Bermuda Yellow Onion, therefore I felt it was appropriate to investigate The Salinity Tolerance of the Bermuda Yellow Onion.

The objective of this study is to find out if the Bermuda Yellow Onion has a saline threshold, and if so what is this saline limit. To examine this question, I have constructed several small experiments, including the Saline Affect on Biomass, Germination Rate, Onion Growth, and the Water Content in Soil after Plant Growth.

Throughout this investigation, I found that salinity effects both germination and overall growth of the Bermuda Yellow Onion, decreasing the yield percentage produced. The appearance of all plants grown in saline solutions are recognized as an effect of salt stress; poor germination and establishment, reduced plant vigour and stunted growth, smaller than normal leaves, slightly yellowing leaves, and a burnt appearance on tips of leaves.

All experiments carried out show that salinity has an affect on the osmotic ability of both seed and plant, which has an effect on other plant functions such as photosynthesis and transpiration. Without the plant able to function effectively nor efficiently, the plant will produce fewer yields or eventually die, depending on the salinity strength.

This discovery suggests that there is a definite saline threshold for the Bermuda Yellow Onion.

Introduction

Originally, Bermuda grew and exported tobacco, but during the 1870s and 1880s Bermudians approached the production of crops with a more serious attitude, and agriculture became a thriving export business.

Every onion was hand picked, wrapped and packed for the market in New York. Every member of the family was involved in preparing the garden produce for export for the steamers that sailed twice a month from Hamilton. Bermuda did not only export onions to the New York market but also other garden produce such as arrowroot, celery, tomatoes, and potatoes.

Because Bermuda’s onions were so delicious they were widely sought and enjoyed not only in the U.S. but all over, so production increased to meet the growing demand. Bermuda was often referred to as The Onion Patch and Bermudians were obviously nicknamed Onions because of this. The export of Bermuda onions came to an abrupt end when U.S. tariff walls were raised against such imports.

Bermuda is quite a small island, only 21 square miles, and the crops are often exposed to salt spray from the surrounding ocean, which affects the soil that will in the long run affect plant growth.

Soil is a multicomponent system, which means that soil is made up of solid, liquid and gaseous components. This system consists of inorganic and organic solid components, soil solutions and as well as a gaseous phase. These three states are in a constant flux, maintaining a state of equilibrium. This is maintained by a chain reaction, one phase will manipulate the following phases until the equilibrium state is achieved. One way of achieving equilibrium is cation exchange; this involves cations interchanging between the solid phase and the liquid phase. This exchange reaction occurs from the negative charge of soil colloids.

Soil contains a mixture of different types of clays; soil salinity causes particles to bind together into aggregates, this process is called flocculation. Flocculation is good for soil aeration, root penetration, and root growth. Increasing soil salinity may have a positive effect on soil aggregation and stabilization, but high salinity also has a negative effect on plants.

High sodium concentration in soil, gives an opposite affect than soil salinity. Sodium causes soil dispersion and the clay platelets and aggregate swelling. When too many sodium ions come between the clay particles, the bonded clay particles are disrupted. This separation of clay particles causes them to swell and soil dispersion occurs. Soil dispersion causes clay particles to clog soil pores; this reduces the permeability of the soil. When soil is wetted and dispersion occurs repeatedly, it then becomes solidified to a cement-like soil with little or no structure.

The reason why other salts such as calcium and magnesium do not have the same affect as sodium is because they are smaller so they can collect closer to the clay particles. As shown in figure 1. Soil dispersion also has an affect on infiltration and hydraulic conductivity of the soil.

A Lack of Water

Salinity also affects the Evapotranspiration (ET), as salinity in the soil increases the ET decreases. Because of the saline soil having an osmotic pressure greater that the plant cell sap, there is a link between the effect of salinity on ET and the yield of plants.

The tolerance of plants to salinity is linked to the salinity of the soil, which is known as the total amount of soluble salt in soil. The relative growth of plants in saline soils will determine their salt tolerance.

