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They are not the typical bank robber or professional thieves, but also political, radical, school dropout, women who refuse to take on the role of either homemaker or mother. People feel the need to challenge the system, push beyond the limits established by society’s traditions and laws.

They accept the label because they feel that the norms of society should change or that they simply want a bigger reward for what they do for a living. My essay will consider a number of explanations related to defining deviance. I plan to discuss Tittle and Paternoster’s typology of middle class norms, Heckert and Heckert’s conception of positive deviance and lastly Erikson’s theory that deviance serves functions for society.

One engages in deviant behaviour when one acts in a manner that contravenes the dominant norms that govern a given society or social system. A behavior may be seen as normal, even desirable, by some and at the same time deviant by others. For example, a student who spends a lot of time doing library research may win a teacher’s respect and appreciation, but be considered a nerd by other students. What is normal and desirable to the teacher can be deviant to other students. Those students who refuse to study are deviant by the norms of the teacher and most of society.

In order for deviance to take place or exist it must have the following four components: be classified a norm; someone who is violating that particular norm; someone who judges it to be wrong, also know as an “audience” and lastly, a negative reaction by that audience which can also be measurable. For example, a person who choses not to participate in premarital sex for their own personal or religious values is viewed as a deviant by other members of society; because this is not important to society as a whole but only a limited number of individuals.

William Summner states that there are three types of norms, the first of which is folkways. “Folkways” are basic everyday norms based on custom, tradition and etiquette; and may include: eating behaviors and physical closeness. Violators do not cause serious outrage but may be seen as odd. For example, when traveling on public transportation and an elderly person enters and there are no seats available, it is courteous for one to offer their seat.

Interracial marriage and drug addictions are an example of the second norm, known as “mores”. More severe than folkways, mores are based on broad social mores that are critical to the fabric of society and social order. One is seen as wicked and harmful to society. Mores can either be started negatively (by not killing someone) or positively (you let others live.)

The strongest norm is supported by codified social sanctions and is subject to arrest and/or punishment; It is directed toward behavior that used to be associated with folkways or mores that later turned into laws as society become more complex. The example given in the Adler and Adler text is traffic violations. “Although violating a law by acts such as traffic violations will bring the stigma associated with arrest, it will usually not brand the violator as deviant”.

The difference between laws and mores is that laws are established and enforced by government; whereas, mores are setup, maintained and enforced by the public. Therefore, laws are clearly defined and more formal of all the social norm, in that they specify distinct rules and carry out a possible threat of punishment. Every society has norms, although there is no norm that is the same in any society or part of the world, this is because it is based on the values people find important and essential to keep order.

In order to classify deviant behavior into different categories by grouping individual instances and characteristics is very complicated, because deviance is relative in that it is a product of social contexts from which judgments of what is and is not socially acceptable emerge. Deviant behavior is bounded by time, place, status and group. It must be intimately linked with the norms of a particular normative system at that historical moment. For instance, getting a divorce in the 1950’s was frowned upon and seen as “bad” but now in the 21^st century is it even more common and as a result more socially acceptable.

Tittle and Paternoster developed a typology based on ten middle class norms, their deviant behavior, and examples of the various deviant acts within each category of Tittle and Paternoster typology. Their typology demonstrates the variety of deviant behaviors that can be recognized from just one normative perspective. The ten middle class norms include: Group Loyalty, Privacy, Prudence, Conventionality, Responsibility, Participation, Moderation, Honesty, Peacefulness and Courtesy. For the purpose of this essay, I will examine the three most important norms, which are: loyalty, privacy and prudence; their respective opposites include: apostasy, intrusion and indiscretion.

The first norm “Loyalty” is the ultimate right of the group or collectivity is to sustain itself through subordinating the individual interests to the group or society as a whole in order to maintain the commitment against all challenges. Consequences include sanctions that usually evoke a lifetime of stigmatization. Other disloyal behaviors include: betrayal of Government secrets, treason, draft dodging and advocating another philosophy.

As in the case of David Latchana, a so-called gang member who died, November of this year because he was summon to be a Crown witness in a 2005 assault trial for a previous case against the accused. Since Latchana testified in court, he betrayed the norms of street gangs and thus, labeled a “snitch.” According to Sykes and Matza, delinquents hold values, beliefs, and attitudes that are very similar to those of law-abiding citizens.

Delinquents feel an obligation to be bound by law, they justify their delinquent activities by learning “techniques” which enable them to “neutralize” temporary values and attitudes that allow them to drift between legitimate and illegitimate behaviors. If we look closely at Sykes and Matza’s “Techniques of Neutralization”, Latchana’s behavior (testifying) was serving a greater good (loyalty to friends, to higher principals, to god) which is the forth technique known as ‘appeal to higher loyalties’. His killer was acting out the third technique, ‘denial of victim’, where he was legitimating his behavior by suggesting that the person hurt (Latchana) does not deserve victim status because he asked for it, when he decided to testify.

The second norm is “Privacy” and it holds that every person has the right to exclusive control over some things such as, private places and personal items. Whereas, “intrusion” entails acts which deny the controller or owner of some domain the exclusivity implied by ownership. For example, at the beginning of the year the company that owns HomeSense and Winners revealed that their computers containing sensitive customer credit card information had been hacked, exposing the data of approximately 20 million VISA customers in North America. In addition to record spying of bank and hospital information, theft, rape, homicide and forgery are other forms of intrusion.

“Prudence” is the third norm, this is when all people are expected to exercise selectivity in the practice of activities that are pleasurable. A person is supposed to refrain from activities that are frivolous or primary oriented around self-gratification or which involve nonproductive emotional involvements or disrupt productive emotional ties. Participating in acts of indiscretion such as adultery, prostitution, homosexual behavior and different types of addictions.

These indiscreet behaviors most times are sanctioned, ordinary provoke substantial stigma along with life long group disapproval. Only until recently has drug addiction become a heated issue in the world of sports and events such as the Olympics or Tour de France. Athletes like Floyd Landis and Lance Armstrong know too much about this as they both have been accused of using performance-enhancing drugs during the 2005 and 2006 Tours respectively.

I personally do not agree with Tittle and Paternoster’s view of middle class norms. Several sociological theories come to mind that contradict T&P’s views, more specifically, reasons for why they would act in such ways. Thosten Sellin, state in ‘The Conflict of Conduct Norms’ (1938), that the norms and values of the subcultures incorporated and are meshed with those of the overarching American, but at a point were two separate entities and in conflict this particular theory is know as Cultural Conflict.

Positive deviance is a culturally appropriate development approach that is tailored to a specific community in which it is being used. For example, even though poverty is often the root-cause of ill health, in any community there will usually be some families that manage to stay healthy, or raise healthy kids, despite their poverty.

Heckert and Heckert explore the topic of positive deviance and define Normative (objective) as the behaviors and attitudes that exceed normative expectations (e.g., over conformity) are also referred to as, positive deviance. It goes on to suggest that people who posses an excess of socially acceptable behavior, such that they are excessively altruistic, charismatic, innovative, conformist, or innately gifted are also regarded as deviant. The example that I provided earlier in this paper about the over-achieving student that is seen as a “nerd,” “geek,” or “teachers pet” is an example of normative deviance.

Reactivist (subjective) defines positive deviance as positively evaluated behaviors and attributes, such as athletic talent. In today’s society, a lot of emphasis is placed on physical attractiveness. Every culture has a set of general standards of attractiveness that they subscribe to. Those who possess these traits are “assumed to possess more socially desirable personalities than those of lesser attractiveness, but it is presumed that their lives will be happier and more successful.”

Dove’s global Campaign for Real Beauty is a global effort that is intended to serve as a starting point for societal change by replacing old narrow, stifling stereotypes and replace them with a newer and more improved broader, healthier, more democratic view of beauty that any women can achieve. Dove believes that real beauty comes in many shapes, sizes and ages; compared to the unrealistic standards of beauty that the media and advertisers place on women and children. The consequences of these unrealistic standards are that both women and children have eating disorders, issues with their bodies, and have low self-esteem.

Erikson argues that deviance serves functions for society, specifically that it fosters boundary maintenance, bolsters cohesion and solidarity, and promotes full employment for those who are in that sector. All of these aspects are closely integrated. One learns the placement of a community’s boundaries by participating in confrontations which occur when a person ventures too close to the curb and is met by policing agents. It is the job of the policing agents to guard the cultural integrity of their community.

Institutions are designed to discourage deviant behaviors, but tend to operate in a perpetrating manner. Prisoners and hospitals provide aid/shelter to a large number of deviant persons, sometimes giving them a certain advantage in the completion of social resources. On the other hand, these very institutions gather marginal people into tightly segregated groups and give them an opportunity to teach one another the skills and attitudes of a deviant career which reinforces their sense of alienation.

In the case of prisons, although it is difficult to change the worst of our penal practices because we expect the prisons to harden the inmates’ commitment to deviant forms of behavior and draw him more deeply into deviant ranks. Realistically, we do not expect the aforementioned deviant to change as they are processed through the control agencies that was provided to them.

In addition to acting as boundary maintaining devices in the sense that they demonstrate to which ever audience is concerned where the line is drawn between behavior that is and is not acceptable, It is also important to note that boundaries are never a fixed property of a community and are always shifting because people of the particular community are always finding new ways to define its limits.

Deviance is not caused because of a poor working order or the result of a leakage within the system but rather preserve the stability of social life in limited qualities. On the 11^th of September 2001, 19 Islamic terrorists followed Bin Laden’s teachings by hijacking airliners and crashing them into the World Trade Towers and the Pentagon, killing 3,000 people. This tragic event, brought members of society and people across the world closer together, which lead to social solidarity and cohesion. Solidarity is the uniting of interests, purposes, feelings or actions of among a certain group. Cohesion is the act, process or state of cohering or sticking together as a unit.

Durkhiem also agrees that deviance is functional and states the following four points: Laws break boundaries of what is acceptable and unacceptable behavior. Second, Laws are a public display of boundary making via the courts and media. Third, crime tests boundaries of laws; law is relatively static and that crime is dynamic. For example, if a law does not reflect public interest attitudes, it has to be changed. Lastly, crime helps in integration: public alarm about a crime brings them together and therefore, increase social solidarity.

Deviance is normal, a crucial part of human existence and thus an important aspect of social life. This is because deviance differs from society to society: what is socially acceptable somewhere may not be appropriate in another place. Also, what is known as deviant today, may not be classified the same way tomorrow, next week or next year. The theories and definitions that were discussed above prove that everyone is deviant, the only difference is that some people chose not to participate in it.

Deviant behavior is socially accepted by members of society and this is seen through the rules and laws put in place, that regulate how a deviant behavior is then dealt with. Also, a certain amount of deviance is critical for the well-being and sustenance.

Bibliography

Adler, Patricia and Adler, Peter. Constructions of Deviance: Social Power, Context, and Interaction, Fifth Edition. Toronto: Thompson, 2006.

Goode, Erich Deviant Behaviour, Eighth Edition. New Jersey: Pearson Prentice Hall, 2005.

Gomme, Ian The Shadow Line: Deviance and Crime in Canada, Fourth Edition. Toronto: Nelson, 2007.

Mother says slain son was not a gang member Online. 12 November 2007. <http://toronto.ctv.ca/servlet/an/local/CTVNews/20071112/mississauga_homicide_071112?hub=TorontoHome>

Sykes and Matza’s Techniques of Neutralization Online. 5 December 2007. <http://www.hewett.norfolk.sch.uk/CUTTIC/soc/crime/crim.htm>.

A breach of security leads to fear for customers who shopped at two of Canada’s biggest chains Online.18 January 2007 <http://www.citynews.ca/news/news_7011.aspx>

Harrington, TomCycle of denial: The dirty world of cycling Online. 3 January 2007.

<www.cbc.ca/sports/indepth/landis>

Dictionary.com Unabridged (v 1.1). Random House, Inc. 05 Dec. 2007. .

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Introduction

According to the British Medical Association (BMA) (1), the Vancouver style of referencing is named after the work of a committee of medical journal editors who first met in Vancouver in 1978; this group subsequently became the International Committee of Medical Journal Editors (ICMJE). The system was developed by the United States (US) National Library of Medicine, and adopted by the ICMJE as part of the standard requirements for papers submitted to biomedical journals (1). The Vancouver system differs from the Harvard (author-date) system of referencing by using numbers instead of the author-date to indicate references. The Vancouver referencing style uses either a bracketed or superscript number in the text, which connects with a list of references at the end of the work (2). The same number can be repeated if a source is used more than once in the same text (2). The Vancouver style has many advantages over other referencing styles; firstly, the main text reads more easily, with the references being less obtrusive for the reader (1). Secondly, references in the reference list are directly correlated to the numbers in the main text; this saves the reader time searching for a specific reference in the list (1).

To demonstrate effective use of the Vancouver referencing system, this example work will briefly review literature pertaining to one of the most important aspects of clinical nursing practice: hand decontamination. The review will be referenced throughout using the Vancouver system, with the reference list supplied in numerical order at the end of the work.

Hand decontamination in clinical practice: A brief review of the evidence

For many decades, it has been well reported in nursing literature that effective hand decontamination significantly reduces the spread of hospital acquired infections (HAI), such as Methicillin Resistant Staphylococcus Aureus(MRSA) (3). Endemic HAI have been strongly linked to the contaminated hands of healthcare workers (4). According to Loveday et al., hand decontamination should take place before and after all patient contact, after contact with the patient’s environment and/or body fluids, when hands are visibly soiled, before and after an aseptic procedure, and after removing gloves (3).

Despite a wealth of educational campaigns, literature, and professional guidelines in recent years, the literature suggests that many healthcare workers remain non-compliant with hand decontamination procedures; the impact on patient safety of this non-compliance is significant (4). Many authors suggest that there are a number of barriers affecting hand decontamination; these barriers include professional issues such as lack of time, unmanageable workloads, reduced staffing levels, and frequent admissions to the ward or unit (5, 6, 7).

In addition, other theories around the behaviours of healthcare workers and non-compliance with hand decontamination have also been proposed (4). Jackson and Griffiths conducted a qualitative, interpretative study of the drivers of nurses’ behaviours in relation to infection control. Interestingly, the authors found that as nurses’ familiarity with their patients increased, their rate of hand decontamination decreased (8). Jackson and Griffiths suggested that hand decontamination was viewed as a ‘protection of self from unknown dirt’, and as the nurses’ ‘disgust’ with the patient decreased (due the increased familiarity), their hand washing also decreased (8). This implies that hand decontamination is behaviour driven, rather than driven by scientific knowledge of infection control (9, 10). This, perhaps, goes some way to explain why the extensive educational campaigns and guidelines for healthcare workers on hand decontamination have had little impact on the rates on compliance (4). It is important to note, however, that the majority of studies investigating compliance with hand decontamination are either observational, or utilise self-reporting; self-reported data is often vastly different to the observed reality (11). Furthermore, Jenner et al. note that nurses are able to identify poor or non-compliant behaviours in others, but rationalise their own behaviours, meaning self-reported studies should be viewed with caution in terms of reliability (11).

Given the importance of hand decontamination in minimising the spread of HAI, it is fundamental that a solution is developed to overcome the problem of non-compliance (3, 4). Many authors suggest that a multifaceted approach is needed in order to achieve this (12). The United Kingdom (UK) Department of Health (DoH) recommends that all healthcare workers receive training and supervision on correct hand decontamination practices (13). The World Health Organization’s (WHO) ‘My Five Moments for Hand Hygiene’ guideline is an evidence-based, field-tested, user-centred approach which is designed to be applied in a wide range of healthcare settings (14). This approach could be readily implemented in those clinical areas where compliance with hand hygiene is problematic. Additionally, national and international educational campaigns about hand decontamination, such as those by the WHO and the National Patient Safety Agency (NPSA), must be supported by senior hospital management and medical staff, in order to be successfully implemented and to have a positive impact on staff compliance (7). Finally, further novel research to examine behaviours as drivers of hand decontamination, and strategies to alter or manage those behaviours, could also be a means of solving the problem of non-compliance (8).

Conclusion

To demonstrate the effective use of the Vancouver style of referencing to the reader, this example work has presented a review of the literature pertaining to hand decontamination in clinical nursing practice. The essay also demonstrates how numerical referencing in-text is less obtrusive to the reader than other forms of citation such as the Harvard author-date style. A brief exploration of the literature has shown that non-compliance with hand hygiene continues to be problematic in most healthcare settings; this is driven by both the behaviours of healthcare workers, and also by professional issues, such as lack of time, heavy workloads, and poor staffing levels. A multi-faceted approach is clearly needed to overcome the problem of non-compliance with hand decontamination; several solutions have been proposed in this review. Throughout the review, contemporary nursing literature has been cited using bracketed numbers in the text; these connect to a comprehensive reference list presented in numerical order at the end of the work, as required for the style of Vancouver referencing.

References

(1) British Medical Association. Reference Styles Internet]. UK: BMA; 2017. Available from: https://www.bma.org.uk/library/library-guide/reference-styles – Vancouver
(2) Neville C, Referencing: Principles, Practice and Problems. RGUHS Journal of Pharmacology Science. 2012; 2(2): 1-8.
(3) Loveday HP, Wilson JA, Pratt, RJ, et al. epic3: National Evidence-Based Guidelines for Preventing Healthcare-Associated Infections in NHS Hospitals in England. J Hosp Infect. 2014; 86, S1–S70.
(4) Rigby R, Pegram A, Woodward S. Hand decontamination in clinical practice: a review of the evidence. Br J Nurs. 2017; 26(8), 448–451.
(5) Gonzalez ML, Finderman R, Johnson KM, et al. Understanding hand hygiene behavior in a pediatric oncology unit in a low-to mid-income country. J Nurs Educ Pract. 2016; 6(9)
(6) Seibert DJ, Speroni KG, Oh KM, et al. Preventing transmission of MRSA: a qualitative study of health care workers’ attitudes and suggestions. Am J Infect Control. 2014; 42(4): 405–11.
(7) Lankford MG, Zembower TR, Trick WE, et al. Influence of role models and hospital design on hand hygiene of healthcare workers. Emerging Infect Dis. 2003; 9(2): 217–23.
(8) Jackson C, Griffiths P. Dirt and disgust as key drivers in nurses’ infection control behaviours: an interpretative, qualitative study. J Hosp Infect. 2014; 87(2): 71–6.
(9) Jackson C, Lowton K, Griffiths P. Infection prevention as ‘a show’: a qualitative study of nurses’ infection prevention behaviours. Int J Nurs Stud. 2014; 51(3): 400–8.
(10) Curtis VA. Dirt, disgust and disease: a natural history of hygiene. J Epidemiol Community Health. 2007; 61(8): 660–4.
(11) Jenner EA, Fletcher BC, Watson P, et al. Discrepancy between self-reported and observed hand hygiene behaviour in healthcare professionals. J Hosp Infect. 2006; 63(4): 418–22.
(12) White KM, Jimmieson NL, Obst PL, et al. Using a theory of planned behaviour framework to explore hand hygiene beliefs at the ‘5 critical moments’ among Australian hospital-based nurses. BMC Health Services Research. 2015; 15: 59.
(13) Department of Health. The Health and Social Care Act 2008 Code of Practice on the Prevention and Control of Infections and Related Guidance. UK: DH; 2015.
(14) World Health Organization. My Five Moments for Hand Hygiene [Internet]. Geneva: WHO; 2009. Available from: http://www.who.int/gpsc/5may/background/5moments/en/

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Introduction

The focus and purpose of this essay is to provide a short and concentrated introduction to the concept of Harvard Referencing and the reasons behind its significance. Furthermore, the essay will also acutely demonstrate how the Harvard referencing system is best integrated in report form.

What is Harvard Referencing? Origin & Definition

The concept of Harvard Referencing is widely believed to have originated from a paper published by scientific professor Dr Edward Laurens Mark in 1881 who evidenced one of his report conclusions with the name and date of the work of his predecessor (Pears & Shields, 2016). In the contemporary era, the Harvard referencing system is used ubiquitously by academic institutions such as schools, colleges and universities to provide a reading source list (Pears & Shields, 2016). Comparably, Choy (1994) asserts that the key purpose of Harvard referencing is to enable researchers to qualitatively identify the books, academic journals and other relevant sources used in the construction of their essay and/or report. Moreover, Butler et at (2010) assert that Harvard referencing ensures that a report and/or essay is suitably evidenced and founded on solid academic information. Indeed, Pears & Shields (2016) further opine that reports or essays which do not incorporate the Harvard referencing system are not as well received in the field as those which do principally because these reports and essays will have little academic grounding.

Why is Harvard Referencing Important?

A key aspect of the Harvard referencing system is in giving due credit to the original authors of sourced information (Butler et al, 2010). Turabian et al (1996) assert that when stating a direct quote from an author of a journal or a book, the researcher must use quotation marks and reference the page number. This process is carried out so that the reader of the report can then directly engage with the source text should they wish to gain a clearer understanding of the subject matter (Turabian et al, 1996). An example of how to appropriately cite a Harvard referenced direct quote is as follows; “The concept of human resource management (HRM) basically contains three elements that refer to successful people management. The first element – human – refers to the research object” (Bach & Edwards, 2012, p.19). If the researcher wishes to use this quotation as a means of furthering their own written argument they can alter the words accordingly. In relation to the citation given, an example of this would be as follows; conceptually, human resource management involves three main elements which are essential pre-requisites in the successful management of people within a modern organisation (Bach & Edwards, 2012). In this instance, there is no need to add the page number because the researcher has directly integrated their own words and lexicon into explicating the subject matter (Pears & Shields, 2016).

There is also a form of Harvard referencing which involves in-text citations which is where a researcher is obligated by their academic institution to provide page numbers for all sourced material in the main body of the report. Another key feature of the Harvard referencing system pertains to providing a clearly set out reference list as an appendix to the report or essay which ensures that the reader is granted the opportunity to pursue further readership on the topic (Pears & Shields, 2016). Indeed, it is also important to note the difference between a reference list and bibliography because these terms are often used interchangeably when discussing Harvard reference lists. Pears & Shields (2016) asserts that the difference between a reference list and a bibliography is that a reference list documents all sources which have been used in-text whereas a bibliography is a list of all the sources contacted in the write up of a report but may not necessarily be cited in text. Additionally, Butler et al (2010) add that the Harvard referencing system grants a student the opportunity to showcase their wide variety of readership out with module sessions. Butler et al (2010) further argue that this is a key area where students can attain higher marks in an assignment scenario. Indeed, there are several areas in relation to Harvard referencing format where students can excel and/or underperform. For example, Cottrell (2013) asserts that one of the key problems students face in the successful implementation of the Harvard referencing system is in citing one or more authors for a direct quote and/or reference. The correct way to do so when citing two authors is to state the author’s surname and then intersect the surname of the second author with an ampersand (Cottrell, 2013). In the event of citing three or more authors the Harvard referencing system dictates that researchers must state the surname of the first author and then add the phrase “et al” – a latin phrase meaning ‘and others’ (Cottrell, 2013). The chief reason why the Harvard referencing system stipulates this rule of citation is because many journals and books in the world of academia can be authored by 10 or more authors, so the in-text citation would be too exhaustive and cumbersome for researchers (Butler et al, 2010).

Furthermore, it also estimably improves the layout and format of an essay and/or report which is another area of the marketing criteria which students must demonstrate proficiency in (Pears & Shields, 2016). Another area of essay and report writing which the Harvard referencing system directly caters for is where a researcher sources from the same author more than once during their writing (Pears & Shields, 2016). Butler et al (2010) assert that in this scenario, the Harvard referencing system stipulates that the citation should be listed alphabetically to avoid confusion. An example of this is as follows; Bach & Edwards (2012a) assert that human resource management is an essential core function and/or support function in any modern organisation. Turabian et al (1996) are in concurrence and further add that human resource management can be detrimental to an organisation’s strategic success depending on how it is managed. Similarly, Bach & Edwards (2012b) state that without a strongly effective HRM support system locked in place an organisation is unlikely to sustain any long-lasting marketplace competitiveness.

What are the Academic Consequences of Not Using Harvard Referencing Appropriately?

Turabian et al (1996) categorically assert that reports or essays which do not Harvard reference appropriately are destined not to attain high grade classifications. This is chiefly because in the modern world of academia, the assignment criteria will specifically mark how well a student has referenced their work (Turabian et al, 1996). Furthermore, Butler et al (2010) add that reports which do not Harvard reference appropriately are at greater risk of scanning as plagiarised work which will reduce a student’s grade classification quite considerably. Indeed, in cases where the student has Harvard referenced so poorly, the level of plagiarism could even lead to their expulsion from their course module depending on the opinion of their tutor (Butler et al, 2010).

References

Bach, S & Edwards, M. (2012a, p.1) Managing Human Resources: Human Resource Management in Transition. London: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Bach, S & Edwards, M. (2012b) Managing Human Resources: Human Resource Management in Transition. London: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Butler, A & Marsden, S & Dodd, S. (2010) Harvard Referencing: Student Style Guide. Sunderland: City of Sutherland College.
Choy, R. (1994) Using Harvard Referencing. New York: School of Management and Marketing.
Cottrell, S. (2013) The Study Skills Handbook, 4th Ed. London: Palgrave Macmillan.
Pears, R & Shields, G. (2016) Cite Them Right: The Essential Referencing Guide. London: Macmillan Education UK.
Turabian, K.L & Grossman, J & Bennett, A. (1996) A Manual for Writers of Term Papers, Theses and Dissertations. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

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APA style referencing refers to American Psychological Association’s referencing style 6th edition, and is one of the most popular and frequently used forms of referencing style within psychological research literature (Dryjanska, 2017; Gaffney, 2016; DeCleene & Fogo, 2012). The following essay will provide a discussion of the importance of APA style referencing within psychological literature but also in terms of consistency within academic essays. In addition to this, this essay can be used as a basic guide for students to properly cite and reference an essay using this particular referencing style. To this end, all sources will be cited and referenced within this essay in APA style.