You measure salinity by the range of electrical conductivity levels throughout the soil. Electrical Conductivity (EC) is the ability of a solution to transmit an electrical current. In order to determine soil salinity EC, an electrical current is imposed in a glass cell using two electrodes in a soil extract solution taken from the soil being measured. The units are usually given in deciSiemens per meter (dS/m).

The salinity of seawater is usually 35 parts per thousand (also written as ppt) in most marine areas. This salinity measurement is a total of all the salts that are dissolved in the water. Although 35 parts per thousand is not very concentrated (the same as 3.5 parts per hundred, pph, or percent) the water in the oceans tastes very salty. The interesting thing about this dissolved salt is that it is always made up of the same types of salts and they are always in the same proportion to each other (even if the salinity is different than average). The majority of the salt is the same as table salt (sodium chloride) but there are other salts as well. The table below shows these proportions:

Salinity has many consequences to the growth of plants. Considering the small size of Bermuda, salinity can contribute to hindering plant growth of farmer’s crops. Since Bermuda has been recognized for growing onions, I felt that it is rational to investigate the salinity tolerance of the Bermuda Yellow Onion. From the knowledge I have attained, I expect throughout my investigation that the yield produced by the onion will decrease with increasing salinity.

Method and Materials

I will concentrate on germination and the growth of onion seedlings to investigate the salinity tolerance of the Bermuda Yellow Onion. I will investigate the affect of various salinities on the germination rate and the affect of various salinities of the growth of the onions by measuring height and the biomass and dry biomass of the onion samples. Salinity concentration used will be constant in both investigations, consisting of a constant of 0ppt concentration, as well as concentrations of 0.5ppt, 1.0ppt, 1.5ppt, 2.5ppt and 3.5ppt.

All experiments will be carried out in my biology classroom under controlled conditions. Experiments will be set up along side the windows so exposure to light is the same. Temperature may fluctuate because of air conditioning in the classroom, but since each sample is exposed to the same conditions, there will be no contamination to the final results. Hence, if the temperature should affect the growth in any way, each sample will be affected in the same way.

Watering of samples will be daily and in precisely equal amounts, no matter what saline level the water is the samples will be supplied with the same amount of water.

However there is one variable I can not have control over, human contamination. Since I will not be in the room supervising at all times I am not able to account for other students interfering with the samples, but I trust no one will cause disorder.

Biomass

Initially I will investigate the average dry biomass of random onion seedlings so I will be able to compare water content at a later stage. Dry bio mass will be found by firstly recording 10 random onion seedling samples masses then leaving them in a drying oven until a constant mass is obtained. Drying oven will be set at a temperature of 100oC; because of course 100oC is the temperature at which water boils. Therefore I will be able to evaluate the average percentage water mass loss of the seedlings grown in the

Investigation of saline affect on Germination

Using Petri dishes I will investigate the affect of various salinities on the germination rate. It takes 7-14 days for an onion seed to germinate, so I will carry out the experiment over a 2 week period. Each Petri dish will be lined with three layers of paper towel and watered daily with 5 ml of water to ensure accuracy (show in the figure below). For each saline concentration there will be five Petri dishes containing 20 seeds each.

Investigation of saline affect on Onion Growth

Pot trials will be carried out in 4 gallon pots over a 7 week period; in each pot I will grow 5 onion seedlings 10-15 cm apart in -3/4 inch of soil deep. Each seedling will have an initial height of 6.75 cm above soil, and I will be weekly their progress or even retreat.

Seedlings require 1 inch of water per week, so each sample set will be watered 1 inch relevant to the 4 gallon pots, which is approximately 1.5L of water. Therefore Plants will be watered daily with 200ml of water. Deionized water will be used to eliminate other ions as a variable. To make the saline solutions I will add 1 kg of water approximately for every ppt amount in grams of dissolved salts, for each specified saline percentage Consider 5ppt: when 5g/1kg=5g/1000g and 1g=1ml, then 1000g=1liter, therefore 5g of NaCl per liter of water(5g/1l)=5ppt

To avoid phototropism pots will be rotated daily because sunlight thorough the window is the only source of light plant samples will receive. Following the seven week period seedlings will be extracted from the soil measured and weighed and then placed into the drying oven until a constant dry bio mass is found.