One of the most important reasons for using APA style referencing is that it ensures that academic literature and research reporting is standardised and supports a commitment to the scientific ideal (Safer & Tang, 2009; Madigan, Johnson & Linton, 1995). In this sense, using APA style referencing is important in order to conform to how research papers and articles are referenced in the hard sciences like Chemistry, and is particularly important with regards to presenting complex information and findings in a succinct and logical manner (Simmons, 2004; Madigan, Johnson & Linton, 1995). Furthermore, such a referencing style means that referencing and citations are standardised and there is continuity within papers that use APA referencing (Walsh & Shapiro, 2006; Simmons, 2004; Polkinghorne, 1997).

On this note, proper referencing is important in order to demonstrate to or inform the reader where the information or evidence has come from and prevent accusations of plagiarism. Legitimate referencing shows the reader that the statements or arguments are not independent thoughts of the writer, but rather those of previous researchers (Dryjanska, 2017; Simmons, 2004). Due to this, appropriate referencing enables the reader to search for the source of the information by using the references list if they wish to read up further on the subject (Simmons, 2004; Kazdin, 1992). Therefore, proper referencing using APA style guarantees that all sources are properly cited and referenced as well as enabling the reader to understand what are arguments of other researchers and what is independent thought and critical analysis from the writer, thus avoiding plagiarism.

APA style referencing is a relatively easy referencing style to learn and remember (Cook & Murowchick, 2014; Adair & Vohra, 2003), such as the use of ‘&’ instead of ‘and’ in citations and references. Further to this, when citing sources, the name of the author or authors should be provided followed by the date of publication. In the first instance, all authors’ names should be cited unless there are more than 6 authors wherein the first 6 are cited followed by ‘et al’ and then the date. After the first instance, for more than 3 authors, the source should be cited as the first author and then ‘et al’ and the date (DeCleene & Fogo, 2012; Adair & Vohra, 2003), such as Smith et al (date). Therefore, as APA style is one of the most frequently used forms of referencing (Dryjanska, 2017; Gaffney, 2016; DeCleene & Fogo, 2012), having knowledge of this style means that a student can quickly scan through a journal article or book and instantly know who said what and when.

In spite of this, though, empirical research has indicated that skills with referencing and citing work develops over two years at university (Gaffney, 2016). For example, a quantitative study by Gaffney (2016) was performed to see how undergraduates’ skills in APA style referencing progressed over two years. It was found that “Data from year two demonstrated improvement” (Gaffney, 2016, p.148). As such, this short quote is useful as it provides concise information about the findings, but can also be used as an example of APA style quotations within research in which the author, date and page number must be cited and the quote within speech marks and in Italics (Cook & Murowchick, 2014). Quotations using APA style referencing should not be overly long and used infrequently, generally when there is no other way to state or explain what has been said within the source (Walsh & Shapiro, 2006).

On the other hand, there are other referencing styles that are just as popular within psychological research and academic writing, such as that of Harvard referencing style, which is particular popular in the UK and in UK universities (Martin, 2007). Nonetheless, many researchers and psychologists believe APA style referencing to be one of the best styles, and such skills have been shown to be easily transferred to other forms of referencing styles and disciplines (Cook & Murowchick, 2014). Likewise, by learning APA style referencing, students will conform to the standards of referencing for many scientific and academic journals (Gaffney, 2016; Cook & Murowchick, 2014; Simmons, 2004), meaning that in the future if they wished to publish a scientific article, they would already possess the necessary referencing skills to help with their submission. Consequently, gaining APA referencing skills is highly useful for reporting in a standardised and frequently used style, but it can also be used to easily pick up other referencing styles. In light of this, the 6th edition of the Manual of the American Psychological Association is a useful means by which to follow a standardised guide to presenting reports and psychological literature in a scientific and standardised manner (Dryjanska, 2017; DeCleene & Fogo, 2012).

In conclusion, this essay has discussed of the importance of APA style referencing within psychological literature, but also acted as an example of how to cite and reference a psychology essay in APA style. Following a particular referencing style is important within psychological literature as it sets a standard of reporting by which all psychological research can follow, making it easy for psychologists and students to understand where evidence and information has come from. Likewise, within academic essays, the use of APA style referencing means that the evidence presented within essays reflects scientific research reporting. To close, this essay can be used as an example for students to learn how sources should be cited and referenced in the APA style.

References:

Adair, J. G., & Vohra, N. (2003). The explosion of knowledge, references, and citations:
Psychology’s unique response to a crisis. American Psychologist, 58(1), 15-23.

Cook, K. E., & Murowchick, E. (2014). Do Literature Review Skills Transfer from One
Course to Another?. Psychology Learning & Teaching, 13(1), 3-11.

DeCleene, K. E., & Fogo, J. (2012). Publication Manual of the American Psychological
Association. Occupational therapy in health care, 26(1), 90-92.

Dryjanska, L. (2017). An organizational scandal in psychology: social representations of
Hoffman Report in Europe. European Journal of Work and Organizational Psychology, 1-15.

Gaffney, A. L. H. (2016). Revising and Reflecting: How Assessment of APA Style
Evolved Over Two Assessment Cycles in an Undergraduate Communication Program. Journal of Assessment and Institutional Effectiveness, 5(2), 148-167.

Kazdin, A. E. (1992). Research Design in Clinical Psychology (Vol. 3). US: Boston: Allyn
and Bacon.

Madigan, R., Johnson, S., & Linton, P. (1995). The language of psychology: APA style as
epistemology. American Psychologist, 50(6), 428-436.

Martin, D. W. (2007). Doing Psychology Experiments. UK: Cengage Learning.

Polkinghorne, D. E. (1997). Reporting qualitative research as practice. In W. G. Tierney. &
Y. S. Lincoln. (Eds). Representation and the text: Re-framing the narrative voice. US: State University of New York Press.

Safer, M. A., & Tang, R. (2009). The psychology of referencing in psychology journal
articles. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 4(1), 51-53.

Simmons, B. A. (2004). Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association.
Technical Communication, 51(1), 113-115.

Walsh, R., & Shapiro, S. L. (2006). The meeting of meditative disciplines and Western
psychology: a mutually enriching dialogue. American Psychologist, 61(3), 227-239.

This work was produced by one of our professional writers as a learning aid to help you with your studies

There are a number of relevant factors for re-incarceration rates and criminality among youth offenders. For example, having a substantial history of adverse childhood experiences has been shown to increase the likelihood that a young offender will be re-incarcerated (Hawthorne et al., 2012). Maltreatment by caregivers and neglect, specifically, have been shown to increase recidivism rates for youth (Spinhoven et al., 2010). Moreover, a criminogenic environment after the original detention of the young offender and a lack of aftercare each have been shown to increase the chance of re-incarceration among young offenders (Farrall, Bottoms & Shapland, 2011). Thus, there are a number of considerable social factors that contribute to the re-incarceration of youth offenders. Given such social factors, it is important for researchers to reveal the utility in social interventions, specifically in relation to incarceration rates and criminality.

Concerning psychology specifically, there are a number of benefits to social interventions for youth offenders. This project will explore the different ways in which social interventions that aim at reducing criminality in young offenders provide utility. Social interventions for the reduction of crime can be described as taking the position that reducing crime can be at least partially understood by “the interaction between individuals and their socio-cultural and natural environments which are viewed as important in shaping options and choices for that person. Accordingly, crime and desistance from crime are reciprocally influenced by the conditions and contexts in which they occur” (White & Graham, 2015: p. 12). Unlike clinical and formal interventions, social interventions are focused on improving social aspects of the lives of youths, effectively discouraging young offenders from committing crimes and participating in delinquent or antisocial behaviour. The current project features an examination of the utility of social interventions that aim at the prevention of the re-incarceration of young offenders by decreasing the criminality of such offenders.

Social Intervention and Legal Processes

The processes, including social interventions, that young offenders experience after an arrest differ dramatically from area to area. Such processes are typically complicated and include various individuals who become responsible for ensuring that the proper interventions occur to help prevent future incarcerations. After an arrest, a number of juvenile justice stakeholders must decide how the youth is to be processed through the court system, if at all. Such stakeholders include officers of the court, attorneys, judges, magistrates, and other officials. The option to release a youth offender with no referral for intervention services is available, though often intervention of some sort is crucial in preventing future incarceration (Hawthorne et al., 2012). Meanwhile, there are various community-based services that offer an alternative to the traditional justice system route. A study by Petrosino, Turpin-Petrosino, and Guckenburg (2010) revealed that traditional juvenile court processing was likely to increase criminal behaviour compared to social and community-based interventions. There is, therefore, a prominent place in juvenile courts for social interventions.

Rationale behind Social Intervention

In general, there can be utility in any social intervention when it is executed correctly. The rationale behind social interventions is that by increasing social support, social inclusion, or the influence and availability of role models, young offenders have fewer opportunities to commit crimes or engage in deviant or antisocial behaviour and are discouraged from participating in such behaviour (Kelly, 2012). Simons and Burt (2011) revealed that persistent exposure to various adverse environmental and social conditions negatively contributed to increased incarceration rates among some youths. Such adverse environmental and social conditions include community crime, racial and socioeconomic discrimination, harsh and abusive parenting, deviant peer activities and poor neighborhood efficacy (Simons & Burt, 2011). Thus, social interventions provide relief from the conditions that can encourage criminal activity, while encouraging positive behaviours.

School-based Social Intervention

School-based social interventions have been shown to be effective at reducing incarceration rates among at-risk youths and youth offenders. (Allen-Meares, Montgomery, & Kim, 2013). School-based social interventions include after-school, extracurricular programmes that are sponsored by or held at local schools and colleges. Because such programmes are voluntary for most youths, it is typically a goal of school-based social programmes to launch campaigns to attract at-risk youths and keep retention rates high (Allen-Meares, Montgomery, & Kim, 2013). Yet, for young offenders, school-based social interventions may be perceived as being extensions of mandatory school programmes. This can be off-putting to young offenders, especially those who have unsupportive or lack positive social circles. In large cities, young offenders can be required to participate in school-based programmes that are not their principal schools. This offers an opportunity for young offenders to connect socially with members of another school. After all, many students connect better with students from schools other than their own (Cooper, Allen, & Bettez, 2009). In some cases, young offenders may even seek a transfer to the school in which they were assigned. The utility in school-based social interventions, therefore, is that they offer opportunities for young offenders to expand their social circles, replace their more deviant or less-supportive social circles, and even switch to a more compatible school. Each of these opportunities can set such young offenders on the right path and away from deviant and criminal behaviour.

Community-based Social Intervention

Community-based social interventions include a number of programmes and conditions. Many community-based social interventions involve public officials being responsible for young offenders, such that young offenders are required to periodically report to such officials. Barnes et al. (2010) investigated the effects of decreasing the intensity of community supervision for low-risk youth offenders. In Philadelphia, many youth offenders are required to participate in community supervision programmes in which the youths are monitored and supervised by community officials. One social programme in Philadelphia sought to identify low-risk youth offenders and decrease the intensity of such community supervision in the hope that by treating low-risk youths less like criminals will help reduce re-incarceration rates (Barnes et al., 2010).

Barnes et al. (2010) relied on a random forecasting model to determine the severity of crimes committed by youths in Philadelphia. In all, 1,559 youth offenders were identified as being low-risk given the severity of their crimes committed. These offenders were randomly assigned to either the typical community supervision mandatory office visits or much fewer visits. Participants in the typical community supervision group were required an average of 4.5 probation visits per year compared to 2.4 for the participants in the low community supervision group (Barnes et al. 2010). The results of a one-year follow-up in which re-incarceration rates were measured, the researchers found that lower-intensity had no significant effect on re-incarceration rates. Thus, the researchers concluded that lower intensities of community supervision are required for low-risk youth offenders. The utility in community-based social interventions is the increased accountability that they require of the young offenders. However, as was shown in the Barnes et al. (2010) study, community-based social interventions can be very flexible and still remain effective.

Sports-based Social Intervention

Sports programmes as social interventions for youth offenders have emerged as promising solutions to youth incarceration. Kelly (2011) argues that recent international enthusiasm for sports programmes as social interventions has increased substantially. Kelly (2011) holds that sports programmes can be viewed as encouraging social inclusion strategies, which increase the positive social involvement of youth and discourage youth participation in illegal activities and antisocial behaviour. Sports programmes have become increasingly included as part of various youth-targeted initiatives, especially for at-risk youth or past youth offenders. For example, Positive Futures is a social intervention programme that was developed in England and Wales to discourage antisocial and deviant activities by encouraging the youth to participate in various positive social activities, especially sports activities.

In a study by Kelly (2011), the ways in which sports-based interventions promote social inclusion were examined. The results revealed that all programmes achieved at least some degree of success, in terms of helping to prevent incarceration. However, many of the sport-based programmes had poor retention rates. Even so, some were able to obtain high retention rates for the programmes, ultimately keeping at-risk youth out of trouble. It was revealed in this study that “sports-based interventions risk legitimating a reductive analysis of these complex processes, highlighting individual deficits and de-emphasizing structural inequalities” (Kelly, 2011: p. 139). Like most other social interventions, sport-based interventions must specifically seek to prevent antisocial and illicit behaviours, rather than simply providing a social refuge for youth (Kelly, 2011). Otherwise, there is a severe risk for low retention rates and ineffective intervention.

In another study by Kelly (2012), sports-based social interventions in England were examined to determine their efficacy at reducing youth crime and antisocial behaviour. The sports-based programmes in Kelly (2012) intended to help transform, particularly at-risk youths, by fostering supportive and mentoring relationships between the youths and their mentors. Effectively, the programmes providing youths with various sport-related alternative activities in controlled environments, while helping the youth handle adverse situations and deal with problems in an effective manner. Some of the participants in these programmes were assigned to the programmes by court officials, as parts of justice programmes. Kelly (2012) revealed that most of the programmes successfully transformed how participating youths deal with adverse situations and reduced antisocial behaviour. However, because this study was qualitative, the results were consequently, not quantitatively verifiable. Nevertheless, Kelly (2011; 2012) revealed that social intervention programmes, and sports-based social intervention programmes in particular, can be effective at reducing incarceration in youths by not only providing such youths with alternative social activities, but perhaps more importantly providing social inclusion into peer groups and educating the at-risk youths on appropriate responses to problems.

Multimodal Social Intervention

Boisjoli, Vitaro, Lacourse, Barker, and Tremblay (2007) examined the effects of a two-year intervention programme for adolescent boys who have exhibited high levels of disruptive behaviour on the future criminal behaviour and academic performance of the boys. The two-year programme in this study involved multimodal intervention strategies to help prevent maladjustment for the adolescents. The researchers met with the students, as well as their parents and teachers to foster a positive social and educational environment for such students. The results of Boisioli et al. (2007) revealed that, compared to a control group, adolescents who participated in the two-year programme were significantly less likely to have a criminal record and significantly more likely to complete high school. The multimodal approach to social intervention may be the most effective, as it is highly inclusive of various types of social intervention, including school-based, community-based, and sport-based intervention. The utility of multimodal social interventions is not only the sum of the utility of any included social intervention types. Rather, multimodal social interventions provide a much more holistic approach to criminality in young offenders. Such an approach may be ideal for at-risk youths who lack positive social circles and who have troubled family lives (Boisioli et al., 2007).

Conclusion and Discussion

The current project focuses on ways in which social interventions help prevent the re-incarceration of young offenders by decreasing the criminality in such offenders. Unlike clinical and formal interventions, social interventions tend to aim at improving the social aspects in the lives of young offenders, discouraging them from committing crimes and participating in delinquent or antisocial behaviour. In addition, social interventions provide relief from the conditions that can encourage criminal activity, while encouraging positive behaviours. In fact, traditional juvenile court processes were likely to increase criminal behaviour compared to social and community-based interventions (Petrosino, Turpin-Petrosino, & Guckenburg, 2010). School-based social interventions offer opportunities for young offenders to expand or replace their social circles and even switch to schools that are more suitable for them (Allen-Meares, Montgomery, & Kim, 2013). In contrast, community-based social interventions increase accountability in young offenders (Barnes et al, 2010). Two studies by Kelly (2011; 2012) showed that sports-based social intervention programmes can be effective at reducing incarceration in youth by providing young offenders with alternative social activities and increasing their feelings of social inclusion.

This project has featured an explanation of the many different types of social interventions and the utility of each. There are several common threads that seem to run through all or most of the types of social interventions. First, social interventions tend to provide many opportunities for young offenders to engage in positive and social activities, during which they cannot easily participate in deviant or criminal behaviour. Second, social interventions discourage deviance and criminal behaviour by encouraging involvement in positive social circles. Finally, social interventions tend to increase feelings of social inclusion among young offenders. Such feelings of social inclusion may discourage criminality by giving young offenders the belief that if they commit criminal acts, people that they care about will consequently be disappointed (Kelly, 2011). Social intervention can provide unique utility and complement other interventions, such as legal, formal, and clinical interventions.

References

Allen-Meares, P., Montgomery, K. L., & Kim, J. S. (2013) School-based Social Work Interventions: A Cross-national Systematic Review. Social work, 58(3), pp.253-262.

Boisjoli, R., Vitaro, F., Lacourse, E., Barker, E. and Tremblay, R. (2007) Impact and clinical significance of a preventive intervention for disruptive boys. British Journal of Psychiatry, 191, pp.415-419.

Barnes, G. C., Ahlman, L., Gill, C., Sherman, L. W., Kurtz, E., & Malvestuto, R. (2010) Low-intensity Community Supervision for Low-Risk Offenders: A Randomized, Controlled Trial. Journal of Experimental Criminology, 6(2), pp.159-189.

Cooper, C. W., Allen, R. M., & Bettez, S. C. (2009) Forming Culturally Responsive Learning Communities in Demographically Changing Schools. The handbook of leadership and professional learning communities, 103-114.

Farrall, S., Bottoms, A., & Shapland, J. (2010) Social Structures and Desistance from Crime. European Journal of Criminology, 7(6), pp.546-570.

Hawthorne, W. B., Folsom, D. P., Sommerfeld, D. H., Lanouette, N. M., Lewis, M., Aarons, G. A., … & Jeste, D. V. (2012) Incarceration among Adults who are in the Public Mental Health System: Rates, Risk Factors, and Short-term Outcomes. Psychiatric Services, 63(1), pp.26-32.

Kelly, L. (2011) ‘Social Inclusion’ through Sports-based Interventions? Critical Social Policy, 31(1), pp.126-150.

Kelly, L. (2012) Sports-based interventions and the local governance of youth crime and antisocial behavior. Journal of Sport & Social Issues, 2, pp.1-27.

Petrosino, A., Guckenburg, S., & Turpin-Petrosino, C. (2010) Formal System Processing of Juveniles: Effects on Delinquency: A Systematic Review. Campbell Systematic Reviews, 6(1), pp.1-80.

Simons, R. L., & Burt, C. H. (2011) Learning to Be Bad: Adverse Social Conditions, Social Schemas, and Crime. Criminology, 49(2), pp.553-598.

Spinhoven, P., Elzinga, B. M., Hovens, J. G., Roelofs, K., Zitman, F. G., van Oppen, P., & Penninx, B. W. (2010) The Specificity of Childhood Adversities and Negative Life Events across the Life Span to Anxiety and Depressive Disorders. Journal of affective disorders, 126(1), pp.103-112.

White, R., & Graham, H. (2015) Greening Justice: Examining the Interfaces of Criminal, Social and Ecological Justice. British Journal of Criminology, 55(5), pp.1-21.

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Sexual harassment in the workplace may be understood as unwanted sexual advances or obscene acts or language (McDonald & Charlesworth, 2016). Although sexual harassment in the workplace may be perpetuated against men, it has tended to be considered a gendered problem that is more severe for women than men (Holland et al., 2016). This is because for most perpetrators, the purpose of sexual harassment is not aimed at sexual gratification, but the assertion of power and dominance (Lim & Cortina, 2005). Sexual harassment represents one of the ways in which men in the workplace attempt to assert their dominance over women through aggressive behaviour. This essay will consider the causes, effects and how this might inform ways in which sexual harassment may be appropriately tackled.

Sexual harassment may be defined as the repeated deliberate unsolicited behaviour towards another person of a sexual nature. This can include verbal comments, gestures or physical actions (Harris et al. 2017). Increasing discussion on sexual harassment with the publicised #MeToo movement, where the prevalence of sexual harassment and abuse is becoming more apparent (Zarkov et al., 2018). However, Zarkov et al. (2018) notes that despite the significant level of publicity given to these instances, they have also served to restrict the definition of problem behaviour to abuse by the powerful rather than something that occurs in everyday interactions. Sexual harassment may be difficult to identify in practice because it can take different forms. Whereas it may be simpler to identify what McDonald (2012) labels the ‘sledgehammer’ form which is the single prominent act of sexual harassment, it is less clear when it relates to the ‘dripping tap’ form, which consists of mundane everyday instances rather than a single instance.

Workplace sexual harassment is worthy of close attention because it is exacerbated by the development of a workplace culture that renders harassing behaviour accepted. Bowling et al. (2006) propose a model that connects the potential causes of workplace harassment with its effects. Three potential causes of harassment are identified: the victim, the perpetrator and the environment. This suggests that environmental and individual difference factors contribute to harassment. Although the victim’s personal characteristics are likely to have an effect on the likelihood of harassment taking place, the organisation’s climate and human resources systems are also likely to have a significant impact. This is because these support systems affect the impact that harassment can have upon the victim and this can exacerbate the negative impact of harassment.

Although this model that emphasises the importance of environmental factors was more directly concerned with the prevalence of workplace harassment in general, the identification of underlying factors is relevant to how sexual harassment can be exacerbated in some contexts but not in others (Bowling et al., 2006). Willness et al. (2007) provide a meta-analysis that draws on 41 studies to identify the impact of situational factors upon the likelihood of sexual harassment taking place. These include the lack of sanctions for offenders, the risk that victims might undertake if they complain, and this is supported by the fact that organisations that have well-designed mechanisms that allow for the practice to be reported and for perpetrators to be disciplined.

McLaughlin et al. (2012) suggests that it is incorrect to suppose that all sexual harassment takes place with female subordinates being harassed by male superiors as power-threat theories suggest that women in authority might be more likely targets. The notion that sexual harassment in the workplace is more likely to be perpetuated by co-workers or supervisors is emphasised by Willness et al. (2007). However, McLaughlin et al. (2012) suggest that this may not be the case because women having authority over male co-workers challenge their presumptive superiority. This may be exacerbated by the tendency to view women in positions of power as undeserving of their position, and for such women to be isolated with fewer support networks. This then leads to masculine overcompensation and may lead to harassment becoming part of the collective practice of others. The results of this investigation demonstrated that women in positions of authority did experience sexual harassment on a regular basis. It can be argued that being in a position of power should provide women with the opportunity to tackle such harassment, but the fact that such women might be relatively isolated could mean that the position of authority did not lead to greater resources to tackle such harassment. In fact, it appeared to contribute to a greater unwillingness of women to respond to harassment because it would be seen as a sign of weakness and confirm the perspective that the women were unsuited for their position.

Lim and Cortina (2005) suggest that harassment is related to broader incivility among participants. This suggests that there may be a case to consider both as part of the same spectrum, rather than study them separately. The same cause of dominance and power might prompt workplace incivility as might result in sexual harassment (Lim & Cortina, 2005). However, workplaces that tackle sexual harassment are less concerned with matters of incivility. There is perhaps less clarity in what might consider incivility in such cases, which might account for it to be given less attention in the workplace. Different workplace cultures might have an impact on what constitutes incivility, with some considering swearing to be uncivil, whereas in other cases this might lead to stronger working relationships. Nevertheless, through appropriate education, the extent to which workplace cultures can adjust to provide an inclusive environment should be considered; workplace cultures are not static, and they need not exclude groups as a means of making in-groups cohesive.

The fact that it might be associated could be considered an important corollary to sexual harassment, but perhaps this is related more closely to the fact that it is the ease with which negative practices in the workplace can be dealt with rather than the notion that there is an underlying problem that can be assessed independently. The focus should be upon mechanisms that allow those affected by incivility to have such concerns addressed, and it is perhaps the lack of these mechanisms that cause this link rather than the notion that a lack of politeness is the thin end of sexual harassment. Nevertheless, McDonald (2012) supports this association, arguing that individuals who experience sexual harassment often experience multiple forms of harassing behaviour. Rather than focusing solely upon the notion of incivility as something associated with sexual harassment, this analysis considers that some forms of behaviour, such as sexually offensive humour or the use of sexual imagery in language can prove damaging because it identifies the workplace as a masculinised space. This can then contribute to the tendency to perpetuate discrimination in socially acceptable forms. Furthermore, the impact of this behaviour can be more significant that some studies suggest because such behaviour may provide an indication of longer-term stress for the victim.