Investigation of water content in soil after plant growth

Along with the experiments I will also take samples of soil from each individual saline percentage pot at the end of the experiment to investigate the water content of the different salinity concentrated soils. (Soil samples will be taken from a dept if 10cm) I will take 3 samples of each concentrated soil and place them in small crucibles, in order to obtain the soils mass, I will have to weigh the crucible before and after placing the soil sample in the crucible.

To find the water content of the soil samples I will place the crucibles containing the soil samples into a drying oven at a temperature of 100oC, and then measure the mass of each sample after (samples will be left in drying oven for 3 days and measured each day to obtain a constant mass result).

Salinity effect on germination rate is very evident. At the highest salinity levels 2.5% and 3.5%, seeds are not able to germinate at all. While at the lower salinities, germination rate increase as salinity levels decrease. This is because the NaCl in the saline solution attracts the water molecules restricting the uptake of water. As a result the more saline the solution is, the greater the attraction between NaCl molecule and water molecules will be. This results in an impact on the osmotic ability of the seeds.

The germination of seeds is dependent on both internal and external conditions, with one of those conditions including the availability of water. Mature seeds are often extremely dry and need to absorb a significant amount of water, relative to the seeds dry biomass, before cellular metabolism and growth can resume. Most seeds respond best when there is enough water to moisten the seeds but not soak them.

The uptake of water by seeds is called imbibitions, which leads to the swelling and the breaking of the seed coat. When seeds are formed, most plants store a food source, such as starch, proteins, or oils, to provide nourishment to the growing embryo inside the seed. When the seed imbibes enzymes are activated that break down the stored food into metabolically useful chemicals, allowing the cells of the embryo to divide and grow, so the seedling can emerge from the seed. For that reason, without the right supply of water, the cellular metabolic pathways will not take place.

There is an immediate effect on the growth of onions once salt is introduced to the environment. Plants grown in 0% salinity progressively grows over the seven week period, while salinities 0.5% and 1.0% decrease within the fifth week and begin to slowly progress again. Plants grown in salinities of 0.5% began to grow with high progression and had a very large decrease. Plants grown in salinities of 1.5% progress slightly and in the fourth week, growth declines and in the last week plants begins to progress again. Plants grown in salinities 2.5% and 3.5% had scarcely any progression, plants seem to stay at almost a constant height until plants die.

Although in the beginning, plants seem to make some sort of progression, in the end plants grown in saline solutions show an extreme case of drought stress. As plants are continually watered with saline solutions, the salt begins to accumulate in the soil. With increasing salt accumulating in to soil, the greater the inhabitation of uptake of water to the plant is. Explaining why plants grown at lower salinities appear in the beginning to progress then suddenly have a great decrease in growth.

As the experiment progressed unpredictably, seedlings began to disappear. I concluded a possible answer causing this problem could be that as water was being retained in the soil and roots begin to rot. There is an excess of water in plants grown in saline waters, because of the fact that salt inhibits water uptake, the excess of water makes it difficult for the roots to receive any oxygen, thus leading to roots rotting. As well, of course without roots there is no way in which a plant is able to transport material in and out leading to overall death of the plant. Explaining why plant began to disappear throughout the experiment.

It is apparent that salinity has an affect on plant yield. All plants grown in saline soils parentage yield has decreased in fresh biomass. That fact that only plants grown in saline soils of 1.5%-3.5% has a decrease shows that there may be a saline threshold for Bermuda Yellow Onion. Since water moves into the cells because they are full of salts and sugars shows that Bermuda Yellow Onions cell sap concentration of salt is lower than 1.5%.

Root cells receive sugars from the leaves and actively absorb salts from the soil. This concentration of salts and sugars causes water from the soil to move into the cell. But if the solution out side the root cells are more concentrated with salt than the solution inside the root cells than water will not diffuse into the cells.