The effects of sexual harassment in the workplace can be substantial. These can include a number of factors related to the victim’s ability to carry out work effectively (McLaughlin et al., 2017). Inter-personnel working may be affected. More significantly, organisational commitment is likely to have a significant impact, and this is largely because victims consider the organisation to have had an impact (Salman et al., 2016). A significant impact that is often observed is organisational withdrawal, where the victim will avoid the tasks associated with work and this behaviour would be characterised by lateness, absenteeism, or neglectfulness (McLaughlin et al., 2017). It may also result in the employee quitting work or searching for new employment. Therefore, where an organisation neglects to provide formal reporting procedures, the victims might react to harassment by withdrawing from work, avoid contact with the source of their stress, and this can result in significant organisational problems. The loss of productivity is an often-cited effect of sexual harassment, and this can involve the loss of productivity in the whole workforce or group rather than simply the victim’s tendency to reduce their own productivity (Salman et al., 2016). This is because the workplace productivity is often affected by teamwork, and therefore, the negative effects of sexual harassment can have a substantial impact.

The psychological consequences of sexual harassment for the victim might be more severe. Fitzgerald et al. (1997) provide an integrated model for sexual harassment that identifies the personal impact upon the victim’s life satisfaction can be severe. This is more closely associated with stress related responses, such as sadness, depression, or negative mood. It is less commonly claimed as a traumatic experience for victims, although there is clearly a wide range of responses that might be appropriately measured. Willness et al. (2007) suggest that there should be less attention paid to sexual harassment as a traumatic experience because this is usually associated with more serious crimes and involves elements such as emotional numbing, flashbacks or sleep disturbances. Furthermore, there are limited number of studies that consider the effect of sexual harassment upon the physical health of the victim. McDonald (2012) suggests that the impact of sexual harassment should be considered as more severe than these approaches suggest, and the argument that the effect is not significantly traumatising should not be used as an argument to then presume that it is less serious than it is.

McDonald (2012) notes ways in which outrage can be dampened: instances may be covered-up and take place away from witnesses. It may also include the devaluing of the victim through criticisms of performance, or it can include claiming that the actions were interpreted negatively. Claims may also be made that the process has been dealt with in an official capacity, and that therefore the airing of grievances constitutes redress (Bowling et al., 2006). Finally, there may be threats that reduce the likelihood of the harassment going reported such as tactics that include withholding references, the threat of dismissal or the tactic that includes allocating unwelcome jobs to the victim (McDonald, 2012). Bribery might include the opposite of these actions. However, in such cases it is important for the perpetrator to recognise the seriousness of his or her acts, and therefore such tactics function in cases where it is recognised that harassment has taken place. A masculinised workplace culture, for example, may mean that such behaviour is not regarded as harmful in the first place, and is considered to simply constitute ‘banter’ or part of an over-familiar working relationship Bowling et al. (2006).

This apparent defence that it is difficult for perpetrators to know whether they are committing sexual harassment is problematic. To some extent, a workplace culture that becomes masculinised and provides the environment where sexualised imagery becomes common may then lead to harassment that could be unintentional (Bowling et al. 2006). However, this argument does not mean it does not constitute harassment. Furthermore, the fact that such an argument is used to defend perpetrators against charges of sexual harassment makes it very tenuous. For this reason, some of the most successful responses to sexual harassment constitute the education of workers in appropriate conduct that allows them to avoid sexually harassing behaviour (Zarkov et al., 2018). More significantly, the notion of sexual harassment may refer to unwanted sexual advances or the making of obscene remarks; this seems to place the onus upon definition upon the victim to decide what constitutes something unwanted or not. It also ignores the extent to which sexual harassment may come from a sexualised culture that develops through workplace interactions.

In conclusion, the causes and the impact of sexual harassment suggest a problem that might be characterised in both simple terms and more complex ones. In simple terms, any confusion about sexual harassment should involve the perpetrator imagining themselves as the recipient, and consider whether it would be considered objectionable from that perspective. Alternatively, it simply involves the potential perpetrator conducting minimal research and identifying what might be construed as problematic behaviour. However, the development of a workplace culture that supports sexual harassment together with the lack of appropriate ways to tackle the problem at a managerial level means that much sexual harassment goes unchecked. This suggests that this might be considered principally as a managerial problem and one which might be resolved by the development of appropriate reporting methods, suitable redress, and support given to victims. There is a clear evidence of how workplace sexual harassment takes place, its effects on victims, and this evidence points clearly to a set of well-researched approaches that can be used to tackle this issue.

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The concept of intelligence and understanding the mechanisms that create, sustain and develop it have both captivated and bemused scholars for millennia. For sure, as self-reflexive beings we are destined to comprehend or delineate the question of knowledge; the retention of information – the immaterial – that has a pivotal function in not only creating the psycho-social world but allowing it to evolve. The purpose of this essay is to examine the definitional nightmare that has plagued our conception of what intelligence is or how it should be described, before exploring the contributions made by psychology in capturing and measuring this phenomena. In turn, this essay will explore one of psychology’s longstanding dichotomous dilemmas, the ‘nature vs. nurture’ debate, to explore whether intelligence is an inherent virtue or something ascertained through interaction and culture. This essay is one of exploration, a discovery and piecing-together of various strands within psychology, to provide an account of what intelligence is and its place of origin.

It seems somewhat obvious that our academic ancestors would have been heavily persuaded by the supernatural and otherworldly, before the emergence of scientific discourse and so-called Enlightenment. For Plato (2014), the soul existed independently of the corporeal, imbued with beauty, elegance and knowledge par excellence, residing in the sacred realms of perfect forms and facts before marrying with the body; a metaphorical prison that hindered the soul’s quest for actualisation. Thus, intelligence was a process of realisation or recollection, the overcoming of a fickle, polluted, and decaying body to a higher state of becoming; a master artisan of reflexivity or philosopher king (Plato 2014, 88). However, philosophers like Aristotle (2013) – often regarded as the ‘father of psychology’ – whilst sustaining the Cartesian Dualism somewhat, contended that there was a marriage (hylomorphic) between the mind and body; the former (passive intellect) an infinite and immortal vessel that engages with the former (active intellect) and its five senses to assimilate and project into (inter)action. However intellect (nous) remains an abstruse and spiritualised entity. As Magee (2000) alludes, such philosophical interpretations have an artistic and somewhat godly quality pertaining to intelligence, its origin and ascertainment. The advent of pseudoscience’s like phrenology sought to locate intellect within the details of the human skull; dimples and dents where regarded as proof that human potential could be determined, thereby damming already marginalised groups and heightening the divide across race, class and the sexes (Uttal 2003). The succession of science, whilst discounting religion as an illogical and epistemologically restrictive domain, also had a disenchanting effect (Weber1946) on our understanding of intelligence; placing it within realms of quantification, a variant that could be detailed, standardised, examined and subsequently explained without the need for wonder and mystic. Accordingly, psychology became a prime protagonist in exhuming the mythical and establishing the measurable substance of intelligence, its elemental makeup and related descriptions.

So, what is intelligence? Ironically, this topic remains hotly contested within psychology, though most accept that intellect is a necessary component for adaptation. It requires a host of mental operations (including a malleable brain), physical capabilities and ecological cues to converge – to some extent – in an orchestrated manner, allowing one to synthesise successfully, advance and ultimately master the environment around them. As the American Psychological Association suggest, it is the “global capacity to profit from experience” (APA 2015). The work of Piaget (1972) has assisted immensely in our understanding of (child) development and the cognitive-intellectual building blocks or schemas that emerge from birth, his preoccupation with how knowledge grows led to several assertions. In principle, intelligence is the creation of these mental representations through a process of assimilation i.e. the generation and deployment of schemas to manage (new) situations and/or objects, and accommodation which can be likened to schematic adjustments or transformations as new (updated) information is confronted. For Piaget (2001), intelligence is a process of four unique stages of increasing complexity, beginning with the sensorimotor stage at birth where the infant relies heavily on its motor senses to engage with the world, and ending with formal operations stage where the child develops abstract thought, employs deductive reasoning and differentiates oneself from others – progressing from primitive to infinitely complex structures, concepts and coding’s.

Similarly, for Cattell (1963) intelligence may be dissected into two dialectical concepts: the broad function to think logically and problem-solve through unfamiliar processes called fluid intelligence (Gf) and the ability to reason and implement based on previously acquired knowledge or what he called crystallised intelligence (Gc). However these original conceptions have been subsequently expanded to include a whole host of mental abilities (Lubinski 2004), including memory, visual and auditory processing. Yet, interaction with the world demands what Salovey and Mayer (1990) call emotional intelligence whereby, as social creatures, humans can appropriately gauge and control their own emotive state whilst determining that of others – what Weber (1946) calls ‘verstehen’ – to act with purposeful and productive intent both individually and collectively; this requires social learning and a mastery over ones emotive impulses – where biological impulse and society meet, the latter defusing, moulding and directing the former (Lieberman 2013). Indeed, as an extreme example, we discover in psychopaths the inability to form emotional bonds or act empathically, tending to mimic emotive demonstrations (Raine and Glenn 2014), leading to dysfunctional and extremely harmful individuals. Ironically, typical traits of psychopaths include a high level of general intelligence which is understood as the capacity to assimilate, comprehend and apply facts, laws and principles. Indeed, in his psychometric investigations, Spearman (1927) introduced the term general factor (g) to denote that humans possessed – to varying degrees – a core construct of cognitive capacity or mental energy. This was assessed by tapping into what he called specific factors (e.g. arithmetic, logic, and written) using a variety of mental tests; his findings showed that those participants demonstrating high performance on specific mental tasks tended to achieve in others. In addition, arguing the case for multiple intelligences, Thorndike (1920) posits an additional social intelligence, which parallels with our capacity as sentient animals, that includes our aptitude for participating and profiting within the social milieu; to act wisely, assimilate norms and values and interact with others. These techniques and interactive strategies are learned through social conditioning and vary across societies (Goleman 2007). Thus, intelligence appears to be multifaceted in its conceptual makeup, often hierarchical and including subdivisions of specificity.

For cognitive theorists, there has been a tendency for proponents of the psychometrics to focus purely on the realm of conceptual structure whereas they place impetus on uncovering the process through which intelligence is gained; a computer analogy is often deployed to describe how information is processed through various senses, mental nodes and serial formations. Importantly, as Jensen (1987) postulates, mental processing speed may play a pivotal role in intelligence, as well as how effectively we collate, compartmentalise and articulate mental representations of information. Theorists consider the basic components or models of cognition, such as creativity, attention, thinking and perception, and how these function. A variety of computer-like models have been generated as a kind of heuristic device or ideal-type (Huneman 2007) to detail mental procedures. For example, Atkinson and Shiffrin (cited in Ashcraft and Raduansky 2013) outline a multi-stage model of memory that shows various phases through which information is collated, stored and retrieved in a kind of processor-like input-storage-retrieval procedure; a variety of systems, including attention, sensory memory and the rehearsal loop, are involved in deciphering, coding, storing and retrieving memories.

A variety of research conducted on brain-function has provided some concrete evidence for cognitive theories inasmuch as the brain might be divided into sectors of functionality; the temporal lobes are involved in speech, memory and behaviour whereas the frontal lobe has been considered responsible for behaviour, movement and intelligence (Smith and Kosslyn 2008). Indeed, whilst certain regions of the brain can be attributed with particular tasks, most researchers accept the interconnectedness nature involved in creating intelligence. As Eysenck and Keane (2010) suggest, in order to measure cognitive phenomena and attempt to illuminate the genealogy of intelligence, researchers employ a host of “mental tests”, including the “original” Binet-Simon (later Stanford) intelligent quotient (IQ) – originally devised to identify underperforming children – which assesses general components of intellect, to more specific skill-related tests that account for memory, verbal, speed and emotional aptitude. In some cases, such tests have a high level of reliability, validity and standardisation providing a reasonable indicator (correlation) of aptitude and achievement potential. However, such tests have come under considerable criticism, particularly because of their class, race and cultural biases (Greenfield 1997); what should define intelligence and how this should be measured/assessed remains a problematic issue for all testing. Also, appreciating that the mind is a malleable organ and suited to adaptation based on environmental demands, it seems logical that humans will evolve differently across cultures; measures, values and descriptions of intellect will vary accordingly (Nisbett 2009). Similarly, aspects of intellect will be heightened according to environment, for example, in hunter-gatherer societies, spatial awareness and attention may be regarded as more useful tools (and may be accentuated in such cultures) than maths or verbal abilities (Smith and Kosslyn 2008).

Sadly, despite the implementation of scientific measurement, the psychology of intelligence remains somewhat speculative, hypothetical and dependant on mental constructs. The biological approach to intelligence seeks to place intellect within the realm of hard facts as a means of explaining (rather than describing) behaviour. However, this reductionist view is considered complementary to cognitive models and computer analogies of intelligence (Claxton 2015). Indeed, many studies, using modern technologies like Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI) and Positron Emission Tomography (PET), have sought to pinpoint activity within the brain when performing specific tasks as a method of compartmentalising brain function and sources of intelligence. Similarly, there has been considerable research into brainwaves and the effect on task performance and blood-flow as an indicator of mental activity (Devlin and Fienberg 1997). The field of DNA has also revealed the contribution that genes make to intelligence (using various IQ test), especially in adulthood with the implication that we reinforce (or indeed resist) our genes as we develop. Also, investigation into twin studies – particularly identical or dizygotic pairs – has demonstrated a strong correlation (between 70-80% variance) between heritability and intelligence; identical pairs separated at birth show similar readings in intellect whilst adopted children show similarities to that of their birthparents (McCartney et al 1990). Moreover, our understanding of genetic disorders, such as dyslexia and neural diseases like Alzheimer’s and Downs Syndrome further illuminate the biological grounding of intelligence and its related brain functions (Slade 2009).

Malyby and Day (2013) has also proposed how cultural influence interacts with the biological. For example, (mal)nutrition, stress and ‘mental scars’ due to trauma can impede on intelligence; this pertains to various environmental factors, such as poverty, war and abuse. In fact, as a retort to the biological approach, is the consideration of culture in shaping intelligence. As Skinner (2011, 46) one expounded “give me a child and I’ll shape him into anything” alluding to the notion that the mind is a tabula rasa awaiting social imbuement. Yet, as Berg (2012) recounts, the (social) world is an asymmetrical field, where resources or architectural means to reach ones potential are stockpiled in the hands of a few; denoting that social inequality remains an important factor in pedagogic (indeed human) potential, conditioning across race, class and gender boundaries generates specific malignant societal formations that hinder progress. In addition, as Fox et al (2011) demonstrates, those who come from dysfunctional families, where domestic violence is present, or placed in foster care show lower IQ scores than non-institutionalised cohorts of similar attribute or those who are subsequently removed from such environments; these tend to perform better in testing once removed. A classic example of the impact environment has on not only intellect but psychosocial development is that of feral children; these individuals lack a host of higher-intellectual faculties, including human language, empathy and social behaviours (Ashcraft and Radvansky 2003). This illuminates the importance of culture in, at the least, coaxing and facilitating human potentials.

In this essay we have explored the various conceptions and descriptions offered by psychologists and their philosophical ancestors to measure and explain intelligence. In truth, this appears to a definitional nightmare, filled with conjecture or hypothetical formations, though strenuous efforts are made using scientific measures to access the still illusive question of what intelligence is, a phenomena that has a multitude of variants across a range of societal and cultural spectrums. Yet, psychology has certainly offered an account of what may constitute intelligence, unlike our philosophical ancestors, science has permitted academics to fish through the lens of objectivism to uncover the composition of intelligence and its origin. Indeed, on the issue of nature versus nurture, it is apparent that both are interdependent; biology and genetic factors are certainly prerequisites for development and adaptation but both shaped by and dependant on environmental and social influences. Similarly, on a cellular or neural level, researchers observe the interrelations between various regions of the brain and, whilst on a conceptual level we find that a range of cognitive processes are involved in our intellectual makeup. That said, to what extent remains a mystery; the psychology of intelligence continues to be a best guess, but arguably a respectable one that is under constant scientific revision.

References

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Discuss in relation to theory and research on pro-social behaviour.
Introduction

Helping behaviour has been a focus of social psychological research since the 1950’s (Hogg and Vaughan, 2008) and within this literature; there exists an abundance of studies concerned with the concept of altruism. The main aim of this essay is to consider the assertion that every action is a selfish one and thus true altruism does not exist. In order to do this, relevant theory and research on pro-social behaviour will be explored.

Broadly speaking, pro-social behaviour involves carrying out an act that benefits another (Hogg and Vaughan, 2008) and the interest in this topic since the 1950’s, from a research point of view, has impressive longevity. Altruism, as a concept, has attracted much debate and is a type of helping behavior, essentially involving helping another without any expectation of personal gain (Batson and Coke, 1981; Macaulay and Berkowitz, 1970). Perhaps it is rather difficult to realistically suggest that an act could ever be categorised as truly altruistic or indeed if it is not, then it must be selfish. This essay will help to support the view that altruism exists to some extent but often there can be benefits for the individual in demonstrating this behaviour. Research has unfortunately at times aimed to minimise the assertion that a motive to help others without personal benefit can exist (Krueger, 2012).

Theory and Research

Wilson (2015, p.5) very recently documented that “the question of how altruism evolves is such a controversy that is just entering its resolution phase.” Altruism is a fairly complicated concept to explore and some of Wilson’s (2015) writings reflect this. For instance, Wilson (2015) alludes to the idea that it can be challenging to truly understand an individual’s intention when helping another in that it may be to feel better, win favour with God or ensure the other person is in debt to you. The question therefore might be along the lines of what constitutes truly altruistic behaviour and when does it become selfish.

Wilson (2015) also helpfully simplifies how one might view altruism by focusing, temporarily, only on the behaviour. An example is illustrated by Wilson (2015) whereby if one individual helps another at a cost to themselves then that demonstrates altruism regardless of what they thought or felt about the situation.

Pro-social behaviour theory provides mixed support for the idea of true altruism. For instance, altruism does not particularly receive support from the well-known bystander-calculus model (Piliavin, Dovidio, Gaertner and Clark, 1981), if one is to accept it. This model would assert that individuals would take action in an emergency essentially to reduce their own unpleasant arousal (Batson and Oleson, 1991). This theory clearly makes reference to the significance of the thoughts and feelings of the individual. It may suggest that in part, the helper is to a degree being selfish, but at the same time, is actually carrying out an act that helps another. From this point of view, altruism is perhaps not the correct term since the individual is driven to act, to an extent, to serve his or her own interest.

Egoism and altruism have historically been framed as a “versus relationship” with Hogg and Vaughan (2004) summarising that a significant number of psychologists side with the theory supporting the egoism argument whereby behaviour is driven by personal gain. The work around egoism tends to feel like the darker side of pro-social behaviour theory and research.

Some of the evidence showing apparent support for this theory is rather questionable. For instance, Manucia, Baumann, and Cialdini (1984) conducted an experiment whereby certain participants were given a placebo pill but told that by taking it, their current mood would “freeze.” This led to people under this condition apparently being not as likely to help an individual in need since it would not improve their mood. Brown and Maner (2012) praised the intelligence of this study although it does have an artificial feel about it and one could question how much it might reflect a real-life scenario. It cannot necessarily be used as evidence that altruism does not exist since for some people, the motivation in the first instance might be to actually help the other person (Brown and Maner, 2012).

The above mentioned study is somewhat at odds with a review of theory and research regarding altruism at that time (Piliavin and Charng, 1990). One conclusion by these authors was that evidence from a number of fields such as sociology and social psychology among others suggest that altruism is indeed a feature of human nature (Piliavin and Charng, 1990). Bierhoff (2002) builds on this and suggests that altruism exists and reported that it is arguably perfectly captured in the parable of the Good Samaritan whereby having empathy for the victim led to the unselfish act of helping the victim to safety, even at personal cost. This parable is still taught in the modern day and apparent acts of altruism remain a feature of everyday society. This is not to discount the assumption that there could be side effects whereby the individual may experience private rewards for acts of altruism.

It is now necessary to consider relevant research studies in more detail in order to further explore the rather controversial central claim that every action is a selfish one and true altruism does not exist. It has been unfortunate in a way that researchers have, more often than not, chosen to focus on “anti-social” rather than pro-social behaviour. This perhaps reflects a tendency to be more interested in the worst in people. This also leads to the idea that people may be more likely to dismiss altruism and consider other explanations for this type of helping or selfless behaviour.

May (2011, p.25) implies that caution should be taken when interpreting altruism-based research in stating that “the consensus among psychologists (and common sense) is that a great number of our mental states, even our motives, are not accessible to consciousness.” As mentioned above, Wilson’s (2015) more recent writings seem to have certain parallels with this and it may be that one has to accept that knowing the individuals intent to help may not be possible. This could cast doubt on the reliability of much of the experimental work in the field of altruism, particularly when self-reporting measures are so commonly used.

Cialdini and colleagues certainly invested much effort in demonstrating that true altruism does not exist. In a related piece of research, Maner, Luce, Neuberg, Cialdini, Brown and Sagarin (2002) explored the effect of manipulated perspective taking with a focus on the empathy-helping relationship, which they suggested underpins altruism. Interestingly, the study featured 169 university students who had an incentive to participate in the study in order to help fulfill their academic requirements. There is a certain irony about this in that it does not reflect altruism towards the researchers. Following observing the views of participants who had listened to a particular interview, Maner et al. (2002) suggested that negative emotional states like sadness are more likely to lead to helping others rather than genuine altruism.

While it is difficult to prove that true altruism does exist, Batson and colleagues adopted a very different angle with regards to this concept. For instance, in a similar but earlier study, Batson, Sager, Garst, Kang, Rubchinsky and Dawson (1997) again used only university students to assess empathy and helping behaviour towards a young woman in need. In certain conditions, this woman was depicted as being from a rival university yet the students displayed empathy and a willingness to help. As with much of Batson’s research, this paper argued that empathy for others brings about natural altruism in people. These above examples highlight the entirely different ways in which altruism can be framed.

Krueger (2012) alludes to the idea that the search for true altruism is one that cannot realistically bring success. Research has unfortunately historically been rather black and white in its mission to explain altruism. It has almost featured a rivalry between benefitting the self against motives to benefit others. Krueger (2012, p.397) argues that it is “more important to protect the motive to benefit others from being discounted” while essentially avoiding branding people as selfish.

It is perhaps possible to learn something valuable about the nature of altruism from a piece of research regarding “giving blood” (Evans and Ferguson, 2013). It is difficult to generalise findings to the wider population given that it involved only university students. However, this particular paper examined, via surveying an impressive 414 responders, the motivating factors underpinning white blood donation. Evans and Ferguson (2013) reported that giving blood does not appear to be an act that reflects the actual definition of pure altruism. Instead, a blend of factors such as a sense of contributing to society, a feeling of being able to benefit others and personal satisfaction might explain blood donation. There are apparent benefits to the individual giving blood in the experience of positive emotions, described as “warm glow” by Evans and Ferguson (2013). This may not reflect true altruism. It would however seem unfair to suggest that the generally accepted altruistic act of giving blood is selfish.

If one continues to accept the view earlier put forward by May (2012), it would help to have some acceptance that it may not be possible to really know if true altruism exists. In a cross-cultural qualitative paper, Soosai-Nathan, Negri and Delle-Fave (2013) documented evidence from Indian and Italian cultures that illustrated that altruism can be more than a pro-social behaviour. Soosai-Nathan et al. (2013) suggest that altruism can help to improve relationships and boosts happiness and wellbeing. It would also be useful to view this in a positive light if possible while clearly, these types of “personal” rewards may well reinforce the altruistic behavior. It is fundamentally a good human quality though. This may be a more useful area for further research – to improve wellbeing – rather than aiming to disprove altruism, which has quite a dehumanising feel to it.

It would however be ignorant to bypass the idea that altruism is influenced by a number of factors. It would be overly simplistic to accept that it is just a natural trait of individuals.

The area of giving money to fundraisers adds interesting insights to the understanding of altruism. Andreoni, Rao, and Tratchtman (2011) conducted a natural field experiment involving monitoring the giving of money to fundraisers in a particular area of Boston, USA, and noted that a high volume of people avoided, via a number of means, the fundraisers who were standing at exits of a shopping centre. Robson (2002) warns of the dangers of these types of studies, e.g. loss of ability to control variables and loss of validity. Nonetheless, Andreoni et al. (2011) suggest that people may avoid eye contact with a fundraiser as empathy may be triggered otherwise, leading to the giving of money. On the other hand, people may give as they would like to be seen as being altruistic. There may also be a compromise between giving money to charity and balancing personal finances. Andreoni et al. (2011) conclude that altruism in people is influenced significantly by a combination of social cues and psychological mechanisms. This is perhaps unsurprising but helps to illustrate the complexity of human altruism.

Conclusions

Firstly, it would seem incorrect to necessarily reject findings from pro or indeed anti altruism research. May (2012) summed things up nicely, reminding that so often, people’s true intentions and thoughts about a situation are not visible even to themselves. If one accepts this then there might not be great confidence in suggesting either that altruism definitely exists or that all acts are selfish.

Altruism can certainly be viewed as a fairly controversial concept and one that has featured in social psychology theory and research for some years. It would appear that it is extremely difficult to be involved in a truly altruistic act and Staub (1974) much earlier alluded to this as generally when one acts in a pro-social way, inwardly, it can be rewarding, bringing about positive feelings.