Water is truly vital for growth. Plants grow in two ways, cell division and cell expansion. Cell division creates more cells and cell expansion is the increase in cell size. Cells grow by taking up water. If water is reduced during growth, final cell size and overall plant growth is reduced. Increasing salinity values causes drought stress for the plants resulting in smaller, weaker plants.

With the lack of water, there is a of soluble salts and sugars therefore photosynthesis cannot occur efficiently, explaining the less biomass produced in the higher salinity levels. Plants need water for photosynthesis. Photosynthesis produces biomass in which energy from sunlight converts carbon dioxide and water to carbohydrates and oxygen. If they lack it, they wilt. When they have a deficiency of water, the stomata close and CO2 cannot diffuse into the leaves. Without CO2, photosynthesis would not occur, as it should.

(Refer to Appendix 1, Table 6)

The water content if saline soils are very similar on either end of the saline scale. Low salinities of 0-1 are similar and higher salinities of 1.5-3.5 are similar. Although there is a generous jump between the two set groups. This jump further enhances the possibility of a salinity threshold of the Bermuda yellow Onion.

As salinity inhibits the osmotic affect less water is taken up by plants roots, so daily watering will not help the plant to absorb any more water. Therefore, more water is left in the soil. Plants grown in salinities 2.5% and 3.5%, demonstrate this because towards the end of the experiment water began to retain in the bottom on the trays.

A saline soil is defined as having a high concentration of soluble salts, high enough to affect plant growth. In saline soils water is held tighter to the soil, the presence of salt in the water causes plants to exert more energy extracting water from the soil. The main point is that excess salinity in soil water can decrease plant available water and cause plant stress.

There are several factors that hinder water flow from the soil to the roots. One is the soil-root contact, and as the root dries out it shrinks away for the soil particles. Therefore, soils of higher salinities retain a greater amount of water, thus providing more evidence that salinity inhibits plants osmotic ability.

High sodium concentration in soil causes soil dispersion and the clay platelets and aggregate swell. When too many sodium ions come between the clay particles, the bonds between the clay particles are disrupted. This separation of clay particles causes them to swell and soil dispersion occurs. Soil dispersion causes clay particles to clog soil pores; reducing the permeability of the soil.

The ideal soil is one that holds moisture and at the same time allows a constant flow of air through the soil. Soil cannot be over-saturated with water or air would be excluded. The reason why soil is so important to a plant’s survival is this need to maintain a balance between moisture and air.

The quality of the soil, as determined by physical characteristics, can help or hinder a plant. In this case the quality of saline soils hinder a plants growth, with soils retaining water, it prevents airflow getting to the roots. Airflow brings oxygen to the roots and to micro-organisms, and removes carbon dioxide from the soil. With a lack of oxygen to the roots respiration and ATP production via oxidative phosphorylation, a process that essentially requires the presence of oxygen will not occur.

Evaluation

During the investigation of Salinity effect on Onion growth experiment, I ran into some problems with collecting the data. Since Onion seedlings grow with multiple leaves I was not completely sure how to measure the height, hence do I measure only the tallest leaf. Then again, do I measure each individual leaf? I decided to measure each individual leaf, but then I ran into a problem with my decision, as the investigation progressed, leaves began to die and new shoots appeared. With this I could not keep track of what leaves had died and which leaves are the new ones, with that I decided to jus keep the measurements of the tallest leaf, and continue taking only the measurement of the tallest leaf.

I also could have grown the plants in a more controlled area, because I am not able to account for anyone tampering with the experiment.

Conclusion

The Bermuda Yellow Onion can tolerate salinity levels up to 1.0% – 1.5%, but only for a short period. If plants are continually watered with the same saline solution, the salt will eventually accumulate in the soil and show severe signs of drought stress.

This tolerance level is present because the cell sap has a certain concentration level and once the saline soils exceeds the cell sap concentration, the plants can no longer grow, (tolerate) the saline soils. This is because once the solution outside the soil is higher than the solution inside the cells, naturally osmosis occurs and the cells become flaccid.