When considering all of the available evidence, perhaps it can be concluded that altruism in its truest sense, as its very definition states, does not exist. However, there is likely to be an altruism continuum upon where most people in society would sit, rather than acts necessarily being classed in a fairly black and white fashion as altruistic or selfish. Krueger (2012) adopts a common sense stance on altruism and is suggestive that it exists and people do engage in acts designed to benefit others, without intended personal gain.

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Batson, C.D., and Oleson, K.C. (1991). Current status of the empathy-altruism hypothesis. In Clark, M.S. (ed), Prosocial behaviour (pp. 62-85). Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Batson, D.C., Sager, K., Garst, E., Kang, M., Rubchinsky, K., and Dawson, K. (1997). Is empathy-induced helping due to self-other merging? Journal of personality and social psychology, 73 (3), 495-509.

Bierhoff, H-W. (2002). Prosocial behaviour. East Sussex: Psychology Press.

Brown, S.L., and Maner, J.K. (2012). Egoism or altruism: Hard-nosed experiments and deep philosophical questions. In Kenrick, D.T., Goldstein, N.J., and Braver, S.L. (ed), Six degrees of social influence: Science, application and the psychology of Robert Cialdini (pp. 109-118). New York: Oxford University Press.

Evans, R. and Ferguson, E. (2013).Defining and measuring blood donor altruism: A theoretical approach from biology, economics and psychology. The International journal of transfusion medicine, 106, 118-126. Available from http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/vox.12080/pdf (Accessed 01/10/15).

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Krueger, J.I. (2012). Altruism gone mad. In Oakley, B., Knafo, A., Madhaven, G., and Wilson, D.S. (ed), Pathological altruism (pp. 395-405). New York: Oxford University Press.

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Maner, J.K., Luce, C.L., Neuberg, S.L., Cialdini, R.B., Brown, S., and Sagarin, B.J. (2002). The effect of perspective taking on motivations for helping: Still no evidence for altruism. Personality and social psychology bulletin, 28, 1601-1610.

Manucia, G.K.,Baumann, D.J., and Cialdini , R.B. (1984). Mood influences on helping: Direct effects or side effects? Journal of personality and social psychology, 46 (2), 357-364.

May, J. (2011). Egoism, empathy and self-other merging. Southern journal of philosophy, 49, 25-39.

Piliavin, J.A., and Charng, H-W. (1990). Altruism: A review of recent theory and research. Annual review of sociology, 16, 27-65.

Piliavin, J.A., Dovidio, J.F., Gaertner,S.L., and Clark, R.D. (1981). Emergency intervention. New York: Academic Press.

Robson, C. (2002). Real world research (2nd edition). Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing.

Soosai-Nathan, L., Negri, L., and Delle-Fave, A. (2013). Beyond pro-social behaviour: An exploration of altruism in two cultures. Psychological studies, 58 (2), 103-114.

Staub, E. (1974). Helping a distressed person: Social, personality and stimulus dterminants. In Berkowitz, L. (ed.), Advances in experimental and social psychology (Vol. 7), pp. 294-341. New York: Academic Press.

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Introduction

A Theory of Mind (ToM) can be defined as the way in which children aged 3-to-4 years begin to develop a theory about their own and other people’s mental states, which include beliefs, intentions, knowledge and desires (Baron-Cohen, 1995). It is argued that humans have an innate predisposition to make inferences about their own and other people’s behaviour in order to predict and understand behaviour and that these mental processes have evolved because of the generally social and co-operative nature of life (Baron-Cohen, 1995). Mitchell and Lewis (1994) further argue that humans frequently attempt to manipulate the behaviour of others and one way of achieving this to instil a false belief, which can be achieved through the use of deception. The false belief task has become the classic test of determining whether young children have developed a ToM. However, research suggests that children with autistic spectrum disorders (ASD) are unable to develop a ToM as they have difficulty understanding the concept of a false belief. The following essay will explore research that has investigated children with ASD and the question of whether they are able to develop a ToM is supported or refuted.

Methodology for Determining a ToM

The methodology used to establish whether a ToM has developed during early childhood is known as a false belief task (FBT). To pass a FBT, children are required to give the correct answer about a belief held by another individual and the ability to do this occurs in typically developing children at about the age of 4 years. There have been a number of variations of the FBT which follow a similar format involving young children demonstrating an understanding that another person can have an incorrect belief in comparison to their own belief. Wimmer and Perner (1983) developed the classic FBT, the unexpected transfer task, in which children are asked to infer the beliefs of Maxi regarding his chocolate bar. Maxi (a doll or puppet) puts his chocolate in one cupboard and then goes out of the room. While he is away his mother moves the chocolate bar to a different cupboard and the children are asked which cupboard Maxi will go to for his chocolate when he returns. The results showed that older children (92% aged 6- to 7-years) said that Maxi would look in the cupboard where he left his chocolate bar, whereas 58% of children aged 4- to 5-years said he would look in the cupboard that his mother had moved the chocolate bar to (Wimmer and Perner, 1983). Variations on the task include the Sally-Anne task developed by Baron-Cohen, Leslie, and Frith (1985) in which Sally hides her ball and, when she is not looking, Anne moves the ball to a basket. The children are asked where Sally will look for her ball and most children aged 4 understand Sally will have a false belief about where her ball is. Another FBT involves a deceptive box in which children are shown a box covered with pictures of Smarties. When the box is opened there are pencils inside, not Smarties. Children aged 40 months were asked what their friend would think was inside the box, 70% said pencils, whereas 50% of children who were almost 4 years old said Smarties (Perner, Leekham and Wimmer, 1987). The findings from FBTs are consistent and appear to demonstrate that around the age of 4 years typically developing children go through a conceptual change in being able to articulate and form a representation theory of other people’s mental states (Surian and Leslie, 1999).

However, according to Mitchell and Lewis (1994) the wording used in false belief tasks may lead to misunderstandings by typically developing children younger than 4-years. Other factors can also contribute to some children passing a FBT. Earlier ability, for example, language development, has been considered an important factor (Fisch, 2013) and those children with older siblings and children who participate in fantasy play (Wellman, 2014).

Autistic Spectrum Disorder (ASD)

The American Psychiatric Association, in its Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 5th edition defines ASD as a condition where there are ‘persistent deficits in social communication and social interaction’ this involves impairment in verbal and non-verbal communication together with repetitive and stereotypical patterns of behaviours and interests (DSM-V, APA, 2013, p.50). ASD is a spectrum disorder and can range from autism with severe impairments to Asperger’s Syndrome which means the individual is high functioning and has a typical IQ (Adams, 2013). It is suggested by Senju, Southgate, White, and Frith (2009) that high functioning individuals with Asperger’s Syndrome are more likely to develop a conceptual understanding of a ToM in comparison to those with classic autism. However, according to Wellman (2014) most adolescents and adults with ASD perform poorly on FBTs.

Wellman (2014) argues that children with ASD have delayed cognitive abilities in areas such as language development and therefore this, together with their social impairments, prevent them from developing a ToM. Using an unexpected transfer FBT with children with ASD older than 4 years Baron-Cohen et al. (1985) found that they were not able to successfully complete the task. As children with ASD have several cognitive impairments it was proposed that the failure to pass the FBT may be related to learning difficulties. However, when the children with ASD were compared with a control group of typically developing children and a group of children with Down’s syndrome, learning difficulties were not found to affect the successful performance for the children with Down’s (Baron-Cohen et al.1985). Many other studies have found similar results with different groups of children compared to typically developing children that appears to suggest there is a cognitive impairment in children with ASD in developing a ToM (Baron-Cohen, 1995). Surian and Leslie (1999) further suggest that the findings from these studies suggest there are specialised neurocognitive mechanisms that support the development of a ToM.

Surian and Leslie (1999) used the Sally-Anne FBT and compared children and adolescents with ASD and mental ages of around 4-years, with a group of typically developing 3-year-old children. As predicted by Surian and Leslie, all the children in both groups failed to pass the FBT. However, even with instruction the children with ASD did not improve and remained unable to pass the FBT, although the 3-year old typically developing children showed improvement. The research identifies cognitive limitations in the typically developing children at age 3 which affects their performance, whereas the children with ASD appeared to be caused by a ‘deeper meta-representational impairment’ (Surian and Leslie, 1999, p.141). The study shows that although both groups of children (those aged under 4 years and those with ASD) typically fail the FBT, the reasons for the failure are different. The 3-year old children could pass the FBT with prompts and guidance, however, this was not the case for the children with ASD.[AJ1] It is concluded by Surian and Leslie (1999, p.153) that typically ‘developing 3-year-old children have intact conceptual competence and limited processing capabilities, whereas children with autism have sufficient processing resources but limited conceptual competence’.

Children with ASD may respond more successfully to a FBT if other mediums such as drawing are used. In a study that compared typically developing children (aged 4-years) with a group of children who had learnt signing language late in childhood and a group of children with ASD (aged 6-to-13 years), a standard FBT and a drawing FBT were used (Peterson, 2002). It was found that the late signing children and the children with ASD had lower scores than the typically developing children in the standard FBT. However, in the drawing FBT the late signing children and the children with ASD had higher scores than the typically developing children. The findings suggest that children with ASD (as well as the late signing children) have some understanding of the conceptual nature of an FBT but appear to be unable to express it in a standard, verbal way. The study supports the role of language in the development of a ToM as the profoundly deaf children who had not learnt signing until relatively late, had a three-year delay in developing a ToM (Peterson, 2002). It is also suggested by Peterson (2002, p.1457) that drawing may be a better way for children with ASD to communicate as they may have difficulties recognising ‘a link between what people say and what they think because their minds are organised in a more pictorial manner around visual images’.

Neurological Evidence regarding the ToM

Fisch (2013) argues that technological developments in neuroimaging appear to suggest that a neurocognitive explanation is more appropriate than other explanations for the social and cognitive impairment in ASD. This perspective is supported by Wellman (2014) who reports that when neuroimaging techniques are used the medial prefrontal cortex and right temporoparietal junction are the predominant areas activated during ToM tasks such as social reasoning (Wellman, 2014). In a longitudinal study undertaken over a 5-year period by White, Frith, Rellecke, Al Noor and Gilbert (2014) typically developing children were compared with children with ASD. Using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) atypical activity was found in the children with ASD and that ‘there is a neurophysiological abnormality that persists despite improvements over time, despite individual differences in performance, and is present even in mildly impaired ASD adolescents’ (White et al. 2014, p.23).

Can a ToM be Taught?

Evidence from the research undertaken by Surian and Leslie (1999) and discussed previously appears to suggest that despite prompts and guidance, passing an FBT did not improve in children with ASD. Swettenham (1996) attempted to teach a ToM using a computerised version of the Sally-Anne task which may be more appropriate for children with ASD. This is because children with ASD have problems communicating with other people and respond well to computers as there is no social interactions involved and they can work at their own pace. In the study there were three groups; children with ASD (mean age 10-years), typically developing children (mean age 3.5-years) and children with Down’s syndrome (mean age 11-years). It was found that all three groups passed the Sally-Anne task after instruction. However, although the typically developing children and the children with Down’s syndrome were able to generalise the finding to other similar tasks, this was not the case for the children with ASD. Swettenham (1996) suggests that the children with ASD developed a different type of strategy in order to pass the task but did not have any understanding of the conceptual principles of the FBT.

However, Begeer et al. (2011) also investigated the effectiveness of ToM training children with autism using a randomised controlled trial in which children with 40 high functioning ASD children with normal intelligence levels, aged between 8- and 13-years who were compared with a control group of typically developing children. It was found that children with ASD improved in their conceptual ToM skills, but not in their understanding, self-reported empathic skills or parent-reported social behaviour.

Conclusion

There appears to be considerable evidence in the many studies undertaken in the 1980s and 1990s that suggest that children with ASD are unable to develop a ToM and do not understand that other people can hold a false belief. However, there appear to be some inconsistencies in the research, for example Peterson (2002) found that children with ASD were more successful passing an FBT using drawing rather than verbal responses. Swettenham (1996) [AJ2]however, found that while children with ASD could pass an FBT presented on a computer they were using a different type of strategy and there was little understanding of the conceptual principles of a ToM. Children with ASD, who experience language delay as well as social impairments may have greater difficulty understanding a FBT (Wellman, 2014). However, one problem with early research into ToM is the methodology used which relies heavily on just one indication of whether a child has acquired a ToM, which is the FBT, even though there are several variations of the task. More recent research has used neuroimaging techniques (e.g. White et al. 2014; Wellman, 2014) which appears to suggest damage to the areas involved in ToM activity.

References

Adams, M.P. (2013). Explaining the theory of mind deficit in autism spectrum disorder. Philosophical Studies, 163(1), 233-249

American Psychiatric Association, (APA, 2013). Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-V fifth edition). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association.

Baron-Cohen, S. (1995). Mindblindness: An Essay on Autism and Theory of Mind. Cambridge MA: MIT Press.

Baron-Cohen, S., Leslie, and Frith, U. (1985). Does the Autistic child have a “theory of mind?” Cognition, 21, 37-46.

Begeer, S., Gevers, C., Clifford, P., Verhoeve, M., Kat, K., Hoddenbach, E. and Boer, F. (2011). Theory of mind training in children with autism: a randomized controlled trial. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders 41, 997-1006.

Fisch, G.S. (2013). Autism and Epistemology IV: Does autism need a theory of mind? American Journal of Medical Genetics, Part A, 161, 2464-2480

Mitchell, P. and Lewis C. (1994). Critical issues in children’s early understanding of mind. In C. Lewis and P. Mitchell, (Eds), Children’s Early Understanding of Mind: Origins and Developments pp. 1-15, London: Psychology Press.

Perner, J., Leekham, S.R. and Wimmer, H. (1987). Three-year-olds difficulty with false belief: The case for a conceptual deficit. British Journal of Developmental Psychology, 5, 125-137.

Peterson, C.C. (2002). Drawing insight from pictures: the development of concepts of false drawing and false beliefs in children with deafness, normal hearing and autism. Child Development 73(5), 1442-1459.

Senju, A., Southgate, V., White, S., and Frith, U. (2009). Mindblind eyes: An absence of spontaneous theory of mind in Asperger’s syndrome. Science, 325, 883–885.

Surian, L. and Leslie, A.M. (1999). Competence and performance in false belief understanding: A comparison of autistic and normal 3-year-old children. British Journal of Developmental Psychology, 17, 141–155.

Swettenham, J. (1996). Can children with autism be taught to understand false belief using computers? Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 37(2), 157-165.

Wellman, H.M. (2014). Making Minds: How Theory of Mind Develops. Oxford: Oxford University Press

White, S.J., Frith, U., Rellecke, J., Al-Noor, Z. and Gilbert, S.J. (2014). Autistic adolescents show atypical activation of the brains mentalizing system even without a prior history of mentalizing problems. Neuropsychologia, 56, 17-25.

Wimmer, H. and Perner, J. (1983). Beliefs about beliefs: Representation and constraining function of wrong beliefs in young children’s understanding of deception. Cognition, 13, 103-128.

This work was produced by one of our professional writers as a learning aid to help you with your studies

Broadly speaking, science is concerned with the objective, logical study of the material world based on fact, and not opinion or intuition. It can be defined as a systematic approach that is grounded in logic and which aims to produce data that can be measured, tested, analysed, and reproduced (Lilienfeld, 2010; Lindberg, 2010). Science encompasses all of our accumulated knowledge and discoveries about the universe. Though it featured early on in human history, namely ancient Greece, it has been argued that scientific thought did not reappear again until the European enlightenment because of the difficulties faced by humans in overriding automatic and intuitive modes of thinking (Lilienfeld, 2010).

Psychology on the other hand, is arguably a relatively new domain that has been studied as a distinct discipline in its own right for only a couple of hundred years (Danziger, 2013). Psychology is a multi-faceted and wide-ranging subject that focuses on the study of the mind and behaviour (Henriques, 2004). Many different perspectives have contributed to the study of psychology including behaviourism, developmental and cognitive approaches. The role of psychology as a science has been debated for over one hundred years and continues to generate controversy (Lilienfeld, 2010; Zittoun, Gillespie, and Cornish, 2009). Thus, the following work will discuss to what extent psychology should be considered a science. To achieve this aim, evidence in support of psychology as a science will be considered and evidence against this supposition will be examined. The work will conclude with a summary and analysis of the question under review.

In support of psychology as a science

Evidence that provides support for the idea that psychology is a science will now be examined. Science is grounded in the empiricism paradigm which postulates that observations and experiences, or data derived from the senses, are the primary way of gaining knowledge (Hjorland, 2005). Thus, empirical methods are used to obtain factual information that all can agree on and which is immune from the influence of any researchers (Hjorland, 2005). In the scientific approach, double-blind experiments should be utilised wherever possible and subjectivity reduced to the bare minimum (Hjorland, 2005). This is because the research ideal in science is to assume that all observations are neutral and not effected by any knowledge, bias, culture, or opinions of the researcher (Hjorland, 2005).

As per the scientific tradition, research in psychology predominantly relies on collecting objective empirical data from participants, for example through questionnaires, performance tasks, experimentation, or observation. Therefore, it can be argued that psychology is a science because many researchers use the scientific method of hypothetico-deductivism. Hypothetico-deductivism is a methodology which places emphasis on hypotheses verification or rejection through statistical analyses and significance testing (Haig, 2005). Consequently, in many psychological disciplines the researcher must test a theory or hypothesis by making observational predictions which can be empirically tested (Haig, 2005). The data needs to undergo direct statistical analyses, and if the data supports the predictions made at the outset then the result is viewed as confirming the theory in this instance. On the other hand, if the predictions are not supported by the data then this particular study is viewed as disconfirming the theory under question (Haig, 2005).

Predictability in empirical research is important because in this way, researchers can estimate or forecast future behaviour from their results. Another important feature of psychology as a science is that extraneous variables should be controlled as much as possible, and any research conducted should be amenable to replication by other researchers (Hjorland, 2005; Lilienfeld, 2010). In this way, cause and effect can be more clearly determined, and if different researchers consistently find the same results then it is more likely that the results are valid and reliable. Consequently, a theory or treatment should only gain acceptance if other investigators are able to provide empirical support for it (Haig, 2005; Hjorland, 2005; Lilienfeld, 2010). Accordingly, in parallel with the scientific domain, it can be argued that a major goal of research in psychology is to successfully identify empirical phenomena which subsequently lead to explanation and theory construction (Haig, 2005).

Behaviourism is one dominant example of empiricism and scientific thought in psychology. It should be noted that behaviourism in its original form is now considered outdated and too simplistic to account for the complexity of human behaviour. Nevertheless, it has been contended that it facilitated the focus on scientific principles and was the precursor to experimental research in areas such as cognitive, clinical, and developmental psychology (Costall, 2006; Moore, 2011). The foundation of behaviourism is the premise that behaviours are derived from learned associations between a stimulus and a response (Moore, 2011; Padoa-Schioppa, 2008). In other words, behaviourism proposes that all behaviours (including feelings, thoughts, and actions) are a result of events external to the individual and that organisms respond to stimuli in automatic ways and following universal laws (Hjorland, 2005).

It is clear that behaviourism is a highly scientific approach. Indeed Skinner, a prominent behaviourist, stated in relation to research “it is science or nothing” (1971, p. 160). Behaviourism posits that psychology should be studied scientifically with attention focused on observable behaviours rather than internal processes (Moore, 2011). Behaviourism is often regarded as a direct reaction to the unscientific and introspective nature of psychoanalysis, a perspective which dominated psychology in the early 20th century (Costall, 2006; Moore, 2011). Comparatively, behaviourism’s major strengths were that it was highly objective, was applicable to both humans and animals, and was highly replicable (Hjorland, 2005; Moore, 2011).

Another perspective that provides support for psychology being a science is the cognitive approach. It has been argued that the cognitive approach replaced behaviourism as the dominant paradigm in psychology (Costall, 2006; Gardner, 2008). Cognitive psychology returned focus to the importance of mental processes rather than concentrating solely on environmental factors as behaviourism had done (Gardner, 2008). The basic premise of cognitive psychology is to examine how mental processes contribute to human emotions, behaviour, and thinking (Gardner, 2008). Nevertheless, although investigating unobservable phenomena may seem unscientific, cognitive psychology continues to use the rigorous experimental methods and robust statistical analyses of behaviourism (Gardner, 2008). Therefore, in line with the hypothetico-deductive method cognitive psychologists develop precise theoretical hypotheses and then conduct well-controlled experiments in order to confirm or reject them (Gardner, 2008; Haig, 2005). By applying scientific methods researchers in the cognitive discipline are able to investigate complex systems such as information processing, language, attention, memory, and the effects of brain injury on cognition (Gardner, 2008).

Against psychology as a science

Hitherto evidence in support of psychology as a science has been examined; now arguments which contradict this notion will be considered. One important factor to consider when determining the scientific nature of psychology is that due to the complexity of brain function and human behaviour, control of all extraneous variables is almost impossible. For instance, in a study examining the relationship between depression and eating habits a psychologist would not be able to truly control for a person’s childhood experiences. In addition, much of the research in psychology does not employ double-blind procedures, even in studies of a clinical nature where it would be advantageous to do so (Lilienfeld, 2010). It is also likely that a researcher can never be completely certain that their hypothesis is true because psychological processes occur in the mind and are not readily accessible.

It is interesting that although the hypothetico-deductive approach to research is held in great esteem by many scientists and psychologists, it has also been heavily criticised (Haig, 2005). It has been argued that approaching research using the principles of empiricism means that the role of language and culture in psychological processes tend to be neglected (Hjorland, 2005). Furthermore, the nature of empirical studies means that generalisations are made by studying one population which may not be representative of all groups (Hjorland, 2005). It can be difficult to reconcile psychology with science when human behaviour varies across situations and over time. This means that testing an individual at one particular instance and situation is unlikely to provide an absolute explanation of any behaviour.

It is evident that there is a division within psychology as to how scientific it should be, which is determined by one’s perspective and priorities. For example, Lilienfeld (2010) strongly supports the idea that psychology should be a science but argues that a major threat to scientific psychology is the failure of empirical research to prevent or control confirmation bias. Confirmation bias is against scientific ideals because it involves the tendency for academics to look for evidence consistent with their hypotheses and to ignore, deny, or alter evidence that is in contrast to them (Lilienfeld, 2010). Thus, psychology is hindered by the desire of researcher’s to see what they want to see, and this has facilitated “dubious science, non-science, and even pseudoscience to take root and flourish in many quarters” (Lilienfeld, 2010, p. 282).

Another pertinent point is that not all areas of psychology adhere to strict methodological stipulations and are actually opposed to the idea of psychology being a science. For example, the humanistic psychology movement, which developed in the 1950s and 1960s partly as a reaction to psychoanalysis and behaviourism, emphasises the importance of an individual’s subjective way of thinking and personal perception (Elkins, 2008). For humanist psychologists, science has little place in psychology because only by investigating subjective experience can a true understanding of behaviour be realised (Elkins, 2008). Thus, humanists do not support empirical research involving rigorous testing and control and instead champion the precepts of free will, richness of experience and subjective understanding.

Humanists acknowledge the importance of the therapeutic relationship and the focus on an individual’s strengths (Elkins, 2008). Prominent supporters of humanistic psychology included Allport, Maslow, and Rogers (Elkins, 2008). Indeed, Carl Rogers developed client-centred therapy and was considered at one point the most influential psychologist in America (Elkins, 2008). Supporters of the humanistic perspective lament the dehumanising and deterministic nature of current psychology and humanism’s fall from favour (Elkins, 2008). They point out that despite the dominance of objective and scientific psychology, humanistic ideas permeate mainstream psychology and therapy (Elkins, 2008). It has been argued that mainstream, scientific psychology continues to undermine humanistic psychology and does not acknowledge its contributions to theory and academic literature (Elkins, 2008).

Conclusion

In summary, the extent to which psychology should be considered a science is a complex area of debate. Evidence in support of psychology’s scientific nature emphasises the benefits of conducting psychology research in line with the principles of hypothetico-deductivism such as greater control, replicability, and robust statistical analyses. Similar to science, in many areas of psychology objectivity is paramount, whilst subjectivity is frowned upon. For example, in the behaviourism and cognitive disciplines empirical research and the control of variables are highly important. Furthermore, some psychologists argue that psychology as a whole should be scientific and can be improved by following scientific principles (Lilienfeld, 2010). On the other hand, there are pitfalls to examining complex psychological processes in a scientific way such as difficulties with generalising findings to different populations, the practical impossibility of maintaining true control over all extraneous variables, and issues with conducting double-blind experiments.

In addition, it could be argued that psychology cannot be considered a science when confirmation bias remains so rampant in the field (Lilienfeld, 2010). Naturally, humanistic psychologists approach the debate from a different standpoint and wholly reject psychology as a science. They posit that mainstream psychology’s emphasis on laboratory experiments and objectivity has come at the cost of truly understanding individual experience and free will. Therefore, humanistic psychologists do not believe that psychology benefits from being (or trying to be) a science; rather psychologists should try to understand human behaviour from the perspective of the individual (Elkins, 2008). Consequently, it seems that psychology can be considered a science to a large extent. Nonetheless, its focus on the processes of the mind and behaviour means that it should not ignore potentially valuable, yet subjective, areas of investigation. However, one views psychology as a subject it is likely that its scientific identity will continue to cause controversy.

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