Water is essential in the plant environment for a number of reasons. Water transports minerals through the soil to the roots where they are absorbed by the plant. Water is also the principal medium for the chemical and biochemical processes that support plant metabolism. It also acts as a solvent for dissolved sugars and minerals transported throughout the plant.

In addition, evaporation within intercellular spaces provides the cooling mechanism that allows plants to maintain the favorable temperatures necessary for metabolic processes. Without the essential amount of water, the essential minerals would not be transported throughout the plant leading to growth deficiency.

As this is a problem in Bermuda because the island is so small farmers land is constantly exposed to salt spray. There is no way to reverse the effect of salinity, but there are ways in which farmers could successfully grow plants in high saline soils. By providing adequate drainage, maintain adequate soil moisture, and simply grow salt tolerant plants.

This work was produced by one of our professional writers as a learning aid to help you with your studies

What is the environmental impact of market-based approaches to environmental policy and are they effective in controlling greenhouse gas emissions?

Introduction

Greenhouse gas emissions, and other forms of environmental pollution, are economic externalities as they impose costs on individuals and communities who did not create the pollution (Jaffe et al, 2005). These economic externalities are side effects that are experienced by individuals not connected with the polluting process (Owen, 2006). As such, the individual or entity from which the pollution originates does not need to reflect the pollution costs within their prices. The problem therefore lies in the associated costs to society that environmental pollution causes. These damages and costs, which include climate change, in the form of biodiversity loss, rising sea levels and extreme weather events, are not paid for by the companies or industries that emit the pollution and so they do not need to factor these costs into the market price of the goods or services that they provide (Muller et al, 2011). The result of this is that society produces and consumes high volumes of pollution-creating products, whilst industries continue to produce these goods and services without having to account for the costs associated with environmental pollution (Frankel and Rose, 2005).

This form of market failure is addressed by market-based environmental policies that construct systems which incorporate the costs associated with environmental pollution into the industry’s decision making and financial process (Metcalf, 2009). The theoretical basis for these market-based policies is that when an industry or other pollution making entity see, and must pay for, the societal cost of pollution, then they will design innovative ways in which to reduce their environmental impact. In addition, the full environmental cost of the products will be reflected in the price, therefore enabling consumers to make informed purchasing decisions (Owen, 2006). The remainder of this document will consider the effectiveness of market-based policies compared with traditional command and control regulations.

Command and Control versus Market-Based Policies

Traditional command and control policies required polluters to reduce emissions by installing specific technology in order to meet specific performance emission standards (Hepburn, 2006). However, opponents to the command and control mindset state that this form of regulation is inflexible and does not take into consideration that some industries are able to meet these targets at a much lower cost than others (Liu et al, 2014). Additionally, the command and control regulatory approach does not incentivise industries to innovate and reduce their environmental impacts by more than what is required by the standard (Haselip et al, 2015).

Conversely, market-based approaches have been reported to provide greater flexibility for industry (Pirard, 2012). However, it is necessary to address the type of pollutant being emitted, as there are some that need to be maintained at a very low level for health-related reasons (Centre for Climate and Energy Solutions, 2012). As such, it may be necessary to control these types of pollutants with command and control regulations in order to ensure that health-related thresholds are not breached. Greenhouse gases are not harmful on a localised basis. Their effects are only seen when they are globally mixed within the atmosphere and cause damage on a global scale (Meinshausen et al, 2011). As such, many proponents claim that market-based regulatory approaches are particularly appropriate to reduce greenhouse gas emissions (Pirard, 2012; Hrabanski et al, 2013; Boisvert et al, 2013). Indeed, there is evidence to suggest that these policies provide greater compliance flexibility and can reach and improve environmental objectives at much lower overall costs (Boisvert et al, 2013).

One key aspect of these market-based policies is that they provide a financial incentive for industry to develop and deploy lower environmental pollution emitting technologies, whilst leaving the private market to decide which technologies can be expanded and utilised (Pirard, 2012). Within this structure, each regulated industry is able to independently choose the most cost-effective method to achieve the required pollution abatement. As previously mentioned, some industries are able to reduce their pollution more easily and cheaply than others, due to the technology or equipment that they are using. This enables them to reduce their pollution more, therefore compensating for those industries who are unable to meet traditional command and control targets due to the costs involved. As such, the overall environmental target can still be achieved but at a much lower societal and industry cost (Pirard, 2012). A good example of the success of market-based policies has been seen within the US. At the federal level, sulphur dioxide emissions have been reduced at a fraction of the original estimated cost (CCES, 2012). In addition, at state level, market-based approaches have been successfully incorporated into cap-and-trade and renewable energy programs to reduce nitrogen oxides and other greenhouse gases (CCES, 2012). The following sections will consider two distinct examples of market-based policies that can control greenhouse gas emissions.

Taxes

Taxes, that set a price on each unit of pollution, are the most basic form of market-based policies. This pollution tax ensures that the industry producing the pollution pays an additional cost dependent on the amount of pollution that is emitted (Vossler et al, 2013). This cost incentivises the industry to reduce the amount of pollution produced and encourage them to change their processes or incorporate better technology within their production line (Suter et al, 2005). As such, the more emissions that are reduced, the less pollution tax the industry needs to pay. However, it is necessary to calculate the societal cost of the pollution in order to set the price of the tax (Chiroleu-Assouline et al, 2014). This can be a complex process with the societal costs of pollution being difficult to quantify. For example, if the pollution emitted from a certain industry caused a population decline in a commercial shellfishery, then the damages could be based on the lost value of the shellfish at current market price. However, if the emitted pollution causes the extinction of a species or the destruction of a habitat, it is less clear on how society should assign a financial cost which equates to that loss. In addition, it is necessary to address how the environmental pollution emitted from today’s industries can cause damage to future generations and how to quantify these consequences when there are a range of possible outcomes (CCES, 2012).

Cap-and-Trade

The cap-and-trade approach sees the regulatory authority determining a total quantity of pollution that is acceptable (Betsill and Hoffmann, 2011). This is the cap. Industries are able to trade emission allowances based on their needs. However, there is a limited number of these allowances, so trading comes at a cost (Betsill and Hoffmann, 2011). Each regulated industry holds enough allowances to ensure that the cap is not breached whilst also creating demand for the allowances (Stephan and Paterson, 2012). For some businesses, it may be less costly for them to reduce their emissions than to buy allowances, therefore encouraging them to analyse their polluting activities and reduce their environmental impact. Some businesses are able to reduce their emissions to such an extent that they have excess allowances, which can be either banked for future use or sold to businesses that are struggling to reduce emissions. However, due to the scarcity of the allowances and their tradable nature, a price is placed on greenhouse gas emissions (Stephan and Paterson, 2012). This price results in an incentive for businesses to develop innovative technology to reduce emissions, with an added incentive to reduce their emissions to such a level that they can avoid buying allowances or can trade allowances they have been given (Betsill and Hoffmann, 2011). With the latter, businesses are able to raise revenue by selling these excess allowances (Piraud, 2012). This reduced environmental cost can then be passed on to their consumers, with cheaper goods and services, therefore giving them an advantage within the consumer market.

Problems with Quantity-based and Price-Based Market Policies

Evidence suggests that there is a tradeoff between quantity-based (cap-and-trade) and price-based (pollution tax) approaches (CCES, 2012). This tradeoff is either greater environmental certainty or greater compliance cost certainty. By setting an explicit price on each unit of environmental pollution, the regulated businesses have a high degree of price of certainty (Pizer, 2006). However, what is less certain is the amount of environmental pollution reduction that can be achieved, as each business will respond differently to the tax costs. For example, by placing a tax on each litre of fuel, one company may reduce its fuel consumption by 20%, whilst another company may only reduce its consumption by 2%. As such, it is difficult to estimate what price to place on the tax in order to achieve a specific emission reduction goal.

Conversely, with quantity-based market approaches, such as the cap-and-trade program, there is more certainty surrounding the environmental outcomes due to the scarcity of pollution allowances that make up the cap (Pizer, 2006). However, with this environmental certainty comes a cost uncertainty for the businesses emitting the pollution, as the cost of this pollution will be determined by the market price for the allowances (Pizer, 2006). Yet some market-based policies can be designed to allow more certainty for both price and quantity. For example, The Centre for Climate and Energy Solutions (2011) included price floors and allowance reserves, which act as prices ceilings, within the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative in California, in order to give more compliance cost certainty.

Revenue Uses from Taxes or Allowance Sales

Both price-based and quantity-based regulatory approaches have the potential to raise revenue for the government (Nordhaus, 2007). With environmental taxes, potential revenue raised will equate to the total quantity of greenhouse gas emissions released to the environment within a set timescale multiplied by the price of the tax. With cap-and-trade programs, the amount of revenue generated depends on the price allowances make on the open market and the number of allowances that are offered up for sale (Nordhaus, 2007). Regardless of how these revenues are raised, the benefits to society of this revenue stream are clear. Revenue use examples include the reduction of existing distortionary taxes on capital and labour investments in order to reduce the economy wide cost of the program, and the offset of taxes on the labour markets, individuals and businesses, as seen in both Sweden and British Columbia (Aldy et al, 2008).

Nevertheless, some experts suggest that this carbon revenue should be used for other purposes. These experts argue that there is a need to address the question of equity in addition to economic efficiency (MacKenzie, 2009). This equity would avoid burdening some households and businesses, particularly if they adopted clean energy approaches, technological adaptation, or positioned themselves within the research and development arena. An example of this can be seen within the member states of the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative. In this initiative, 100% of allowances are auctioned and 25% of the revenues generated are targeted towards consumer benefit, energy efficiency programs and renewable energy schemes. In total, over the last 7 years, these allowance auctions have generated more than $2 billion (Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, 2015).

Conclusion

It can be seen from the above narrative that both price-based and quantity-based market approaches to reducing greenhouse gas emissions can be highly successful and popular methods of achieving environmental targets. Environmental taxes ensure that the cost of environmental pollution is covered by the polluter in a “polluter pays” approach. Each unit of pollution is given a specific price which the polluter has to pay. These costs incentivise the industry to adopt more environmentally friendly approaches in order to reduce their financial outgoings. Cap-and-trade programs have a given number of allowances distributed between businesses within an industry sector. Companies that can produce their goods in a more environmentally friendly manner, which sees them having an excess of allowance, are able to trade these allowances on the open market to companies who are less able to meet environmental targets. However, due to the costs of these allowances, there is an added incentive for businesses to adopt, or develop, new technologies that reduce their environmental impact. However, both approaches have their limitations as it is difficult to quantify the financial costs of pollution in order to set a price on environmental taxes, and there are many uncertainties for the environment and for businesses with the cap-and-trade approach. Nevertheless, despite these uncertainties and challenges associated with price setting, it is considered that the flexibility for businesses and potential improvements for the environment by adopting these approaches over the traditional command and control regulation outweigh any negatives. Whilst it is accepted that market-based approaches will not work for all environmental pollutants, for greenhouse gases, which cause effects on a global scale, the evidence suggests that these approaches will encourage innovation and incentivise businesses to adopt best available technology.

References

Aldy, J. E., Ley, E., & Parry, I. (2008). A Tax–Based Approach to Slowing Global Climate Change. National Tax Journal, 493-517.

Betsill, M., & Hoffmann, M. J. (2011). The contours of “cap and trade”: the evolution of emissions trading systems for greenhouse gases. Review of Policy Research, 28(1), 83-106.

Boisvert, V., Meral, P., & Froger, G. (2013). Market-based instruments for ecosystem services: institutional innovation or renovation? Society & Natural Resources, 26(10), 1122-1136.

Center for Climate and Energy Solutions (2011), Climate 101: Cap and Trade. Available online at http://www.c2es.org/publications/climate-change-101/cap-trade accessed 26 September 2015.

Centre for Climate and Energy Solutions. (2012). Market mechanisms; understanding the options. Available online at http://www.c2es.org/publications/market-mechanisms-understanding-options accessed 26 September 2015.

Chiroleu-Assouline, M., & Fodha, M. (2014). From regressive pollution taxes to progressive environmental tax reforms. European Economic Review, 69, 126-142.

Frankel, J. A., & Rose, A. K. (2005). Is trade good or bad for the environment? Sorting out the causality. Review of Economics and Statistics, 87(1), 85-91.

Haselip, J., Hansen, U. E., Puig, D., Tr?rup, S., & Dhar, S. (2015). Governance, enabling frameworks and policies for the transfer and diffusion of low carbon and climate adaptation technologies in developing countries. Climatic Change, 131(3), 363-370.

Hepburn, C. (2006). Regulation by prices, quantities, or both: a review of instrument choice. Oxford Review of Economic Policy, 22(2), 226-247.

Hrabanski, M., Bidaud, C., Le Coq, J. F., & Meral, P. (2013). Environmental NGOs, policy entrepreneurs of market-based instruments for ecosystem services? A comparison of Costa Rica, Madagascar and France. Forest Policy and Economics, 37, 124-132.

Jaffe, A. B., Newell, R. G., & Stavins, R. N. (2005). A tale of two market failures: Technology and environmental policy. Ecological Economics, 54(2), 164-174.

Liu, Z., Mao, X., Tu, J., & Jaccard, M. (2014). A comparative assessment of economic-incentive and command-and-control instruments for air pollution and CO2 control in China’s iron and steel sector. Journal of Environmental Management, 144, 135-142.

MacKenzie, D. (2009). Making things the same: Gases, emission rights and the politics of carbon markets. Accounting, Organizations and Society, 34(3), 440-455.

Meinshausen, M., Smith, S. J., Calvin, K., Daniel, J. S., Kainuma, M. L. T., Lamarque, J. F., & Van Vuuren, D. P. P. (2011). The RCP greenhouse gas concentrations and their extensions from 1765 to 2300. Climatic Change, 109(1-2), 213-241.

Metcalf, G. E. (2009). Market-based policy options to control US greenhouse gas emissions. The Journal of Economic Perspectives, 33(4), 5-27.

Muller, N. Z., Mendelsohn, R., & Nordhaus, W. (2011). Environmental accounting for pollution in the United States economy. The American Economic Review, 1649-1675.

Nordhaus, W. D. (2007). To tax or not to tax: Alternative approaches to slowing global warming. Review of Environmental Economics and Policy, 1(1), 26-44.

Owen, A. D. (2006). Renewable energy: Externality costs as market barriers. Energy Policy, 34(5), 632-642.

Pirard, R. (2012). Market-based instruments for biodiversity and ecosystem services: A lexicon. Environmental Science & Policy, 19, 59-68.

Pizer, W. A. (2006). 38 Choosing Price or Quantity Controls for Greenhouse Gases. The RFF Reader in Environmental and Resource Policy, 9(1), 225-227.

Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI) (2015). CO2 Budget Trading Program – Auction Results. Available online at http://www.rggi.org/market/co2_auctions/results accessed 26 September 2015.

Stephan, B., & Paterson, M. (2012). The politics of carbon markets: an introduction. Environmental Politics, 21(4), 545-562.

Suter, J., Poe, G., Schulze, W., Segerson, K., & Vossler, C. (2005). Beyond optimal linear tax mechanisms: an experimental examination of damage-based ambient taxes for nonpoint polluters. In Selected Paper prepared for presentation at the American Agricultural Economics Association Annual Meeting, Providence, Rhode Island, July 24 (Vol. 27).

Vossler, C. A., Suter, J. F., & Poe, G. L. (2013). Experimental evidence on dynamic pollution tax policies. Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization,93, 101-115.